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From  the  collection  of  the 

7   n 

T>   «r   m 

o  Prelinger 

i     a 




San  Francisco,  California 




Agenda   for    the   American    people,    Clm.^-. 


Air  age  transportation,  Ogburn,   55 
Aladdin's     wonderful     lamp,     Kaempffert, 


Alcoholism,  roads  to,  Myerson,    49 
Allied   choices,   three,   Hill,   478 
American   choices,   Mlllis,    241 
American   invasion,   Mclver,   165 
Among   ourselves,    3,    35,    S3,    115 
Amphibious  medicine,  Brunner,  443 
Anti-discriminatory    legislation :      On    the 
calendar  of  our  consciences,  Polier,  Jus- 
tine and   Shad,  47 


"Alert,  the,"  painting  by  Alex  Mac- 
pherson,  203 

"Atomic  power,"  cartoon  by  Fitz- 
patrick,  356 

"Attila,"  etching  by  Ralph  Fabri,  155 

"Bernard  M.  Baruch."  bronze  sculp- 
ture by  Max  Kalish,  401 

"Britain's  heritage,"  wartime  post- 
ers, 184 

"Bullets  and  Barbed  Wire,"  drawing 
by  Kerr  Bby,  289 

China  in  wartime,  130 

"China's  pursuit  of  light,"  Li  Hwa, 
cover  illustration,  Apr. 

"Common  Stream  of  Justice,"  murals 
by  Boardman  Robinson,  236 

"Communal  Feeding  Center,"  painting 
by  Leonard  Daniels.  204 

Cover  illustrations,  see  Cover  illus- 

"Ebb  Tide,  Tarawa,"  drawing  by 
Kerr  Bby.  288 

"Encamped  Britain,"  paintings  by 
David  Lax,  158 

"Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt,  1882- 
1945,"  portrait  bust  by  Jo  David- 
son, 169 

"Ghost  Trail,"  drawing  by  Kerr  Eby, 

"Manufacturing  the  Larger  Size 
Bombs,"  painting  by  Leslie  Cole. 

"President  Harry  S.  Truman,"  bronze 
sculpture  by  Max  Kalish,  308 

"Ruby  Luftus,  skilled  war  worker," 
painting  by  Dame  Laura  Knight, 

"Sandbag      Workers,"      painting      by 

Ethel  Gabain,   205 
"Small  Mortar  Loading,"  drawing  by 

Kerr  Eby,    287 
"Tarawa :    Deathless    Victory    On    the 

Island  of  Death,"  drawing  by  Kerr 

Eby,    288 
"V-splrit    of    the    people,"    paintings, 

"Vannevar    Bush,"    bronze    sculpture 

by  Max  Kalish,   428 
"We    Couldn't    Have    Done    So    Good 

Without    Him,"    drawing    by    Kerr 

Eby,  289 

"Women's  Land  Army  :  Dairy  Train- 
ing," painting  by  Evelyn  Dunbar, 


Atlantic  Charter : 

Four  freedoms  and,   Shotwell,   172 
Text  of,   168 

Atomic  bombshell,  the.  Gilflllan,  357 
Atomic    energy,    control    of,    Shotwell     407 
Australia:   Partners  in   the  Soutlh  Pacific 
Nevins,    228 

Babies  on  the  doorstep,  Davis,   438 
Book  reviews : 

Abend,   Hallet,    Treaty  ports,  132 
Adams.  James  Truslow,  Big   business 

in   a   democracy,   453 
Alland     and     Wise,     The     Springfield 

plan,   449 

Authoritarian  attempt  to  capture  edu- 
cation, 451 

Baker,  Ray  Stannard,  American 
chronicle,  136 

Bartlett.  Ruhl  J.,  The  league  to  en- 
force peace,  69 

Beals,  Carleton.  et  al.  What  the 
South  Americans  think  of  us,  454 

Becker,  John,  Negro  in  American 
life,  332 

Berge,  Wendell.  Cartels  —  challenge 
to  a  free  world.  72 

Beveridge,  Sir  William,  The  price  of 
peace,  448 

Binper,   Carl,   The  doctor's  job.   299 

Brandt,  Karl,  The  recontruction  of 
world  agriculture,  136 

Brogan,  D.  W.,   The  free  state,  488 

Bryson,  Finkelstein,  and  Maclver, 
Approaches  to  world  peace,  69 

Buck,  Pearl  S..  Tell  the  people,  132 

Chase,  Stuart,  Democracy  under  pres- 
sure, 298 

Chase,  Stuart,  Men  at  work,  348 

Chatto  and  Halllgan.  The  story  of 
the  Springfield  plan,  449 

Churchill,  Henry  S.,  The  c-ity  is  the 
people,  449 

Clark,  John  Maurice,  DemobWasation 
of  wartime  economic  controls,  298 

Cleghorn,  Sarah,  The  seamless  robe, 

Colcord,  Carver,  Sea  language  conies 
ashore,  105 

Collins,  Frederick  L.,  Uncle  Sam's 
billion-dollar  baby.  455 

Daniels.  Josephus,  The  Wilson  Era : 
Years  of  peace — 1910-1917.  25 

Davis,  Harriet  Eager,  ed.,  Pioneers 
in  icorld  order,  448 

deHusxiu1.  George  B.,  New  perspec- 
tives on  peace,  104 

Du  Bois,  W.  E.  B.,  Color  and  democ- 
racy, 415 

Duffus.  R.  L.,  The  valley  and  its  peo- 
ple. 71 

Karhart,    Mary.    Frances   Willard,    74 

Eddy,  Sherwood,  /  have  seen  God 
work  in  China.  132 

Kmbree,  John  P.,  The  Japanese  na- 
tion, 415 

Ernst,  Morris  L.,  The  best  is  yet,  297 

Feis.  Herbert,  The  sinews  of  peace, 

Finer,  Herman,  The  TV  A  —  lessons 
for  international  application,  71 

Finletter.  Thomas  K.,  Can  repre- 
sentative government  do  the  job 

Fitzpatrick,  Edward,  McCarthy  of 
Wisconsin,  74 

Fleisher.  Wilfrid,  What  to  do  with 
Japan,  134 

Forman.  Harrison,  Report  from  Red 
China,  132 

Fry,  Varian,  Surrender  on  demand. 
349  , 

Ooldmann.  Franz,  Public  medical 
care.  488 

Gordon,  R.  A.,  Business  leadership 
in  the  large  corporation.  298 

Graham,  George  A.,  and  Reining-. 
Henry.  Jr.,  Regulatory  administra- 
tion, 28 

Gruber.  Ruth,  7  went  to  the  Soviet 
Arctic,  73 

Hansen,  Alvin  H.,  America's  role  in 
the  world  economy,  348 

Hansen.  Alvin  H..  and  Perloff,  Har- 
vey S.,  State  and  local  finance  in 
the  national  economy,  27 

Harvard  Committee,  General  educa- 
tion in  a  free  society.  376 

Hauser,  Heinrich,  The  German  talks 
back,  488 

Hinshaw,  David,  A  man  from  Kansas, 

Jaffe,  Bernard,  Men  of  science  in 
America,  348 

Jensen,  Vernon  H.,  Lumber  and  la- 
bor, 454 

Juran,  J.  M.,  Bureaucracy:  A  chal- 
lenge to  better  management,  28 

Kingdon.   Frank,  An  uncommon  man  : 

Henry  Wallace  and  60  million  jobi, 

T.a   Farge,   Oliver,   Raw  material,  347 

Ijasker,  Bruno.  Asia  on  the  more, 

Lawrence,  Josephine,  Let  us  consider 
one  another,  331 

Lorwin,  Lewis  L.,  Time  for  planning, 

MacNeil.  Neil,  An  American  peace, 

Maki,  John  M.,  Japanese  militarism, 
its  cause  and  cure,  331 

McWilliams,  Carey,  Prejudice :  Jap- 
anese Americans,  symbol  of  racial 
intolerance,  415 

Miller,  Arthur.   Situation  normal,   138 

Milletl.  Fred  B.,  The  rebirth  of  lib- 
eral education,  137 

Mises,  Ludwig  von,  Omnipotent  gov- 
ernment, 104 

Morgan,  Arthur  E.,  Edward  Bellamy, 

Mumford,  Lewis,  City  development, 

Murphy.  Gardner,  ed..  Human  na- 
ture and  endurinij  pence,  416 

Niggi,  Josephina,  Mexican  village, 

Norris,  George  E.,  Fiuhtino  liberal. 

Ortega  y  Gasset,  Jose,  Mission  of  the 
university,  137 

Palencia,  Isabel  de,  Smouldering  free- 
dom, 450 

Payne,   Robert.   Forerrr  China,   450 

Perry,  Ralph  Barton,  One  world  in 
the  makintj.  447 

Richter,  Werner,  Re-educating  Ger- 
many, 415 

Pink,  Louis  H.,  Freedom  from  fear, 
an  author  replies,  75 

Rosenman,  Dorotihy,  Million  homes 
a  year,  296 

Rosinger,  Lawrence  K..  China's  crisis. 

Roth.     Andrew,     Dilemma    in    Japan, 

RumI,  Beardsley,  Tomorrow's  busi- 
ness, 298 

Sands  and  Lalley,  Our  jungle  diplo- 
macy, 70 

Shaw,  Bernard.  Everybody's  political 
what's  what,  70 

Smith  and  Zucher,  A  dictionary  of 
American  politics,  75 

Snow,  Edgar,  Pattern  of  Soviet 
power.  490 

Staley,  Eugene.  World  economic  de- 
velopment, 70 

Stapleton.  Laurence,  Justice  and 
world  society,  72 

Stegner.  Wallace,   One  nation.  452 

Tillich,  Paul  J.,  et  al,  The  Christian 
answer,  448 

Tocqueyille,  Alexis  de.  Democracy  in 
America.  332 

Tong,  Hollington  K.,  China  after 
seven  years  of  war,  132 

Twentieth  Century  Fund,  The  pnti-rr 
industry  and  the  public  interest,  71 

Wales,  Nym,  The  Chinese  labor 
movement,  132 

Walton,  Frank  L.,  Thread  of  victory, 

Warburg,  James  P.,  Foreign  policy 
br/iins  at  home.  69 

Ward,  Robert  S.,  Asia  for  the  Asi- 
afirs,  414 

Welles,  Sumner.  ed..  An  intelligent 
American's  guide  to  peace,  349 

White,  Walter,  A  rising  wind.  452 

Ziff.  William  B.,  The  gentlemen  talk 
of  peace.  70 

Zucker.  Morris,  The  philosophy  of 
American  History,  489 

Bridges    of    the    future,    Shotwell.    James 

T.,   37 

British    viewpoints,    symposium,    185 
By  their  French  bootstraps,  Roche,   476 

California's  health  insurance  drama,   Sar- 

tain,  440 
Canada :    Northern    neighbor,    MacCormac, 


Cartoons :    Fitzpatrick    in    St.    Louis    Post- 
Dispatch,   Mar.   cover 

Charter  of  the  Golden  Gate,  Shotwell,  309 
Child    labor:    They    harvest    New    York's 

crops,  Close,  21 

China  in  wartime,  woodcuts,   130 
Citizenship,    trail-blazers    in,    Carlson,    362 
Clean  sweep  in   Puerto   Rico,   Clark,   63 
Close-up,  Gannett,  15'J 
Collective  bargaining-,   new  boundaries   in, 

Harris,   433 
Congress:     Will     Congress    clean     house? 

Kreighbaum,   409 
Conscription,   postwar,   why  now?  Thayer. 

Cover   illustrations  : 

Bow     of     hospital     ship     "Solace,"     of 

Okinawa    ( photograph ) ,    Nov. 
Call   to  work    (photograph),   Oct. 
Cartoon    by   Fitzpatrick,    Mar. 
Crossed  flags,  Reiss,  May 
Helicopter,    Aviation    News,    Feb. 
Hungry,    stateless,    displaced    persons 

(photograph),   Dec. 
Liberty  alight  after  V-E  Day   (photo- 
graph), June 

Modern  research,    U.   S.  Rubber  Com- 
pany  (photograph),  Jan. 
"Pursuit  of  liglht,"  Li  Hwa,  Apr. 
Stettinius.    Edward    R.    (photograph), 

Television  control  rfoom  (photograph). 


Victory,    Sept. 
Crops,    New    York's,   harvest   of,   Close,    21 

Delinquents,   they  can  be  made  over,  Mc- 

Cormick,   127 
Displaced      persons :      A      USA      close-up, 

Karpf,   282 
Dumbarton   hopes,   Mowrer,    3 


Economic  bill   of  rights.  Murray.   397 
"Economic     high     command,"     Batt     and 

Mullen,   181 
Education : 

In   a   complex   world,    Hansen,    103 
Reconversion  on  the  campus,  Thomp- 
son,  366 
Veteran     goes    to    college,    Andrews, 

Electron  tube  :  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp, 

Kaempffert,    89 
Employment,  full : 
Act  of  1945,    395 
American    bill :    From    patchwork    to 

purpose,   Keyserling,    95 
British    plan :    What    Beveridge    pro- 
poses,    Stewart,     93 
Postwar  taxes  and,  Newcomer,  60 
Europe  and  the  Mediterranean,  Dean,  190 

Farmers   must   go  fishing,   Davis,   125 
Figlhting  against  time.  Lehman,   474 
Finch,  Earl  M.,   "An  ordinary  American." 

Close,  52 

Flanner  House    (photographs),   338 
Fortunate  city,   Riis  and   Waldron,   339 
Four  freedoms : 

Atlantic  charter  and,   Shotwell.   172 

Text  of,   170 

From  the  rubble  up,  Hagen,   477 
Full  Employment  Act  of   1945.   395 
Future   is  already  here,   Amidon,   6 


Germany : 

Four   horsemen   over,   Hagen,    434 
Looking  in  on  the  Germans.  Hansen, 


What  shall  we  do  about?  Shotwell.  99 
Ginger     in     the     British     medicine    chest. 

Davis,   212 

Go  political,  young  man,  Fischer,   322 
Great  Britain : 

American    invasion,   Mclver,    165 
British    viewpoints:    As    tihey    ft-    it. 

Ginger  In  the  British  medicine  chest. 

Davis,   212 

Things   of    the   spirit,    Commager.    237 
United       Kingdom       since       Dunkirk. 

Browne,   206 

What  the  British  face.  Coyle.  213 
When  the  coalition  ends,   Barnes,   2"! 
Great  partnership,   the,  Reed.   178 


Hatch.   D.    Sprncer :    Neighbor    in    n    Jlcxi- 

can  valley,   McEvoy,    290 
Health  : 

Babies  on  the  doorstep,  Davis,  438 
Better,  for  country  folks.   Glover  and 

Harding,    372 
California's     insurance     drama.     S;>r- 

tain,   440 

Care  for  all,  Davis,   280 
Farmers   must   go   fishing,   Davis,    }-'< 
Ginger   in  the  British  medicine  chi-si. 

Davis,    212 

Legs   of   the   hospital   bed.    Davis.    :!2S 
More  things   than  one,   Davis",    342 
Progress,   a   milestone   in,   Davis,    185 
Public    health    in    the    postwar    world. 

Winslow,   119 
Statesmen      discover      medical      care, 

Davis,    101 

Today   and    tomorrow,    Davis.    40 
When   doctors  disagree,    Davis,    412 
Housing,   public,   charts   its  course,    Klutz- 
nick,    15 

India,    Pacific   basin   and.   Carter,    199 
Insurance,       buying,       against       sickness. 

Klem,    483 
Interdependent   world,    Shotwell,    359 

Japanese-Americans : 

Ordinary  American,   an,   Close,    52 
We're  Americans  again.  Toriumi,  325 

Joe    Doakes,    patriot,    deFord,    43 

Labor : 

Problem  .with  a  future,   Lewar,   19 
They      harvest      New      York's      crops. 

Close,    21 
Land — and    the    Union    of    South    Africa, 

Bennett.    232 

Last  hundred   thousand.  Harrison,    460 
Legislation,    anti-discriminatory  :    On    the 
calendar  of  our  consciences,  Polier,  Jus- 
tine and  Shad,  47 

Legs  of  the  hospital  bed,  Davis,  32S 
Lend-lease,    two-way    (photographs),    172- 

Letters  and  life,  Hansen  : 

Education  in  a  complex  world.    10" 
Looking  in  on   Germany,    24 
To  be  young,  poor,  and  black,  68 
West  and  the  Far  East,  131 
White  of  Emporia,  487 
Letters     to     the     editor:     About     "Juan," 

Garcia,   305 

Life  savers,  new.  Galdston.   292 
London's    burning.    Stuther    (poetry).    217 
Looking   in    on   the   Germans.    Hansen.    24 


Maps :   Niger  and   its   territory,   9 
Medical    care,    statemen    discover,    Davis, 


Medicine,    amphibious,    Brunner.    443 
Mediterranean,     Europe     and     the.     Dean. 

Milestone   in   health  progress,   Davis,    485 


National     personnel     department,     Corson 

Negroes  : 

Fortunate    city.     Riis    and     Waldron, 

"My    Happy    Days,"    these    make    up 

(photographs),  (ifi 

To   be   young,   poor,   and   black,   Han- 
sen,  Harry.    68 
Neighbor   in    a   Mexican    valley,    McEvov, 


New  Zealand,   partners   in   the   South   Pa- 
cific. Ncvins,  228 
Niger  valley,   Rossin.   8 

Norris,    George    W.  :    Champion    of    popu- 
lar rights,  Hansen.   295 


On   the   calendar   of  our   consciences,   Po- 
lier,  Justine  and   Shad,    47 
Our   "endless  frontier,"   Shotwell,    429 
Our  last  great  chance,  Agar,   153 

Pacific  Basin  and  India,  Carter,  199 

Palestine     as     a     refuge     from     fascism, 
Hirschmann,    195 

Palisades,  the — 3d  call,  Lament,   317 

Peace : 

Bread  and.  Dewey,   117 

Empty    pay   envelopes   and.    Hal!,    DIM 

Permanente     Health     Plan,     that     Kaiser 
built,  Garfield,   480 

Personnel    department,    a    national,    Cor- 
son,  432 

Photographs  : 

Aircraft  to  lit  varying  postwar  needs, 


"Along  the  Palisades."  320 
Blitzed   cities   look  ahead,    218-220 
i  >ewey,   John,    116 
Flanner  House,   338 
Fortunate  few,   the,   468 
del  tins?  acquainted,    162-164 
"Lest    we   forget,"    392-393 
"My    Happy    Pays."    these    make    ui>. 


"On    the   Niger   River."    2 
San    Quentin    prison,    war    production, 


ShoUvell.   James   T.,   36 
Szoltl.   Henriftta.    18KO-1945,    84 
Two-way,    172-177 
"V"    that   does   not  stand   for   victory, 


Wagner,  Robert  F.,   276 
Poetry:    London's   Burning,    Struther,    217 
Political:    Cli-an    sweep    in    Puerto     Rico 

Clark,    63 
Postwar  : 

Air  age  transportation,   Ogburn.    55 
('(inscription,   why   how?    Thayer,   314 
Future  is  already  here,  Amidon.  6 
Health — today    and    tomorrow,    l>avis, 

Public    health    in    the    postwar    world. 

Winslow,   11!) 

Taxes    and     full     employment.     New- 
comer, 60 

Public    housing    charts    its    course,    Klutz- 
nick,    15 
Puerto   Rico,   clean   sweep   In,   Clark.    63 


Race    relations :    Fortunate   city,    Riis   nnd 

Waldron,    339 
Reconversion  : 

Is  not  enough,  Haber,   389 

On    the   campus.    Thompson,    :ii;ii 
Roads  to   alcoholism,    Myerson,    49 

San  Quentin   prison  :   Joe   Dnakcs,   patriot. 

deFord,  43 

Security,    more   secure,   Corson.    277 
"Sixty   million   jobs"    if — ,    Amidon.    400 
Social    security,    ten    years    of,    Altmever, 

Statesmen    discover    medical    care,    Davis, 

Szold,   Henrietta,    1860-1945  (photograph), 


Taxes,     postwar,     and     full     employment, 

Newcomer,    60 

Television  in   1960,  Kaempffert,   344 
Things  of  the  spirit,   Ciimmagor,    237 
Toward  a  bigger  pie,  Grant,    285 
Trail-blazers    in    citizenship.    Carlson,    362 
Transportation,   air  age,    iiuliurn,    55 


Unemployment:  Empty  pay  envelopes  and 
peace,  Hall,  394 

Union  of  South  Africa,  land  and,  Ben- 
nett, 232 

United  Kingdom  since  Dunkirk,  Browne, 

Veterans : 

As  uniforms  are  shed,  Buell,  401 
Goes  to  college,  Andrews;  402 


Wagner,  Robert  F   (photograph),   276 
War     production,     San     Quentin     prison, 

deFord,  43 

West  and   the  Far  East,  Hansen.   131 
White,    William   Allen,    of    Emporia.    Han 

sen,    487 

Without  a   country.  Chamberlain,   85 
World   War  II : 

American    invasion,   Mclver,    165 
Common  tasks  and  common  purposes, 

Roosevelt,  170 
"Economic  hig'h  command."  Batt  and 

Mullen,   181 

Great  partnerships,   the   Reed.    178 
How     one     partner     prized     another 

Churchill,    167 
United     Kingdom      since     Dunkirk. 

Browne,   206 
What   the    British    face.    Coyle,    213 

Yalta   charter,   from,    to   the   Golden   Gate. 
Shotwell,    123 


Agar.  H.rbert.  <iur  last  great  chance.   153 
AJtmeyer,    Arthur   J.,    Ten    years   of   social 

security,   368 
Amidon,   BeulaJh  : 

"Best    is    yet,    the,"    Morris    L.    Ernst 

(book   review),    297 
Future   is  already   here,   the,    6 
"One  nation,"  Wallace  Stegner   (book 

review),   452 

"Sixty  million  jobs"   if — ,   400 
Andrews,    John    N.,    Veteran    goes   to   col- 
lege, 402 

Arnold,    Thurman,    "Cartels — challenge    to 
a    free    world,"    Wendell    Berge     (book 
review),    72 
Ascher,   Charles   S.  : 

"Bureaucracy  :    A    challenge    to    bet- 
ter    management,"     J.      M.     Juran 
(book  review),   28 

"Regulatory  administration,"  George 
A.  Graham  and  Henry  Reining,  Jr. 
(book  review),  28 

"Uncle     Sam's     billion-dollar     baby." 
Frederick     L.      Collins      (book     re- 
view).  455 
"Valley    and    its    people,    the,"    R.    L. 

Duffus    (book    review),    71 
Astbury,    B.    E.,    British    viewpoint,    189 
Barker,     Sir     Ernest,     British     viewpoint, 

Barnes.  Joseph,  When   the  coalition   ends. 

Batt,  William    I,.,   and   Mullen,   Robert  R., 

"Economic   toigh    command,"    181 
Bennett,   Hugh    H.,   Land — and   the  Union 

of  South  Africa,    232 

Beveridge,  Sir  William,  British  view- 
point, 185 

Bradley,     Phillips.      "McCarthy     of     Wis- 
consin."   Edward    Fitzpatrick    (book   re- 
view).   74 
Browne,    Mallory,    United    Kingdom    since 

Dunkirk,   206 

Brunner,     Endre     K.,     Amphibious     medi- 
cine.   443 
Buell,     Bradley.     As    uniforms    are    shed, 

Burris,    Quincy    Guy.    "Mexican    village," 

Josephine   Niggli    (book   review),    454 
Buttenheim,   Harold    S..    "Million   homes  a 
year,"     Dorothy    Rosenman     (book     re- 
view),  296 

Carey,  Jane  Perry  Clark,  "Can  repre- 
sentative government  do  the  job," 
Thomas  K.  Ftnletter  (book  review), 

Carlson,  Avis  D.,  Trail-blazers  in  citizen- 
ship, 362 

Carter,  Edward  C.,  Pacific  basin  and  In- 
dia, ,199 

Chamberlain.  Joseph  P.,  Wittiout  a   coun- 
try, 85 
Chase.    Stuart,    Agenda   for   the  American 

people,   13 
Churchill,      Winston.      How     one     partner 

prized  another,   167 
Clark.    Dean    A..    "Public    medical    care," 

Franz   Goldmann    (book   review),    488 
Clark,  Marjorie  R.,  Clean  sweep  in  Puerto 

Rico,   63 
Clark,     Sir     Kenneth,     British     viewpoint, 

Close,  Kathryn: 

Ordinary  American,  an,  52 
They    harvest    New    York's    crops     21 
Commager.    Henry    Steele.    Things    of    the 

spirit,  237 
Constant,    Julie    d'Estournelles   de : 

"An  intelligent  American's  guide  to 
peace,"  Sumner  Welles,  ed.  (book 
review),  349 

"Price  of  peace,"   Sir  William   Bever- 
idge   (book  review),   448 
"The   gentlemen   talk  of  peace,"  'Wil- 
liam B.  Ziff   (book  review),   70 
Corson,  John  J.  : 

More   secure   security,    277 
National    personnel    department.     433 
Coyle,   David  Cushman.  What   the  British 

face,    213 
Dacey,    W.    Manning,     British    viewpoint, 

Davidson,   Jo,  Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt 

1882-1945,  portrait  bust,    169 
Davis,  Kingsley : 

"Asia    on    the    move,"    Bruno    Lasker 

(book  review),   135 

"Japanese    militarism,    its    cause    and 
cure,"     John     M.     Maki     (book     re- 
view),  331 
Davis,   Michael  M. : 

Babies  on  the  doopstep,  438 
Farmers  must  go  fishing.  125 

Ginger  in  the  British  medicine  chest, 

Health — today   and   tomorrow,    40 
Health  care  for  all,  280 

Legs  of  the  hospital  bed,   328 
Milestone    in   .health   progress,    485 
.More  things  than  one 
Statesmen  discover  medical  c;^ : 
"The      doctors      job."      Carl      Binger 

(book  review),   299 
Whi'ii   (inctor?  disagree,   412 
Iv.'in.     Yera     Alicheles,     Europe    and     the 

Mediterranean,    190 

deFord,  Miriam  Allen,  Joe  Uoakes,  pa- 
triot, 43 

Dewey,  John,  Peace  and  bread,   117 
Dickerman,    Judson    C..     "The    power    in- 
dustry   and    the    public    interest"    (book 

review).     71 

Dodds.  Harold  W..  "The  rebirth  of  lib- 
eral education,"  Fred  B.  Millett  (bonk 
review),  137 

Eby,    Kerr,   drawings   by,    287-289 
lOliel,   Paul,    "Lumber  and   labor,"   Vernon 

H.  Jensen    (book  review),   454 
Fabri,  Ralph,  "Attila,"  etching,   155 
Feibleman,     James,     "Justice     and     world 
society,"   Laurence   Stapleton    (book   re- 
view),   72 
Fischer,    Louis,    Go   political,    young    man, 


Gaklston,    lago.    New    life   savers,    292 
Gannett.  Lewis  ,S..  Close-up,   159 
Garcia,   J.    D.,   Letters  about   "Juan,"    305 
Garfield,  Sidney   R.,  The  plan  that  Kaiser 

built,   480 

Gibson,    George,    British    viewpoint,    188 
Gilfillan,     S.     Colum,     Atomic     bombshell, 

Glover,   Katherine  : 

Better   health    for  country    folks,    372 

"The   TVA — lessons   for   international 

application."    Herman    Finer    (book 

review).    71 

Granger,     Lester     B.,     "Rising    wind,     a," 

Walter  White    (book  review),   452 
Grant,   Ellsworth   S. : 

"Big  business  in  a  democracy,"  James 
Truslow  Adams    (book  review),  453 
Toward  a  bigser  pie.  285 
Giver,     Guy,     "The    city     is    the    people," 
Henry  S.   Churchill    (book   review).    44!) 
Gruenberg,   Benjamin  C.,   "Men   of  science 
in    America,"    Bernard    Jaffe    (book   re- 
view),   348 
Haber,      William,      Reconversion      is      not 

enough,    389 
Hagan.    Pan  1  : 

Four  horsemen  over  Germany,   434 
From  the   rubble   up,   477 
Hall,    Helen.    Empty    pay    envelopes — and 

peace,  394 
Han.sen.  Harry  : 

Back     into     the     democratic .  stream 

(book   reviews),    347 
Education  in  a  complex  world,   103 
"Fighting     liberal,     autobiography    of 
rjje   W.    Norris"    (hook   review) 
Governing      a      troubled      community 

(book    reviews),    330 
Harvard's   sixteen    courses    (book   re- 
view),   376 

Looking  in   on  the  Germans,   24 
Morality   in   the  modern   world    (book 

review),   447 
Three    views    of   Japanese    life    (book 

reviews),    414 

To  be  young,  poor,  and  black,  68 
West  and  the  Par  East,   131 
White    of     Emporia     (book     review), 

Harding,     T.     Svvann,     Better     health     for 

country    folks.    374 

Harris,  Herbert,  New  boundaries  of  col- 
lective bargaining,  433 

Harrison,  Earl  G.,  The  last  hundred  thou- 
sand,   469 
Hartley,     Sir    Harold,     British     viewpoint. 

Haynes,     George     E.,     British     viewpoint, 

Herrick,  Elinore  M.,  "Smouldering  free- 
dom," Isabel  de  Palenia  (book  review) 

Hill,    Russell,   Three  Allied  choices,    478 

Hintz,  Howard  W.,  "Democracy  in  Amer- 
ica," Alexis  de  Tocqueville  (book  re- 
view), 332 

Hirschmann,  Ira  A.,  Palestine — as  a  ref- 
uge from  fascism,  195 

Hogg,   Quintin,    British   viewpoint.    187 

Holmes,  Oliver.  "Our  jungle  diplomacy  " 
Sands  and  Lalley  (book  review),  70 

James,  Earle  K.,  "What  the  South 
Americans  think  of  us,"  Carleton  Beals 
et  al  (book  review),  454 

Johnson,   F.    Ernest : 

"Christian  answer,   the,"  Paul  .1.    Til- 

lich,  et  al    (book  review),   448 
"The  seamless  robe,"  Sarah  Clegliorn 
(book  review),   416 

Jones,    Allan    Creech,     British    viewpoint, 

Kaempffert,  Waldemar  : 

Aladdin's   wonderful  lamp,   89 
Television   in   1960,   344 
Karpf,    Ruth,    Displaced   persons :   A   USA 

close-up,   282 

Kellogg,   Richard  Patrick,   "Situation  nor- 
mal." Arthur  Miller   (book  review),  138 
Keyserling,  Leon  H. : 

From  patchwork  to  purpose,  full  em- 
ployment,   95 
"Time    for    planning,"    Lewis   L.   Lor- 

win    (book   review).   377 
Klem,     Margaret     C.,     Buying     insurance 

against  sickness,   483 
Klutznick,      Philip      M.,      Public      housing 

charts  its  course,  15 
Kreigihbaum,   Hillier,   Will   Congress  clean 

house?  409 
Laider,     Harry    W..     "Edward     Bellamy," 

Arthur  E.  Morgan    (book  review),   26 
Lament,  Corliss,  The  Palisades — 3rd  call 

Lasker,   Bruno  : 

China  from  the  bottom  up    (book  re- 
views),   132 
"China's    crisis,"    Lawrence    K.    Ros- 

inger    (book  review),   348 
Laski,    Harold   J.,    British    viewpoint,    180 
Lasswell,    Harold    D.,    "Demobilization    of 
wartime  economic  controls,"  John  Mau- 
rice Clark    (book  review),    298 
Lax,    David,    "Encamped    Britain,"    paint- 
ings by,    158 
Lehman,    Herbert    H.,    Fighting    against 

Lewars,     Diana,    Labor    problem    with    a 

future,   19 

Lindeman.  Eduard  C.,  "City  develop- 
ment," Lewis  Mumford  (book  review), 

Lindsay,    Kenneth,    British    viewpoint,    187 
Locke,    Alain  : 

"Color    and     democracy,"    W.     E      B 

DuBois   (book  review),   415 
"Negro      in      American      life,"      John 

Becker    (book   review),    332 
MacCormac.  John,  Northern  neighbor,  225 
MacDonald,    Lois,     "Wtorld    economic    de- 
velopment,"   Eugene    Staley     (book    re- 
view),   70 

Mallon,    J.    J..    British   viewpoint.    187 
McCormick,     Elsie,     They     can     be     made 

over,   127 
McDonald,  James  G. : 

"New  perspectives  on  peace,"  George 
B.     deHuszar,     ed     (book    review), 

"The   sinews  of  peace,"   Herbert  Feis 
(book   review),    104 

McEntire,  Davis,  "Prejudice :  Japanese 
Americans,  symbol  of  racial  intoler- 
ance," Carey  McWilliams  (book  re- 
view), 415 

McEvoy,  J.  P.,  Neighbor  in  a  Mexican 
valley,  290 

Mclver,  Honora  Bruere,  American  in- 
vasion, 165 

Mead,  Nelson  P.,  "Surrender  on  demand  " 
Varian  Fry  (book  review),  349 

Mickle,  Joe  J..  "What  to  do  with  Japan  " 
Wilfrid  Fleisher  (book  review),  134 

Millis,    Walter,    American   choices,    241 

Moorhead,  Helen  Hovvell,  "Pioneers  in 
world  order,"  Harriet  Eager  Davis,  ed 
(book  review),  448 

Mowrer,    Edgar  Ansel.  Dumbarton  hopes   3 

Mullen,  Robert  R.,  see  Batt.  William  L 

Murray,  Philip,  An  economic  hill  of  rights, 

Myerson,  Abraham,  Roads  to  alcoholism 

Neilson,  William  A,  "Mission  of  the  uni- 
versity." Jose  Ortega  y  Gasset  (book 
review),  137 

Neumann.  Sigmund.  "Re-educating  Ger- 
many," Werner  Riohter  (book  review). 

Nevins,  Allan,  Partners  in  the  South  Pa- 
cific. 228 

Newcomer,  Mabel.  Postwar  taxes  and  full 
employment.  60 

Ogburn,  William  Fielding,  Air  age  trans- 
portation, 55 

Phillips.  Lena  Madsin,  "Frances  Wil- 
lard,"  Mary  Earhart  (book  review)  74 

Pink,  Louis  H.,  An  author  replies,  Free- 
dom from  fear,  75 

Polier,  Justine  and  Shad,  On  the  calendar 
of  our  consciences,  47 

Reading,   Lady,    British  viewpoint,    188 

Reed.  Philip  D.. 'Great  partnership,    178 

Reiss,   Winold,  cover  illustration  by.  May 

Riis,  Roger  William,  and  Waldron, 
Webb,  Fortunate  city,  339 

Roche,  Josephine,  By  their  French  boot- 
straps, 476 

Roosevelt,     Franklin     D..     Common     tasks 

and  common  purposes,   170 
Rosinger,  Lawrence  K.,   "Forever  China," 

Robert  Payne    (book  review),   450 
Rossin,    Maurice   Claude,    The    Niger   val- 
ley,  8 

Ryan,  John  M.,   British  viewpoint,   189 
Ryan  W.  Carson,   "Authoritarian  attempt 
to    capture    education"     (book    review). 

Sartain,  Geraldine,   California's  health  in- 
surance  drama,    440 
Scandrett  Richard  B.,  Jr.  : 

"American      chronicle,"      Ray      Stun- 

nard   Baker    (book  review),    136 
"Everybody's    political    what's   what," 
Bernard    Shaw     (book    review),    70 
Shinwell,   Emanuel,   British   viewpoint,  188 
Shotwell,    James   T. : 

Bridges  of  the  future,  37 
Charter  of  the   Golden  Gate,    309 
Control  of  atomic  energy,  407 
Four    freedoms    and    Atlantic    Char- 
ter,   172 

From   Yalta   to   the   Golden  Gate,    123 
Interdependent    world,    359 
Our  "endless  frontier,"  429 
What    Shall    we    do    about    Germany? 

Springer,    Gertrude : 

"Let  us  consider  one  another,"  Jose- 
phine Lawrence  (book  review). 

"Sea  language  comes  ashore,"  Carver 

Colcord    (book   review),    105 
Stiger,  Andrew  J. : 

"I   went   to   the   Soviet   Arctic,"   Ruth 

Oruber    (book  review),    73 
"Pattern     of     Soviet     power,"     Edgar 

Snow    (book  review),   490 
Stevens,   Alden,    "The  Wilson   Era :   Years 
of     peace — 1910-1917."     Josephus     Dan- 
iels   (book   review),    25 
Stewart,   Maxwell   S.  : 

"America's  role  in  the  world  econ- 
omy," Alvin  H.  Hansen  (book  re- 
view), 348 

What    Beveridge   proposes.    93 
Struther,  Jan,  London's  burning  (poetry), 


Studenski,   Paul,    "State  and   local  finance 
in   the   national   economy."   Hansen   and 
Perloff   (book  review),   27 
Summerkill,   Edith.   British  viewpoint,   187 
Tead,   Ordway : 

"Business  leadership  in  the  large  cor- 
poration."  R.   A.   Gordon    (book  re- 
view).  298 
"Democracy   under   pressure,"    Stuart 

Chase    (book   review),    298 
"Human   nature  and  enduring  peace," 
Gardner     Murphy,     ed.      (Book     re- 
view).   416 
"Men   at   work,"    Stuart   Chase    (book 

review),    348 

"Omnipotent  government,"  Ludwig 
von  Mises,  104 

"Tomorrow's      business,"      Bearsdley 

Rural   (book  review),  298 
Thayer,  V.  T. : 

"Springfield    plan,    the,"    Alland    and 

Wise    (book   review),    449 
"Story  of  the  Springfield  plan,"  Chat- 
to  and  Halligan    (book  review),  449 
Why   postwar   conscription    now?    314 
Thompson,    C.    Mildred,    Reconversion    on 

the  campus,   366 
Toriumi,      Sophie      and      Donald.      We're 

Americans  again,   325 
Trevelyan,    George   M.,    British   viewpoint, 


Vansittart,  Lord,  British  viewpoint,  185 
Waldron,  Webb,  see  Riis,  Roger  William 
Walker,  Snyder  H. : 

"The     free     state,"     D.     W.     Brogan 

(book  reviews),   488 
"The    German    talks    back,"    Heinrich 

Hauser    (book  review),   488 
Waring,   P.   Alston,   "An  uncommon   man  : 
Henry    Wallace    and    60    million    jobs," 
Frank   Kingdon    (book   review),    378 
Weybright,  Victor,  British  viewpoint,   185 
Wilson,     M.     L.,     "The     reconstruction     of 
world   agriculture,"    Karl    Brandt    (book 
review),   136 
Winant,    John    G.,    British    and    ourselves, 

Winslow,    C.-E.    A.,    Public   health    in    the 

postwar   world,    119 

Xeichner,  Oscar,  "Philosophy  of  American 
history,"  Morris  Zucker  (book  review), 

JflNU^RV   IQ45 




The  Future  Is  Already  Here 

Introduction  by  BEULAH  AMIDON  of  a  scries  for"l945 

Niger  Valley:  A  New  Colonial  Pattern— Maurice  Rossin 

)umbarton  Hopes— Edgar  Mowrer  •  American  Agenda— Stuart  Chase 

Western  Union  Election  •  Public  Housing  •  Migrant  Harvesters 

General  Electric  answers  your  questions  about 


Q.  What  will  sets  cost  after  the  war? 

A.  It  is  expected  that  set  prices  will  begin 
around  $200,  unless  there  are  unfore- 
seen changes  in  manufacturing  costs. 
Higher  priced  models  will  also  receive 
regular  radio  programs,  and  in  addition 
FM  and  international  shortwave  pro- 
grams. Perhaps  larger  and  more  ex- 
pensive sets  will  include  built-in  phono- 
graphs with  automatic  record  changers. 

Q.  How  big  will  television  pictures  be? 

A.  Even  small  television  sets  will  prob- 
ably have  screens  about  8  by  10  inches. 
(That's  as  big  as  the  finest  of  pre-war 
sets.)  In  more  expensive  television  sets, 
screens  will  be  as  large  as  18  by  24 
inches.  Some  sets  may  project  pictures 
on  the  wall  like  home  movies.  Natur- 
ally, pictures  will  be  even  clearer  than 
those  produced  by  pre-war  sets. 

Q.  What  kind  of  shows  will  we  see? 

A.  All  kinds.  For  example:  (1)  Studio 
stage  shows — dancers,  vaudeville,  plays, 
opera,  musicians,  famous  people.  (2) 
Mo  vies  can  be  broadcast  to  you  by  tele- 
vision. (3)  On-the-spot  pick-up  of  sports 
events,  parades,  news  happenings.  G.E. 
has  already  produced  over  900  tele- 
vision shows  over  its  station,  WRGB, 
in  Schenectady. 

Q.  Where  can  television  be  seen  now? 

A.  Nine  television  stations  are  operating 
today — in  Chicago,  Los  Angeles,  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  and  Schenectady. 
Twenty-two  million  people — about  one- 
fifth  of  all  who  enjoy  electric  service — 
live  in  areas  served  by  these  stations. 
Applications  for  more  than  80  new  tele- 
vision stations  have  been  filed  with  the 
Federal  Communications  Commission. 

Q.  Will  there  be  television  networks? 

A.  Because  television  waves  are  practi- 
cally limited  by  the  horizon,  networks 
will  be  accomplished  by  relay  stations 
connecting  large  cities.  General  Electric 
set  up  the  first  network  five  years  ago, 
and  has  developed  new  tubes  that  make 
relaying  practical.  G-E  station  WRGB, 
since  1939,  has  been  a  laboratory  for 
engineering  and  programming. 

Q.  What  is  G.  E.'s  part  in  television? 

A.  Back  in  1928,  a  General  Electric  en- 
gineer, Dr.E.  F.  W.  Alexanderson,  gave 
the  first  public  demonstration.  Before 
the  war,  G.  E.  was  manufacturing  both 
television  transmitters  and  home  receiv- 
ers. It  will  again  build  both  after  Victory. 
Should  you  visit  Schenectady,  you  are 
invited  to  WRGB's  studio  to  see  a 
television  show  put  on  the  air. 

TELEVISION,  another  example  of  G-E  research 

Developments  by  General  Electric  scientists  and  engi- 
neers, working  for  our  armed  forces  in  such  new  fields  as 
electronics,  of  which  television  is  an  example,  will  help 
to  bring  you  new  products  and  services  in  the  peace  years 
to  follow.  General  Electric  Company,  Schenectady,  N.  Y. 


Hear  the  General  Electric  radio  program:  "The  G-E  All- 
Girl  Orchestra."  Sunday  1O  p.m.  EWT,  NBC— "The 
World  Today"  news,  every  weekday  6:45  p.m.  EWT,  CBS. 


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translated  by  Lt.  Charles  T.  Stewart,  USNR. 


of  current 
interest  to 


This  is  a  report  of  a  series 
of  seminars  hfld  by  the  Pfan- 
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School  of  Architecture,  Co- 
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1941.  Reprinted  from  PEN- 
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Dr.  Edward  Podolsky 

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It*   Relation    to 
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By  The  Committee  on 
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Research  Council 

Reveals  causes  of  fatigu  e, 
psychological  origin  of 
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Also     publishers    of    Chemical     Engineering     Catalog, 

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Metal     Industries 
Catalog,    Metals   and  Alloys,   and   Pencil   Points. 



announces  a  new 


under  the  associate  editorship  of 


chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Research  in 
Medical  Economics,  who  will  write  a 
monthly  "column"  in  Survey  Graphic  re- 
viewing current  events  and  pointing  up  issues 
in  new  plans  for  medical  care,  new  programs 
for  legislation.  Major  articles  will  illuminate 
the  imminence  of  HEALTH  as  a  prime  factor 

Our  regular  section  in  Survey  Midmontbly, 
will  deal  close-in  with  the  working  relation- 
ships between  medical  services  and  social 
work,  with  the  spread  of  public  health  and 
the  widening  applications  of  psychiatry. 

The  results  of  the  Selective  Service  exam- 
inations have  dramatized  the  extent  of 
uncared  for  disease  and  defect  in  American 
life.  Shortages  of  doctors  has  accentuated 
this.  Meanwhile  the  physical  and  mental 
rehabilitation  of  discharged  service  men  is 
challenging  industry  and  the  professions. 
Preventive  and  curative  medicine  will  be 
factors  in  meeting  human  and  economic 
problems  bound  up  in  demobilization  and 

On  every  hand,  there  is  mounting  recog- 
nition of  the  need  for  making  medical  care 
more  widely  available,  for  enhancing  post- 
war opportunities  of  the  professions  entering 
into  the  cast  of  characters  taking  part  in  the 
drama  of  American  health. 

The  war  itself  has  been  a  spur  to  scientific 
discovery  and  invention.  Returned  doctors 
and  returned  servicemen,  alike,  will  be  alive 
to  what's  ahead  both  in  medical  science  and 
in  the  organization  of  medical  practice.  Here 
at  home,  hospital  and  health  insurance  plans 
of  a  voluntary  sort  have  spread  rapidly. 
Proposals  for  public  programs  are  on  the 
agenda  of  state  legislatures  and  Congress. 

Our  new  associate  editor  is  thoroughly 
versed  in  this  field.  As  director  for  medical 
services  of  the  Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  he 
was  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  Committee 
on  the  Costs  of  Medical  Care,  under  the 
chairmanship  of  Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur. 

In  Survey  Graphic  for  December,  we 
brought  out  an  interpretation  of  the  signifi- 
cant report  in  which  physicians,  experts  and 
laymen  present  an  "American  Plan  for  Medi- 
cal Care  and  Health  Insurance."  The  article 
was  written  by  Michael  M.  Davis  as  chair- 
man of  this  Health  Program  Conference. 

Our  association  with  him,  however,  goes 
back  much  further.  It  was  in  1927-28  that 
we  brought  out  a  series  of  articles  he  wrote 
as  executive  secretary  of  the  Committee  on 
Dispensary  Development,  New  York,  which 
broke  ground  for  later  developments. 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  January.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  I.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1045  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES  INC.  Publication  Office.  34 
North  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa.  Editorial  and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y.  Price  this  issue  3d  cents;  $3  a  year:  Koreijm 
postaue  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  June  22,  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Stroudshurg  Pa  under  the  Act  of  March 
3.  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a  special  rate  of  postage  provided  for  in  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3.  1917.  authorized  Dec.  21.  1921.  Printed  In  U.S.A. 

How  many  ways  can  you  build  a  globe? 

As  many  as  you  please— provided  the  parts  fit! 

The  communication  system  which  carries 
your  voice  across  a  continent  and  beyond, 
works  because  its  millions  of  interlocking 
parts  are  engineered  to  fit.  There  are  thou- 
sands of  switchboards,  26  million  telephone 
instruments  and  65  million  miles  of  circuits. 

Each  individual  part,  no  matter  how  inge- 
nious, is  merely  a  unit  in  the  whole  system. 
The  final  test  is— does  the  system  work? 
This  is  the  engineering  ideal  of  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories.  It  has  helped  to  create 
the  greatest  telephone  system  in  the  world. 


Among  Ourselves 

Chicago  Daily  News,  was  far  in  advance  of  his 
times  when,  in  the  early  years  of  the  century, 
he  spread  a  galaxy  of  star  reporters  over  the 
continent  of  Europe.  Two  young  Mowrers, 
Paul  Scott  and  Edgar  Ansel,  were  among  them. 

Edgar  Ansel  Mowrer  (page  5)  covered  the 
French,  Belgian,  and  Italian  fronts  in  World 
War  I,  and  between  the  two  wars  was  in 
turn  chief  of  the  Italian,  German,  and  French 
bureaus.  He  was  covering  Washington  at  the 
time  of  Pearl  Harbor;  and  thereafter  spent 
fifteen  months  in  government  service  as  deputy 
director,  first  of  the  Office  of  Facts  and  Figures, 
then  of  the  Office  of  War  Information.  Today, 
he  is  a  free-lance,  here  and  overseas,  with  a 
syndicated  column  in  a  score  of  newspapers. 

In  1939,  Mr.  Mowrer  contributed  from 
Paris  a  major  article,  "Minorities  of  Opinion" 
to  the  first  of  our  "Calling  America"  series  of 
special  issues.  His  lead  article  here  gives  the 
quintessence  of  a  speech  early  this  winter  be- 
fore the  Union  for  Democratic  Action.  The 
charge  he  made  to  listeners  on  that  occasion 
can  be  passed  on  to  our  readers.: 

"As  individuals  you  have  some  power.  As  a 
group,  you  are  more  powerful  still.  Get  these 
things  straight  in  your  minds  and  go  to  work. 
Newspaper  editors  and  radio  commentators  are 
sensitive:  prod  them  in  every  way  you  can. 
Your  President  and  your  Congress  are  vulner- 
able: remind  them  of  this  fact.  Hold  meetings, 
write  letters  and  telegrams,  influence  political 
parties  and  groups,  work  through  organiza- 
tions, give  money.  Now  is  the  time  the  game 
has  to  be  played." 

"If  We  Want  Small  Farming" 

her  article  on  the  small  farmer  [December 
1944  Survey  Graphic],  is  hitting  squarely  at 
the  fundamental  cleavage  in  agriculture  and  its 
most  important  problem.  As  a  small  farmer 
myself  I  would  uphold  her  as  to  facts  and 
basic  interpretation. 

Mrs.  Ryan  is  perfectly  clear  on  the  point 
that  modern  agriculture  is  an  integral  part  of 
our  capitalist  industrial  society,  that  big  agri- 
culture has  made  its  adjustment  to  business 
and  industry,  and  that  small  farmers,  driven 
by  poverty  and  overwork,  are  playing  "follow 
the  leader,"  where  the  leaders  know  all  the 

If  small  farmers  constitute  so  sizable  a  chunk 
of  America  diat  they  cannot  be  ignored;  if, 
as  Mrs.  Ryan  indicates,  there  persists  in  Amer- 
ican farmers  a  will  to  independence  that  makes 
them  think  of  themselves  as  farmers  even  when 
they  become  dispossessed  workers  and  even 
when  adversity  has  produced  in  them  selfish- 
ness,  suspicion,  and  undesirable  character- 
istics for  good  citizenship — then  it  becomes 
necessary  for  us  to  think  about  our  farm 

In    December    Survey    Midmonthly 
So  You  Can  Retire  by  Milton  H.  Glover 
Army  Mental  Hygiene  by  S/Sgt.  Alfred  ]. 

Kahn  and  Sgt.  Evan  J.  Scott 
Employment  of  Veterans  by  Kathryn  Smut 
Education    and    Barbed    Wire    by    Eunice 

Taxes  and  Social  Work  by  Carl  P.  Herbert 


Survey  Graphic  for  January  1945 

Cover:  Modern  Research;  Courtesy  of  U.  S.  Rubber  Company 

On  the  Niger  River:  Photographs 

Dumbarton  Hopes EDGAR  ANSEL  MOWRER  5 

The  Future  Is  Already  Here BEULAH  AMIDON  6 

The  Niger  Valley MAURICE  CLAUDE  ROSSIN  8 

Agenda  for  the  American  People STUART  CHASE  13 

Public  Housing  Charts  Its  Course PHILIP  M.  KLUTZNICK  15 

Labor  Problem  with  a  Future DIANA  LEWARS  19 

They  Harvest  New  York's  Crops KATHRYN  CLOSB  21 

Letters  and  Life 24 

Looking  in  on  the  Germans HARRY  HANSEN  24 

Copyright,  1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCAHDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALME*  GAVIT,  ACNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 


Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 


Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLI.IE  CONDON;  Advertitmt 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

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problem  not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
economics  of  production  but  from  the  stand- 
point of  an  efficiency  by  which  society  best 
employs  its  citizens. 

The  present  economic  plight  of  small  farmers 
is  largely  caused  by  the  unequal  relationships 
whereby  a  small  sector  of  farmers  has  gained 
political  power  and  economic  control  of  the 
distribution  system  as  well  as  a  dominant  ac- 
cess to  capital  and  credit.  This,  of  course,  need 
not  be,  once  the  situation  is  understood  by 
enough  people. 

I  am  not  convinced  that  a  society  charac- 
terized by  monopoly  and  poverty  is  inevitable. 
I  am  convinced  that  small  farmers,  their  gov- 
ernment, and  the  American  people  can  so 
regulate  the  situation  that  we  will  employ  that 
large  section  of  American  citizens  engaged  in 
farming  in  a  socially  effective  and  satisfactory 
fashion.  Small  farmers  will,  unquestionably, 
have  to  learn  the  need  for  and  the  techniques 
of  organization,  and  government  must  secure 
that  right,  free  of  external  interference. 

Government  can  also  strengthen  the  small 
farmer  by  removing  the  present  hidden  sub- 
sidies to  industrial  farming  and  special  privi- 
leges now  enjoyed  by  certain  farm  organiza- 
tions. The  provisions  of  the  Social  Security  Act 
could  be  extended  to  small  farmers,  and  a 

great   many   more   things   could   be   done   to 
shore  up  their  economic  and  social  situation. 

It  is  only  because  I  feel  that  Mrs.  Ryan's 
excellent  analysis  lacks  sufficient  emphasis  on 
possible  solutions  to  a  difficult  problem  that  I 
write  this  letter.  P.  ALSTON  WARING 

Co-author  oj  "Roots  in  the  Earth" 

Two  Friends  Have  Gone 


of  two  good  friends.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Endicott 
Peabody,  founder  of  Groton  School  and  for 
56  years  its  headmaster,  had  been  since  1914 
a  member  of  Survey  Associates.  Ten  years 
after  joining  he  became  a  $100  contributing 
member.  His  check  arrived  each  January  10 
for  twenty  years,  a  treasured  expression  of  his 
interest  and  faith  in  our  publishing  enterprise. 
Eunice  Fuller  Barnard,  former  education 
editor  of  The  New  Yor%  Times,  and  since  1938 
the  education  director  of  the  Alfred  P.  Sloan 
Foundation,  was  a  contributor  of  occasional 
distinguished  articles  and  book  reviews  to 
Survey  Graphic.  The  last,  published  in  the 
December  issue,  came  to  us  from  the  country 
home  where  she  was  trying  to  recuperate  from 
a  long  illness.  It  was  written  with  all  the 
insight  and  imagination  that  readers  long  have 
associated  with  her  name. 

French  Press  and  Information  Service 
Fountain  in  the  market  center  of  Bamako,  city  on  the  Niger 


(See  page  8) 

Supply  Mission  for  France 



Dumbarton  Hopes 

entered  the  new  age.  Dominating  this  age 
is  the  fact  that  all  countries  are  interde- 
pendent. Security  and  peace  are  henceforth 
indivisible.  So,  probably,  are  freedom  and 
prosperity.  If  security  and  peace  are  at- 
tacked anywhere,  they  are  threatened  the 
world  over.  If  somewhere  freedom  is  de- 
nied, it  is  in  danger  everywhere.  Unless 
prosperity  spreads,  it  goes  by  the  board. 

This  is  a  startlingly  new  situation  and 
particularly  concerns  the  United  States — 
for  our  fundamental  aims  are  precisely 
freedom,  security,  peace,  and  prosperity. 

The  coming  victory  will  have  preserved 
our  freedom;  but  unless  it  preserves  peace, 
there  will  be  no  future  security.  No  people 
can  be  sure  of  winning  all  future  wars. 
Without  peace  there  will  hardly  be  lasting 
prosperity.  Preparation  for  war  will  grow 
monstrous.  Without  peace,  freedom  will 
shrink,  for  in  the  vain  process  of  seeking 
security  through  super-armament  we  shall 
move  toward  dictatorship. 

Nature  knows  but  one  unpardonable  sin: 
the  failure  of  a  living  organism  to  adapt 
to  a  changing  environment.  This  some- 
times results  from  deficient  intelligence  as 
with  the  vanished  dinosaur  whose  brain, 
according  to  H.  G.  Wells,  was  no  larger 
than  the  ganglia  of  its  rump.  That  inter- 
esting bird,  the  dodo,  simply  sat  and 
ignored  the  advent  of  the  Ice  Age.  Un- 
happily, these  creatures  have  reincarnated 
in  human  form.  Even  in  the  groves  of 
Capitol  Hill  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  a  nature 
student  can  find  splendid  examples  stub- 
bornly heading  for  extinction. 

"Winged  Peace  or  Winged  Death" 

The  New  Age  is  not  around  the  corner 
— it's  here.  In  his  recent  book,  Air  Marshal 
William  A.  Bishop,  a  Canadian  airman  of 
thirty  years  experience,  puts  it  bluntly: 
"The  air  age  faces  mankind  with  a  sharp 
choice — the  choice  between  winged  peace 
and  winged  death."  "Billy"  Bishop  asks  us 
to  choose  winged  peace.  At  this,  our  dumb 
dinosaurs  and  inattentive  dodos  hiss  and 
cackle:  "Isolation  was  good  enough  for  our 
fathers.  Through  it  we  became  the  greatest 
nation  on  earth.  Leave  well  enough  alone." 

They  have  not  grasped  the  coming  air 
age.  Today,  American  scientists  can  pro- 
duce rocket  bombs  with  which  New  York 
could  carry  on  trans-Atlantic  war  with 
London.  Mexico  might  engage  in  a  bomb- 


— By  an  ace  American  correspondent 
and  columnist  (see  page  3). 

tossing  contest  with  Canada  over  the  heads 
of  New  Yorkers — unaware  of  them  until 
a  dud,  dropping  into  Times  Square  would 
bring  down  the  Hotel  Astor.  The  German 
vengeance  weapons,  V-l  and  V-2,  are  only 
first  crude  harbingers  of  winged  death. 

Clearly,  we  stand  at  the  beginning  of  a 
change  in  living  conditions  as  startling  as 
when  our  remote  ancestors  finally  found 
the  courage  to  creep  from  protecting  caves 
and  live  in  the  sunlight.  Yet,  if  we  fail  to 
stave  off  global  technological  war,  back 
into  the  caves  we  shall  go.  Doubtless  these 
will  be  de  luxe  caverns — guaranteed  bomb- 
proof and  insulated  against  poison  gas. 

They  will  be  air  conditioned,  central  heat- 
ed; will  gleam  with  marvelous  plastics  and 
twinkle  with  new  gadgets.  But  they  will 
be  caves  just  the  same — marking  not  an 
amusing  interlude  but  a  major  defeat  in 
the  history  of  man.  Unless  we  re-adapt  to 
changed  conditions,  the  new  age  will  be  a 
calamity.  Yet  it  could  be  the  most  glorious 
age  in  the  history  of  mankind,  with  the 
whole  earth  the  possession  of  its  children. 

War  or  Permanent  Peace 

The  choice  —  collectively  speaking  —  is 
ours.  The  problem  is  war;  the  solution, 
permanent  peace.  Nothing  less  can  guar- 
antee us  against  the  caves  and  a  new  ice- 
age  of  the  human  spirit.  Only  when  we 
face  this  can  we  see  the  transcendent  im- 
portance of  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  pro- 
posals for  a  United  Nations'  Organization. 

In  these  proposals  lies  the  hope  of  the 
world!  How  then,  ought  citizens  to  think 
about  them?  Surely,  as  my  old  philosophy 
professors  used  to  say,  ideologically — in 
terms  of  their  adequacy  to  their  purpose. 
This  purpose  is  the  establishment  of  lasting 
peace  on  earth.  Other  purposes  exist,  but 
are  all  secondary.  Civilization  will  not  sur- 
vive the  winged  death  of  the  air  age.  Right 
there  is  the  criterion. 

Let  us  remember  that  other  devices  for 
preserving  the  peace  have  been  tried  and 
regularly  failed — isolation,  armed  imperial- 
ism, a  balance  of  power,  preponderant  alli- 
ances. Many  who  see  this  still  insist  that 
the  time  for  an  effective  international  or- 
ganization— that  is  to  say,  for  peace — has 
not  come;  that  we  must  put  our  trust  in 
armed  national  might  and  alliances.  The 

amount  of  naked  power  wedded  to  a  "sov- 
ereign" state  cannot  possibly  prevent  war. 
It  never  has  and  it  never  will.  By  insistence 
on  sovereignty — which  in  last  analysis 
means  freedom  to  wage  war — sovereign 
states  perpetuate  what  they  seek  to  avoid. 

The  cure  for  sovereignty  is  super-national 
law.  The  purpose  of  an  international  organ- 
ization worthy  of  the  name  is  to  establish 
and  enforce  such  law.  Only  that  and  readi- 
ness to  uphold  it  can  guarantee  lasting 
peace.  "Exactly,"  the  sovereignty-with- 
power-alliance  boys  interrupt.  "Just  what 
we  said.  More  important  than  structure  is 
the  desire  to  make  it  work."  Just  a  minute. 
Few  have  the  patience  to  chop  hard  wood 
with  a  stone  ax.  We  need  not  choose  be- 
tween "making  the  instrument  strong"  and 
"making  it  work."  The  stronger  it  is,  the 
easier  to  make  it  work. 

Weak  Peace  or  Certain  Death 

Which  brings  us  back  to  the  Dumbarton 
Oaks  proposals.  These — at  this  writing — 
do  not  envisage  a  true  international  admin- 
istration to  enforce  super-national  law,  but 
rather  an  International  Vigilance  Commit- 
tee. They  are  not  the  long  awaited  sure-fire 
guarantee  against  war,  but  merely  a  step 
between  lawlessness  and  law.  They  may  not 
even  provide  for  coercing  those  big  powers 
who  alone  can  make  big  wars. 

Nonetheless,  the  Oaks  proposals  contain 
within  them  a  seed  that  could  develop  into 
a  real  guarantee.  That  is  the  clause  which 
excludes  violence  or  threat  of  violence  by 
national  states  except  at  the  behest  of  the 
international  community.  Once  deprived 
of  the  right  to  use  violence  for  national 
purposes,  even  the  most  powerful  sovereign 
states  must  come  to  rely  on  law  for  secur- 
ity. Thereby  lasting  peace  becomes  possible. 

Between  now  and  the  adoption  of  the 
final  statute  of  the  United  Nations'  Organ- 
ization, we  should  work  to  make  that 
organization  strong.  Once  the  final  text  is 
written,  we  must  fight  to  get  it  accepted 
by  the  American  Senate  and  implemented 
by  the  American  Congress.  Then  we  must 
struggle  to  make  it  work;  struggle  to  make 
it  the  supreme  point  in  our  political  life,  to 
make  it  the  custodian  of  super-national  law. 

The  stakes  are  the  highest  in  the  world 
— nothing  less  than  the  lives  and  happiness 
of  our  children  and  our  children's  children. 
Do  not  send  them  back  to  the  caves.  Give 
them  the  planet  as  their  playground! 

The  Future  Is  Already  Here 

Wonders  wrought  by  science  in  a  period  of  production  miracles,  which 
will  change  our  postwar  lives  —  an  introduction  to  a  series  of  articles. 


fall  the  casualty  lists,  with  their  incalculable 
totals  of  lost  talent,  energy,  and  leadership. 
But  in  paying  this  great  price,  civilization 
gains  not  only  the  essentials  for  victory  but 
immeasurable  advances  in  discovery  and  in 
the  application  of  new  knowledge. 

Today's  headlines  carry  word  of  "secret 
weapons,"  of  mysterious  ways  of  dealing 
death  and  destruction.  These  gains  on  the 
debit  side  of  war's  ledger  are  not  "new." 
They  are  the  result  of  two  decades  or  more 
of  exploration  and  discovery  in  the  labora- 
tories of  many  nations.  They  represent  mili- 
tary and  industrial  advantages  that,  without 
war,  would  not  have  come  for  many  years. 
But,  too,  they  represent  vast  potentials  on 
the  other  side  of  the  ledger — the  side  of 
man's  conquest  over  the  forces  of  the  uni- 
verse, of  happier  and  more  secure  ways  of 
living  on  this  planet. 

As  the  scientist  sees  the  horizon  of  man's 
understanding,  war  brings  nothing  hitherto 
unknown.  The  tanks,  planes,  radio,  medical 
care  of  the  last  war — the  weapons  and  the 
medical  advances  of  this — do  not  represent 
fresh  discoveries,  except  possibly  in  medi- 
cine. Today's  "new  technology"  is  chiefly 
evidence  that  a  process  begun  long  ago  has 
been  accelerated. 

The  Airplane  of  Tomorrow 

Look,  for  instance,  at  modern  planes  and 
high-octane  gas,  the  motor  fuel  of  today 
and  the  future;  at  rocket  motors  and  jet 
propulsion.  Consider  the  airplane  of  to- 
morrow, in  sight  just  out  there  on  the 
hangar  apron,  behind  the  jet-propulsion 

"It  will  leave  the  ground  smoothly,  im- 
pelled by  rocket  motors  which  will  assist 
its  jet  engines  to  get  it  off  with  huge  loads, 
hitherto  beyond  our  thinking.  Once  off, 
power  will  switch  from  the  rocket  engines 
to  the  jet  engines,  for  the  excellent  reason 
that  an  airplane  will  fly  comfortably  with  at 
least  50  percent  more  load  than  it  can  take 
off  from  the  ground.  The  jets  will  attend 
to  the  provision  of  motor  power  until  very 
high  altitudes  (in  today's  conception  of 
altitude)  are  reached.  Ultimately,  however, 
the  new  aircraft  will  come  into  stratospheric 
altitudes  in  which  the  jet,  requiring  oxygen, 
will  tire  and  finally  quit.  Then  the  rockets 
will  come  into  play  again.  .  .  . 

"The  plane  will  then  thrust  forward 
smoothly  through  the  stratosphere  at  some- 
thing faster  than  the  speed  of  sound,  and 
probably  somewhere  between  1,000  and 
1,500  miles  an  hour.  That  will  go  on  until 
the  destination  is,  say,  some  500  miles  and 
30  minutes  away.  Then  the  nose  will  turn 
down  the  long  hill,  and  near  the  airport 
the  jets  will  come  into  action  and  before 
the  passenger  in  his  air  conditioned  and 


— By  the  associate  editor  of  .Survey 
Graphic  who  has  general  responsibility 
for  the  series,  with  Waldemar  Kaempf- 
fert,  science  editor  of  The  New  'York 
Times,  as  counselor. 

In  the  next  months: 

Transportation  in  the  Air  Age,  by 
William  F.  Ogburn,  University  of  Chi- 
cago, who  has  just  completed  a  special 
study  of  the  subject. 

Television:  the  New  Communication, 
by  Robert  W.  King,  of  the  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories. 

Electronics:  the  Mind  of  the  Machine, 
by  Waldemar  Kaempffert. 


Synthetics — from  Laboratory  to  Mass 

Drugs  and  Plasma:  the  New  Life 

Public  Health:  New  Levels  of  Preven- 
tion and  Care 

sound-proof  cabin  knows  it,  he  will  be  back 
on  terra  firma,  after  crossing  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  in  three  hours,  perhaps  less." 

These  are  the  words,  not  of  a  contempo- 
rary Jules  Verne,  but  of  Air  Marshal 
William  A.  Bishop  of  the  Royal  Canadian 
Air  Force.  They  give  some  indication,  not 
of  laboratory  hypotheses,  but  of  the  facts 
of  the  world  to  which  you  and  I  must  ad- 
just our  thinking  and  our  lives. 

Advertisers  today  dream  up  for  us  a 
fantastically  pleasant  and  convenient  post- 
war scene  in  which  we  are  to  enjoy  an 
infinite  variety  of  engaging  gadgets  and 
comforts.  But  these  playthings  (and  work 
things)  are  secondary  to  the  solid  advances 
of  modern  technology — the  patient  gains 
of  laboratory  and  testing  field  suddenly 
made  available  to  us  under  the  forcing  of 
war's  necessity.  In  chemistry,  physics,  medi- 
cine, the  advances  mean  that  we  have  left 
the  world  in  which  we  all  grew  up  for  a 
world  of  new  dimensions  in  production, 
transportation,  communication,  health;  new 
perils  of  speed,  destruction,  and  unemploy- 

Laboratory  to  Mass  Production 

There  is  no  measure  as  yet  of  the  ac- 
celerated technological  advances  of  war- 
time. Take,  for  example,  the  development 
of  synthetic  rubber.  Two  factors  produced 
it,  so  far  as  America  is  concerned:  Japanese 
conquest  in  the  Far  East,  cutting  off  sup- 
plies of  natural  rubber;  the  dependence  of 
mechanized  warfare  on  tires  for  planes, 
tanks,  trucks,  tractors,  motor  cars.  Amer- 
ican industry  was  faced  with  the  nation's 
crucial  alternative — make  rubber  or  perish. 
The  answer  was  the  almost  unbelievable 

expansion  of  synthetic  rubber  from  labora- 
tory to  mass  production  in  eighteen  months. 
Today,  the  American  output  of  synthetic 
rubber  is  far  in  excess  of  prewar  importa- 
tions of  natural  rubber.  This  was  a  "do  or 
die"  development,  achieved  without  regard 
for  expense.  The  progress — scientific  and 
economic — of  years  was  telescoped  into 
months.  It  trails  unanswered  postwar  prob- 
lems, including  the  industrial  allocation  of 
raw  materials,  the  question  of  markets,  of 
dislocation  of  manpower,  of  capital  invest- 
ment, of  free  enterprise.  Is  it  more  eco- 
nomical to  make  rubber  from  a  base  de- 
rived from  petroleum  or  from  grain  alcohol? 
Should  our  economy  extend  or  narrow  the 
uses  of  synthetic  rubber?  What  would  the 
further  expansion  of  synthetic  rubber  mean 
to  the  world's  supplies  of  petroleum?  To 
the  farmers  of  the  grain  belt?  To  shipping? 
To  East  Indian  planters  and  plantation 
hands?  Who  is  thinking  of  these  things?  • 
Do  we  have  the  answers? 

New  Uses  for  Labor 

"Man  is  a  working  animal,"  the  econo- 
mist reminds  us.  But  technological  advance, 
making  possible  television,  jet  propulsion, 
"the  kitchen  of  the  future,"  new  conveni- 
ences and  comforts  brings  also  revolutionary 
changes  in  the  use  of  man's  labor. 

For  example,  the  technology  of  the  future 
envisages  the  use  of  the  strength  and  light- 
ness of  aluminum  on  a  very  wide  scale.  We 
know  already  that  aluminum  means  lighter 
trains  and  trucks,  and  hence  faster  and  more 
economical  transportation.  But  the  use  oi 
aluminum,  as  wartime  developments  show 
it,  goes  much  farther — and  the  construction 
worker  who  calmly  shoulders  an  aluminum 
beam,  instead  of  waiting  for  a  crane  to 
swing  a  steel  one  into  place,  already  is  a 
commonplace  of  the  army  engineers  and 
the  Seabees.  True,  steel  is  cheaper  in  dollars 
and  cents  today.  But  the  use  of  the  lighter 
material  makes  possible  huge  savings  in 
manpower  and  in  time. 

Perhaps  more  far-reaching,  and  certainly 
more  mysterious  to  the  layman,  are  the  ap- 
plications of  electronics.  Here  is  a  new  sort 
of  transfer  of  skill,  something  like  the  en- 
dowment of  the  machine  with  intelligence. 
Thus  out  of  the  laboratory  to  the  front 
pages  last  summer  there  came  a  super- 
calculator,  to  which  a  man  gives  orders 
through  radio  and  the  photo-electric  cell: 
"Total  the  preceding  and  begin  to  group — 
and  the  obedient  machine  proceeds  to 
eliminate  the  toil  of  ranks  of  bookkeepers 
and  statistical  clerks.  The  whole  process  of 
making  synthetic  rubber  is  controlled  elec- 
tronically, and  in  the  vast  complexities  of 
the  plants  at  Institute,  W.  Va.,  and  Nauga- 
tuck,  Conn.,  one  encounters  very  few  work- 
men, in  the  accustomed  sense,  but  rather  the 


occasional   technician,   giving   orders   to   all 
but  sentient  mechanisms. 

New  Production  Demands 

Over  against  such  advances  in  the  sub- 
stitution of  materials,  processes,  and  devices 
for  manpower  must  be  set  the  war-created 
and  war-stimulated  demands  for  produc- 
tion. For  example,  this  country  needs  today 
at  least  10,000,000  new  housing  units,  25,- 
000,000  to  30,000,000  cars  and  trucks,  a  vast 
quantity  of  the  household  necessities  of  the 
machine  age,  such  as  vacuum  cleaners,  re- 
frigerators, washing  machines,  electric  irons, 
radios.  Here  is  a  market  that  holds  promise 
of  maximum  use  of  productive  capacity  and 
full  employment.  But  this  hungry  market 
has  in  itself  stimulated  another  sort  of  tech- 
nical advance. 

To  overcome  the  wartime  shortage  in 
manpower,  industry  has  achieved  increased 
efficiency  and  output  per  worker.  Fewer 
men  are  required  today  because  fewer  men 
are  available.  We  have  not  yet  had  time  to 
consider  what  this  will  mean  when,  for 
maximum  civilian  consumption,  the  num- 
ber of  workers  employed  may  be  substan- 
tially under  current  figures. 

We  hear  much  today  about  the  changes 
the  "new  technology"  will  bring  to  our 
daily  lives.  Insofar  as  it  is  possible  to  look 
ahead,  scientists  agree  that  the  major  dis- 
locations will  be  few.  There  will,  however, 
be  minor  adjustments  which  all  of  us  will 
be  required  to  make.  The  test  of  our  ability 
to  use  the  new  technology  will  be  our  suc- 
cess in  making  these  adjustments.  For  ex- 
ample, dehydrated  foods  offer  a  solution  to 
one  aspect  of  what  traditionally  has  been 
called  "the  servant  problem." 

A  more  radical  adaptation  is  forecast  by 
the  present  outlook  for  television.  It  is  well 
within  the  range  of  present  possibilities  to 
televise  movies  into  the  home — and  what 
will  this  do  to  the  motion  picture  theaters, 
and  their  ramifications?  Further,  television 
opens  up  a  new  range  of  shopping  from 
the  housekeeping  desk  in  the  family  kitch- 
en, with  televised  pictures  of  foods,  fabrics, 
clothing,  gadgets,  moving  across  a  small 
icreen  at  the  housewife's  elbow. 

Perhaps  a  major  effect  of  technological 
advance  on  our  personal  lives  will  be  its 
effect  on  housing.  The  postwar  house,  as  the 
experts  see  it  today,  will  have  a  central 
unit  that  takes  care  of  air  conditioning, 
heating,  plumbing,  and  electrical  inlets  and 
outlets.  The  home  will  be  designed  around 
that  unit,  just  as  the  home  of  our  forebears 
was  designed  around  the  chimney  and  the 
hearth.  The  "new"  home  will  be  a  flexible 
structure,  with  movable  partitions,  units 
that  can  be  added  or  subtracted  as  the 
family  grows  or  diminishes,  and  financing 
based  on  the  cost  of  the  structure,  rather 
than  on  land  costs.  It  may  bring  a  change 
in  the  idea  of  permanency,  with  land  rented 
for  the  home,  and  a  housing  unit  frankly 
designed  for  limited  durability — a  house 
that  will  serve  family  needs  for  decades 
rather  than  for  generations. 

This  type  of  change  may  affect  trans- 
portation as  well  as  housing.  Postwar  de- 
velopments presage  another  crisis  on  the 
railroads.  Looking  at  wartime  gains,  we 
know  that  the  trip  from  New  York  to  San 

JANUARY  1945 

Francisco  by  air  is  now  possible  in  terms 
of  hours  instead  of  days — a  breakfast-to- 
dinner  jaunt,  costing  some  $135.  All  this 
means  a  change  in  the  mode  of  the  railroads 
business,  with  pick-up  freight,  door-to-door 
delivery  in  containers,  and  fixed  schedules 
as  the  future  railroad  scheme  of  freight 
handling.  In  the  estimation  of  the  railroad 
executive,  passenger  traffic  always  has  been 
secondary  to  freight.  But  in  the  years  ahead, 
the  railroads  must  develop  a  scheme  of 
cheap  handling  in  less  than  carload  lots, 
providing,  like  the  trucks,  the  convenience 
of  door-to-door  delivery. 

But  the  effect  of  the  "new  technology"  on 
transportation  does  not  stop  with  revamped 
railroad  practices,  and  networks  of  truck 
and  bus  highways.  There  are  the  possi- 
bilities of  the  helicopter  as  a  "family  plane." 
As  this  development  stands  today,  the  heli- 
copters are  not  as  readily  mastered  as  the 
early  reports  forecast.  But  helicopters  seem 
to  place  within  our  grasp  a  form  of  family 
air  transportation  which  is  easily  handled, 
requires  no  airport  or  highway  system,  and 
promises  a  relatively  swift  means  of  getting 
the  family  from  the  city  to  the  country,  to 
the  homes  of  relatives,  on  sightseeing  jaunts, 
and  home  again.  Even  so,  this  plane  would 
be  a  very  minor  auxiliary  to  stratospheric 
aviation  and  the  possibilities  it  holds  out 
for  planetary  travel  and  transportation. 

In  the  kitchen  of  the  postwar  home,  elec- 
tronics seem  likely  to  bring  major  changes. 
The  electronic  range  offers  the  possibility 
of  control  such  as  the  cooks  of  yesterday 
and  today  never  have  known.  Cooking  in 
this  new  adaptation  can  be  "from  the  inside 
out,"  which  means  that  a  stew  or  pot  roast 
can  be  prepared  on  top  of  the  range  in 
a  porcelain  bowl  or  tureen,  in  which  it  is 
brought  to  the  table.  Baking,  roasting,  broil- 
ing, simmering,  can  be  done  in  plain  sight, 
with  complete  control  over  time  and  tem- 
perature, and  the  family  kitchen,  like  the 
synthetic  rubber  plant,  will  be  a  matter  of 
gauges  and  automatic  control. 

We  Can  Be  Healthier 

Perhaps  closer  to  our  personal  lives  than 
jet  propulsion  planes  or  electronic  cooking 
are  the  postwar  possibilities  in  the  field  of 
medicine  and  public  health.  At  the  war's 
end,  some  11,000,000  men  in  the  armed 
forces  will  have  learned  what  good  medical 
care  means.  Among  them  will  be  millions 
who  never  in  civilian  life  enjoyed  the  ad- 
vantages of  modern  dentistry,  hospitaliza- 
tion,  immunization,  nutrition,  and  exercise. 
It  is  questionable  whether  returning  service 
men,  and  women — or  the  physicians  and 
dentists  themselves  with  service  experience 
— will  be  content  with  the  catch-as-catch- 
can  medical  care  now  available  to  civilians. 
The  logical  move  would  seem  to  be  an  ex- 
tension of  the  social  security  system  to  in- 
clude compulsory  health  insurance — a  way 
of  rationing  the  available  medical  care 
among  all  the  people. 

The  new  advances  in  drugs  and  transport 
have  won  headlines,  as  correspondents  here 
reported  the  almost  miraculous  accomplish- 
ments at  the  front  of  penicillin,  the  sulfa 
drugs,  plasma,  the  new  handling  of  frac- 
tures and  wounds,  the  checking  of  epi- 
demics by  insecticides,  die  increase  in  food 

supplies  through  the  control  of  insect 
enemies  and  plant  disease.  There  remains 
the  less  colorful  but  even  more  far-reaching 
change  in  attitude  toward  injury  and 
disease,  toward  the  interrelationship  of  body 
and  spirit,  with  notable  gains  in  handling 
such  problems  as  convalescence,  fatigue, 
shock,  anxiety. 

<  All  technological  advance  means  a  change 
in  education.  To  many  authorities,  the  cur- 
rent trend  is  revolutionary.  Certainly  the 
outlook  is  for  more  vocational  training,  with 
a  corresponding  shrinkage  in  liberal  arts 
education.  But  aside  from  the  shift  in  focus 
and  emphasis,  there  is  bound  to  be  a  change 
in  method.  The  forced-draft  training  of  the 
armed  services  have  developed  new  prac- 
tices in  many  fields,  notably  in  mathematics, 
languages,  science,  and  mechanics.  There 
has  come,  too,  an  appreciation  of  the  waste 
of  time  involved  in  the  leisurely  academic 
schedules  of  prewar  years,  and  re-examina- 
tion of  the  traditional  long  summer  vaca- 
tions. The  outlook  seems  to  be  for  an  over- 
hauling of  the  educational  system,  for  time 
saved  in  elementary  and  high  schools,  a 
new  emphasis  on  "tool  subjects"  and  their 
effective  mastery,  flexible  study-job  pro- 
grams, closer  contact  between  education 
and  the  going  world. 

Needs  of  Mankind 

But  above  all,  the  new  technology  points 
to  security  as  the  most  important  factor  in 
modern  life.  It  is  an  exciting  adventure  to 
contemplate  the  advances  in  communication, 
transportation,  production,  health,  that  the 
new  technology  places  within  our  grasp. 
But  even  electronic  ranges,  television,  peni- 
cillin, jet  propulsion  planes,  are  unimportant 
in  themselves,  if  we  cannot  harness  them  to 
constructive  uses. 

War  has  seen  the  development  of  new 
weapons  to  destroy  man  and  die  work  oi 
his  hands,  new  methods  of  repairing  the 
ravages  of  mechanized  war  in  maiming 
men  and  exposing  them  to  unprecedented 
hazards  of  disease,  speed,  and  munitions. 

In  the  months  ahead,  Survey  Graphic 
will  explore  some  of  the  advances  in  the 
fields  of  chemistry,  physics,  transportation, 
communication,  medicine,  and  public 
health.  But  this  series  of  articles  cannot  stop 
with  describing  the  miracles  of  synthetics, 
television,  the  sulfas  and  penicillin,  DDT, 
rocket  planes,  electronics.  Allied  to  the  new 
advances  and  discoveries  are  the  urgent 
problems  of  peacetime  use.  Economists  tell 
us  that  there  will  be  a  slight  depression 
immediately  after  the  war,  then  a  great 
boom,  as  we  harness  productive  capacity  to 
the  needs  of  civilians  around  the  world.  But 
a  decade  later  will  come  the  real  issue — 
can  we  gear  production  and  distribution  to 
the  needs  of  mankind? 

In  confronting  unimagined  vistas  of  pro- 
duction, these  writers  will  look  beyond  die 
wartime  accomplishment:  How  can  we  use 
the  skills  and  experience  of  the  60,000,000 
workers  who  must  be  kept  at  work  if  this 
nation  is  to  maintain  maximum  production 
and  full  employment?  How  can  we  apply 
the  advances  of  technology  so  that  they  will 
mean  around  the  world  more  secure  and 
happier  lives  for  men  and  women  and  their 

The  Niger  Valley 

The  land  and  people  along  a  great  African  river,  once  called  the  "Nile  of  the  Negroes,"  are 
ready  for  fresh  adventures — in  liberty,  equality,  fraternity — on  the  part  of  a  new  France. 



great  a  river  as  the  Niger  is  so  little  known. 
For,  unlike  the  Nile,  it  has  not  inspired 
historians  and  dramatists;  much  less  have 
its  praises  been  sung  by  poets.  Here  in  th? 
United  States,  I  have  found  that,  at  least  in 
the  public  mind,  it  remains  a  "poor  rela- 
tion" of  that  illustrious  watershed  on  the 
other  side  of  the  African  continent. 

Emergence  from  oblivion  is  merited  by 
this  wonderful  stream  which  stretches  for 
over  2,600  miles.  It  carries  immense  possi- 
bilities in  its  current — vast  wealth  not  only 
of  water  but  of  transport  and  power.  The 
recompense  to  those  who  bring  its  riches 
to  light  will  be  all  the  more  because  nature 
hid  them  for  so  long  and  rendered  their 
accessibility  difficult. 

For  twenty  years  and  more,  audacious 
Frenchmen,  handicapped  but  not  halted  by 
World  War  II,  have  struggled  to  give  to 
this  waterway  its  rightful  place  in  the  great 
family  of  river  basins  as  a  nurturer  of  life 
and  culture,  a  generator  of  livelihood  and 
natural  wealth. 

The  Niger  rises  near  the  sea  in  the  semi- 
tropics — less  than  150  miles  inland  from 
the  Atlantic  on  the  northern  declivity  of 
mountains  that  border  French  Guinea.  Like 
Caesar's  Gaul,  it  can  be  divided  into  three 

The  Upper  Niger — young,  turbulent,  of 
little  constructive  value,  this  flows  from  its 
source  northeast  to  Bamako  along  a  route 
of  some  300  miles; 

The  Middle  Niger — mature,  wise,  con- 
structive, this  swings  by  a  huge  curve 
through  the  French  Sudan  from  Bamako 
to  below  Gao,  some  1,100  miles;  thereafter 

The  Lower  Niger — old,  peaceful  and  en- 
riched, this  flows  south  to  its  mouth  in 
British  Nigeria,  1,200  miles  to  the  south. 

The  Middle  Niger 

It  is  the  mature  Niger,  midway  of  its 
course,  which  is  the  most  interesting  of 
these  reaches,  the  one  most  likely  to  be 
the  immediate  scene  of  creative  advance. 
Its  history  is  that  of  a  tenacious  fight  for 
possession  against  the  desert.  This  fight, 
running  water  has  won  and,  having  won,  it 
offers  to  man  an  immense  field  of  enter- 
prise. Here,  in  the  course  of  eons,  in  an 
immense  depression  in  what  is  now  the 
center  of  the  Sudan,  the  river  created  a 
vast  interior  delta,  and  filled  it  with  allu- 
vium as  it  flowed  on  its  way. 

Today,  as  the  map  will  show  you,  this 
vast  region  is  the  hub  of  French  West 
Africa  and  forms  the  larger  part  of  Soudan 
Francois,  one  of  the  colonies  making  up 
the  Federation  known  as  A.O.F.  (Afrique 
Occidental  Francaise).  The  others  are: 
Mauritania  at  the  northwest;  Senegal  to 
the  west;  French  Guinea,  southwest;  Ivory 

Coast  in  the  south;  Togoland  and  Dahomey 
to  the  southeast;  and  Niger  Colony  at  the 

The  French  settlements  along  the  coastal 
zone  were  founded  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. It  was  only  at  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  (1823)  that  a  Frenchman,  Rene 
Caille,  journeyed  through  the  Sudan  and 
along  the  middle  valley  of  the  Niger,  reach- 
ing Timbuktu  after  many  adventures.  He 
crossed  the  Sahara  in  returning  to  France. 

French  penetration  and  final  settlement 
in  the  interior  regions  date  from  the  last 
part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  with  the 
deeds  of  Archinard  and  Bonnier,  of  the 
young  Joffre  and  Gouraud.  It  was  only 
after  World  War  I,  however,  that  practical 
interest  began  to  focus  on  this  region. 
There  was  everything  to  be  done;  few  or 
no  maps;  few  or  no  roads.  A  few  miles 
from  the  banks  of  the  river  and  you  came 
to  the  unknown. 

Nonetheless,  all  along  there  had  existed 
all  the  elements  to  provide  ampler  footholds 
for  native  life  and  a  new  and  resourceful 
setting  for  civilization.  Such  as: 

— alluvial  soil,  fertile  and  flat  (on  an  aver- 
age of  3  to  5  inches  declivity  per  mile), 

— By  one  of  the  first  emissaries  to  reach 
us  from  Dakar — the  young  and  vigorous 
chief  of  social  and  economic  engineering 
(as  distinct  from  dam  building  and  pub- 
lic works)  in  the  Niger  River  office. 

His  mission  for  the  government  of 
French  West  Africa  took  him  across  the 
United  States  to  study  irrigation  — 
specifically  for  the  cultivation  of  rice. 
He  has  put  himself  abreast,  also,  of  pro- 
grams of  settlement,  of  rural  and  urban 
development,  in  areas  reached  by  our 
new  networks  of  canals  and  cables  which 
spread  the  moisture  and  energy  of  run- 
ning streams. 

Mr.  Rossin  had  a  rounded  equipment 
for  pioneering  as  a  state  engineer.  He 
holds  degrees  from  The  Institut  National 
Agronomique,  the  Ecole  Superieure  du 
Genie  Rural  and  the  Ecole  Superieure 
d'EIectricite — all  in  Paris.  Even  more,  he 
had  subsequent  field  experience:  first  in 
Morocco,  where  he  worked  both  in 
colonization  and  on  hydraulic  installa- 
tions; then  with  a  mission  of  the  French 
Ministry  of  Agriculture  to  Egypt  and 
the  Anglo-Egyptian  Sudan. 

The  French  apply  the  word  "exploita- 
tion" to  the  Niger  program  for  recap- 
turing land  and  water;  for  building  up  a 
food  supply  and  a  labor  force.  But  as 
Mr.  Rossin  outlines  these  early  stages, 
the  pattern  would  seem  a  complete  break 
with  old  formulae  of  imperialistic  coloni- 
zation, and  with  our  own  hoary  tradi- 
tions of  "sharecropping." 

extending  over  a  territory  of  several  mil- 
lion acres; 

— a  river  which  pours  sixty  billion  cubic 
yards  of  water  into  the  sea  each  year; 

— a  climate  permitting  the  cultivation  of  all 
tropical  plants; 

— a  primitive  population  which,  although 
sparse,  is  friendly,  hard  working,  land 

N.  V.  A. 

Nature  had  disposed  these  factors  gen- 
erously, but  unfortunately  had  not  united 
them.  It  was  up  to  modern  men  to  make 
the  necessary  integration,  and  in  1932  the 
French  government  entered  upon  the  task, 
establishing  an  "Office  du  Niger."  Develop- 
ments since  have  been  strongly  influenced 
by  its  great  American  contemporary,  the 
Tennessee  Valley  Authority. 

First  came  difficult  topographical  studies; 
then  dam  building  and  intensive  agricul- 
tural experimentation.  Finally,  after  early 
attempts  at  colonization,  the  foundations  of 
a  rounded  program  were  laid  with  objec- 
tives that  are  at  once  social  and  economic. 

The  aim  is  social  because  designed  to 
regroup  a  sparse  population;  to  afford  them 
better  conditions  of  life  by  putting  into 
their  hands  the  means  of  assuring  maxi- 
mum results  from  their  labor;  to  provide 
for  their  education,  as  it  were,  from  the 
ground  up;  and  to  encourage  their  advance- 
ment, materially  and  in  things  of  the  spirit. 

The  aim  is  economic  because  a  country 
which  lived  on  itself  (and  lived  badly), 
and  which  exported  nothing,  is  being  trans- 
formed into  a  productive  region  that  will 
exchange  products  with  the  rest  of  West 
Africa — and  the  world. 

Let  me  say  that  to  these  tasks  dozens  of 
engineers,  administrators,  and  agricultural 
technicians  have  devoted  themselves.  The 
magnitude  of  the  work  to  be  done  enticed 
them,  along  with  the  wish  to  build  and 
with  the  fascination  of  creating  something 
new.  These  young  pioneers  have  given  a 
splendid  example  of  courage,  of  team  spirit, 
and  faith  in  their  work,  often  under  diffi- 
cult conditions— especially  during  the  pres- 
ent war. 

First:  Dams  and  Canals 

When  discovery  and  planning  gave  place 
to  construction,  the  earliest  stage  was  the 
erection  of  a  diversion  dam  at  Sansanding. 
This  is  at  the  head  of  the  interior  delta  of 
the  Niger  and  was  completed  by  1941. 
From  this  dam  stem  irrigation  canals, 
with  their  ramifications,  which  will  bring 
water  to  the  immense  area  that  ultimately 
will  be  put  into  cultivation.  Partly  metal 
and  partly  masonry,  the  dam  itself  is  2,700 
feet  long  and  is  extended  by  an  earthwork 
more  than  6,000  feet  in  length. 

The  great  "mother"  canal  which  leads 
out  from  the  dam  is  170  feet  wide  at  its 


•|6     Sb.Louis 


Timbuktu    y 








GUINEA  ..•> 




0         100    '200     300     400      500  MILES 

Survey  Graphic  map  by  Harold  Felber,  of  The  New  York  Times 
The  Niger  and  its  territory;  with  particular  reference  to  the  little-  known  development  along  the  Middle  Niger,  in  French  Sudan 

bottom  (it  will  be  twice  that  width  in 
time)  and  some  12  to  15  feet  deep.  After 
a  course  of  about  five  miles,  this  divides 
itself  into  two  principal  branches — one  tend- 
ing toward  the  north;  the  other,  toward 
the  northeast,  paralleling  the  main  river. 
After  about  twenty  miles,  each  of  these 
two  canals  joins  up  with  an  extinct  river 
bed  of  the  Niger — and  thereafter  these, 
in  turn,  serve  as  main  canals.  Thus,  by 
digging  no  more  than  forty-five  miles  of 
artificial  waterways,  a  principal  irrigation 
network  was  obtained  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles  in  length.  All  these 
principal  canals  are  now  navigable  through- 
out the  year  and  are  equipped  with  locks 
where  necessary. 

Next  came  the  digging  of  irrigation 
ditches,  land  clearing  and  preparation;  the 
building  of  villages,  the  transport  of  native 
colonists,  and  their  provision  with  farming 
implements,  cattle,  seed,  food  to  tide  over 
the  first  season — all  involving  investment 
on  the  part  of  the  French  government  in 
disclosing  the  possibilities  of  a  great  fron- 
tier and  rendering  it  at  once  productive 
and  livable. 

During  the  last  four  years,  the  members 
of  the  staff  of  the  Niger  Office  determined 
to  stick  to  their  last.  They  were  less  con- 
cerned as  to  the  jeopardy  of  their  own  live- 
lihoods under  wartime  conditions  than  with 
the  hazard  that  all  their  works  of  hand 
and  imagination  would  revert  to  wilder- 
ness. When  I  recently  visited  a  great  plant 
which  manufactures  agricultural  imple- 
ments in  the  American  Middlewest — to  see 
when  we  might  secure  postwar  delivery 
of  great  tools — I  could  tell  them  that  our 

mechanics  had  patched  up  their  prewar 
output  with  pieces  of  hardwood  and  scrap 
metal  so  thoroughly  that  they  would 
scarcely  recognize  them. 

Today,  with  the  counter  invasion  of  the 
Allies,  and  the  deliverance  of  France,  the 
Niger  Office  is  responsible  to  the  Governor 
General  of  French  West  Africa  at  Dakar 
and  on  to  the  Ministry  of  Colonies,  at 
Paris,  under  the  French  government. 

Next:  Settlement 

The  World  War  inevitably  retarded  the 
project.  Nonetheless,  approximately  50,000 
acres  of  land,  which  a  dozen  years  ago 
were  covered  with  jungle  growth,  unpro- 
ductive and  uninhabitable,  have  been  com- 
pletely cleared,  cleaned,  irrigated. 

These  tracts  are  peopled  with  nearly 
20,000  natives,  who  produce  ten  to  fifteen 
times  more  crops  than  they  had  hitherto 
wrung  from  the  soil  through  uncertain 
and  archaic  husbandry. 

They  have  come  from  neighboring  re- 
gions of  identical  climate.  On  their  arrival, 
they  have  found  land  free  of  underbrush 
and  provided  with  a  complete  system  of 
irrigation.  They  have  found  homes  in 
villages  constructed  in  advance.  Each  family 
therefore  starts  housekeeping  in  a  dwell- 
ing set  aside  for  it;  each  receives  a  mini- 
mum of  agricultural  equipment  (plows, 
harrows,  and  carts);  together  with  cattle 
required  to  pull  the  farm  vehicles,  seeds 
necessary  for  initial  planting,  and  food 
adequate  to  sustain  the  family  until  the 
first  harvest.  Each  family  works  for  its 
own  livelihood  and  gain,  with  its  own 
materials,  and  on  its  own  plot  of  ground. 

Each,  as  will  be  developed  later,  is  re- 
warded in  proportion  to  the  amount  of 
work  they  put  into  the  land. 

For  every  unit  of  15,000  to  20,000  acres, 
the  native  colonists  are  grouped  in  what 
are  called  Associations  Agricoles  Indigenes 
(native  agricultural  associations).  These  are 
a  sort  of  mutual  cooperative,  with  officers 
or  head  men  elected  by  its  members.  Each 
is  endowed  with  civil  rights,  and  is  utilized 
by  them  as  agent  in  their  purchases  and 
sales.  Moreover,  such  an  association  pos- 
sesses tools  of  production  and  processing 
over  and  above  the  requirements  of  the 
individual  family — trucks,  for  example, 
barges,  rice  mills,  threshers,  tractors.  The 
association  concerns  itself  not  only  with  the 
sale  of  the  harvest  but  with  buying  spare 
parts,  equipment,  farm  animals,  which  it 
sells,  in  turn,  to  its  members. 

The  Settlers 

Thus,  each  family  works  for  itself,  and 
earns  in  proportion  to  its  work — but  at  the 
same  time,  benefits  from  the  advantages 
secured  by  mutual  enterprise  on  a  larger 
scale.  Thus,  the  colonists  are  not  isolated 
workers;  their  association  is  a  powerful 
means  of  self-protection  and  cooperative 
action,  of  education  and  self-improvement. 

The  members  take  an  active  part  in  the 
workings  of  these  native  associations  and 
are  aided  in  the  task  by  a  corps  of  agents 
— both  French  and  native — who  serve  as 
counselors  and  teachers.  Such  advantages  are 
complemented  by  medical  and  veterinary 
assistance  afforded  by  the  Niger  Office,  no 
less  than  by  schools. 

The   Africans   populating  French   West 

JANUARY   1945 

Supply   Mission  for  France 
Carding  cotton  after  the  fashion  of  the  tribes  of  French  West  Africa 

French   Press  and  Information   Service 
Native  boatmen  of  Gao,  town  situated  at  the  end  of  the  Middle  Niger 

Africa  arc  of  various  types.  There  is  even 
one  group,  whatever  its  origin,  whitish  of 
skin.  There  are  Maures  and  Touaregs  from 
the  desert,  and  other  migrant  folk.  But 
for  the  most  part  they  belong  to  various 
tribes,  different  in  customs  and  language, 
but  all  of  Negro  type,  generally  tall  and 
strong.  They  are  not  without  crafts  and 
arts.  Without  a  written  language,  they 
have  intelligence,  if  not  book  learning. 
They  are  swift  in  youth  to  learn  to  speak 
French  and  to  get  the  hang  of  tools;  quick 
to  participate  and  carry  responsibility  in 
their  cooperative  associations;  eager  to 
make  the  most  of  their  new  opportunities. 
In  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the 
Niger  delta,  they  fall  into  three  vocations, 
each  with  its  own  characteristics — fisher- 
men, herdsmen,  farmers.  It  is  from  this 
third  group  that  we  draw  our  settlers,  for 

the  most  part,  so  that  the  change  is  not 
from  one  calling  to  another  (as  in  the 
case  of  many  Palestinian  colonists,  for  ex- 
ample) but  from  one  level  of  work  to  an- 
other of  the  same  sort. 

The  Villages:  Old  and  New 

So  difficult  is  life  in  the  old  order,  so 
exhaustive  the  primitive  cultivation  of  the 
soil,  that  the  native  villages  we  draw  from 
are  often  twenty  miles  apart.  In  North 
Sudan,  in  particular,  these  impress  you  as 
beset  with  poverty.  The  houses  are  set 
fairly  next  to  each  other  along  narrow 
crooked  streets.  Each  village  lives  on  it- 
self, and  the  distance  to  the  next  makes 
intercourse  and  trading  difficult. 

But  there  is  always  one  open  space  re- 
served at  the  center  of  a  native  village 
where  special  care  is  taken  of  a  wide 

spreading  tree,  often  a  cailcedra  or  a  ficus. 
Under  the  shade  of  its  thick  leaves,  the 
villagers  are  prone  to  talk  over  all  the 
problems  and  events,  important  or  futile, 
which  concern  them.  Men  usually  predom- 
inate in  this  "forum";  rustic  benches  sur- 
round the  tree,  and  here  is  the  center  of 
the  spiritual  life  of  the  community. 

In  the  new  settlements  in  the  irrigated 
zone,  an  effort  is  made  to  maintain,  while 
improving  so  far  as  light  and  air  and 
sanitation  go,  the  traditional  native  style 
of  house.  Thus,  the  casement  of  the  outer 
door  is  left  unfinished,  as  that  is  some- 
thing each  household  likes  to  contrive  foi 
itself.  All  the  streets  are  wide,  all  straight, 
all  shaded  by  trees.  Three  innovation* 
these;  but  that  does  not  mean  that  the 
ancient  center  has  been  overlooked.  Rather, 
several  trees  are  placed  there;  a  well  for 
drinking  water  dug;  seats  provided  for 
gossip  and  high  talk. 

Fruit  trees  are  planted  near  the  home* 
for  and  by  each  family;  and  vegetables  are 
grown  in  gardens  all  around  the  villages. 
Little  by  little,  comforts  in  the  homes  im- 
prove with  the  increase  in  returns  from 
the  crops.  Bedsteads  and  bedding,  mos- 
quito-nets, chests,  pots  and  pans,  and  other 
handy  little  articles  come  into  use  and 

The  New  Fields 

Where  formerly  there  were  only  a  few 
dwellings  crowded  together,  there  are  now 
real  farms.  Farming  implements  (plows, 
harrows,  carts)  can  be  seen,  proudly  dis- 
played, in  a  corner  of  the  clean  yard.  There 
are  bulls  and  cows,  chickens  and  ducks.  The 
fruit  trees  begin  to  bear;  the  family  garden 
yields  vegetables  for  daily  meats;  store- 
rooms are  full  of  cereals  from  the  fields. 

The  same  metamorphosis  goes  forward 
on  the  soil.  Instead  of  tiny  patches  sur- 
rounded by  the  jungle,  tilled  by  hand,  there 
are  wide  fields  regularly  set  out 

At  sunrise  in  sowing  time,  the  vast  plain 
becomes  alive  with  plowing  teams.  The 
fertile  land  is  ripped  open,  the  plowshares 
shine  in  the  sunlight.  A  life  devoted  to 
work,  but  to  a  work  which  brings  reward, 
develops  everywhere.  And  before  the  day 
of  traditional  festival,  everyone  competes  for 
the  best  clothing  which  is  a  sign  of  the 
new  prosperity. 

The  time  will  come  when  these  vast 
acreages  will  be  tilled  by  tractors.  The 
tractors  will  be  handled  by  natives — who  in 
not  a  few  instances  have  shown  aptitudes 
for  machinery.  Today,  however,  for  the 
most  part  they  are  going  through  an  earlier 
revolution  summed  up  in  the  ox — their 
first  use  of  great  beasts  to  ease  their  own 
back  muscles. 

Now  Sudan  oxen  are  accustomed  to  lib- 
erty and  to  wandering  in  the  jungle.  It  is 
not  a  small  or  inexpert  task  to  transform 
them  into  draft  animals.  Their  teaching 
is  a  slow  process,  a  matter  of  weeks  before 
they  can  be  asked  to  pull  a  plow,  even  at 
the  hands  of  native  "specialists"  charged 
with  this  work. 

Then,  the  farmer  himself  has  to  grow 
accustomed  to  use  both  ox  and  plow — for 
the  native  cultivator  tends  to  be  slow  to 
grasp  the  advantages  of  the  new  methods. 


He,  in  turn,  has  to  go  through  a  patient 
process  of  education.  The  native  teacher 
has  many  farmers  to  teach,  and  very  often 
as  soon  as  he  turns  on  his  heel,  an  oldster 
will  pick  up  his  hand  hoe  and  begin  again 
the  hard  toil  of  his  ancestors.  So  it  is 
necessary  for  the  teacher  to  come  back,  to 
persuade  little  by  little,  and  mainly  by  ex- 
ample, that  results  can  be  obtained  better, 
easier,  faster,  with  the  "bull's"  help.  Other 
farmers  can  sometimes  make  this  clearer 
than  the  teacher;  the  facts  soon  speak  for 
themselves;  and  a  little  later,  the  plowman 
becomes  an  example  for  later  colonists. 

Meanwhile,  when  the  morning  sun 
streams  over  the  irrigated  land  with  its 
plowing  teams  at  planting  time,  this  is 
why  you  so  frequently  see  bulls  led  by 
young  boys,  proud  of  their  youthful  skill, 
conscious  of  doing  their  part. 


It  has  been  the  finest  reward  for  those 
of  us  who  have  shared  in  this  new  type  of 
pioneering  not  only  to  see  the  fields  yield 
greater  crops,  but  to  sense  advances  by  the* 
native  farmers  in  that  other  field  of  which 
[  have  spoken,  the  administration  of  their 
agricultural  associations. 

As  the  natives  are  of  various  races,  lan- 
guages, customs,  care  is  taken  that  in  their 
new  setting  they  find  themselves,  if  possi- 
ble, among  friends,  or  at  least  among  those 
of  the  same  tribe.  Their  habits  are  always 
respected.  Being  freed  from  uncertainty  as 
to  their  "daily  rice"  the  year  through,  they 
can  give  more  time  to  higher  things,  if 
you  will;  and  these,  in  turn,  carry  new 
conviction  as  to  what  may  be  obtained 

French   Press   and   Information   Service 
The  village  center,  with  spreading  tree,   is  retained  in  the  new  settlements 

Ewing   Galloway 
This  is  not  a  crowd  in  North  Africa,  but  the  market  place  of  Timbuktu,  French  Sudan 

through  the  modern  techniques  to  which 
they  have  been  introduced  from  seed  time 
to  harvest. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  on  their 
arrival  many  of  them  have  never  handled 
much  money — the  small  coin  of  incentive 
in  our  Western  world.  The  war  has  done 
such  violence  to  our  French  franc  in  inter- 
national exchange  that  perhaps  it  has  been 
just  as  well  that  tangible  things  have  play- 
ed so  large  a  part  in  the  bargain  they 
strike  with  life.  In  prewar  days,  there  was 
a  strong  preference  for  small  bills,  and 
plenty  of  them,  in  their  dealings  with  their 
associations.  There  was  decided  preference 
for  a  pile  of  5  franc  notes  as  against  one 
for  a  thousand  francs.  You  could  hold 
them  in  your  hands  and  see  that  you  had 
gained  much  for  your  labor.  Sometimes  we 
had  to  clamp  down  on  the  practice  of  cer- 
tain shrewd  individuals  who  feathered  their 
own  nests  by  exchanging  an  alluring  dozen 
of  small  bills  for  one  for  a  thousand  francf 
held  by  a  naive  neighbor.  But  money, 
like  tools,  like  motive  power  from  the  ox 
up,  yields  to  expanding  experience. 

Even  more  does  self-reliance  mount  in  a 
cooperative  association.  Thus,  at  harvest 
time,  each  native  family  first  puts  aside 
for  their  own  store  the  amount  of  cereali 
they  will  require  for  nutriment  in  the  year 
ahead.  The  basis  is  600  Ibs.  per  person. 
Then,  they  set  aside  the  amount  of  seed 
necessary  for  future  sowing. 

The  rest  of  the  crop  is  sold  by  the  co- 
operative to  the  best  advantage  of  its  mem- 

JANUARY  1945 



Sansanding  diversion  dam,  at  the  head  of  the  interior  delta    of  the  Niger:  a  drawing 

bers,  and  for  their  benefit.  From  the  net  pro- 
ceeds are  deducted  costs  covering  transpor- 
tation and  processing  (threshing,  milling 
of  rough  rice,  and  so  on);  and  the  expenses 
of  the  cooperative  itself. 

Of  the  remainder,  a  share  (about  one- 
third)  is  turned  over  to  the  government  in 
redeeming  outlays  involved  in  installing 
and  equipping  the  colonists  at  the  outset 
and  so  paid  off  on  an  instalment  plan.* 

The  rest  represents  the  net  return  in  the 
case  of  each  family  on  the  basis  of  its  con- 
tribution to  the  crop  that  has  been  sold. 
And  we  have  repeatedly  been  struck  by 
their  choices,  each  year,  to  employ  a  share 
of  it  for  common  tools,  like  barges  or 
trucks,  for  the  cooperative  in  its  service  to 

Rice  Bowl  of  West  Africa 

Such  are  the  general  principles — and 
simple  examples  in  their  application — 
which  today  govern  the  development  of  a 
region  which  tomorrow  will  turn  the  Niger 
delta  into  the  granary  for  this  whole  part 
of  Africa. 

Glance  at  the  map  of  this  territory  and 
you  will  see  how  readily  the  three  principal 
colonies  which  border  the  valley — Senegal, 
French  Guinea,  and  the  Ivory  Coast — can 
be  reached.  In  the  prewar  years,  they  had 
to  import  rice  from  faraway  Indo-China. 
Yet  these  three  colonies  can  themselves  fur- 
nish valuable  products  for  cash  export — 
such  as  peanuts,  palm  oil,  noix  de  palme, 
cocoa  and  coffee  (the  demand  for  which, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  war  effort, 
has  been  pressing).  The  production  of 
such  exports  is,  however,  contingent  upon 
the  degree  to  which  these  coastal  colonies, 
in  turn,  can  receive  food  supplies  adequate 
to  meet  their  daily  sustenance.  The  stra- 
tegic goal  of  the  Niger  River  Valley  devel- 
opment is  to  satisfy  just  that. 

What  remains  to  be  solved  is  assurance 
of  equipment  in  the  Valley — equipment  for 
constructing  and  operating  canals,  for  pre- 
paring and  cultivating  the  ground,  for 
transporting  crops  safely  and  swiftly.  When 

*  The  land  itself  is  retained  by  the  government,  in 
order  to  avoid  its  re-sale  in  ways  which  would 
bring  great  areas  into  the  hands  of  owners  who 
would  not  themselves  work  it 

these  factors  are  accounted  for,  the  age-old 
problem  of  providing  West  Africa  with  the 
necessities  of  life  will  be  solved. 

Again  the  role  of  the  Niger  itself  enters 
into  the  solutions  called  for.  Thus  the  river 
is  naturally  navigable  during  six  to  seven 
months  of  the  year  and  is  accessible  to 
small  boats  during  the  entire  year.  With 
water  storage  reservoirs,  a  considerable  part 
of  the  year-long  transportation  problem 
will  be  solved.  This  great  stream,  more- 
over, is  destined  for  other  "multiple  pur- 
pose" benefits,  of  which  irrigation  and 
transportation  are  but  two  aspects. 

On  its  upper  valley  and  those  of  its  trib- 
utaries are  perfect  sites  for  power  and 
storage  dams.  The  electricity  produced  will 
find  many  uses  outside  of  domestic  con- 
sumption— such  as  the  processing  of  crops 
and  minerals,  especially  those  natural  phos- 
phates which  are  found  near  the  Niger 
River  Valley.  Above  all,  this  power  can 
be  utilized  for  refrigeration  in  a  region  of 
tropical  heat.  As  the  acreage  under  irriga- 
tion in  the  Niger  Valley  expands,  not  only 
will  its  soil  be  able  to  furnish  grains,  vege- 
tables, and  raw  materials  for  industry,  but 
the  breeding  of  cattle,  already  a  prosperous 
undertaking,  will,  thanks  to  refrigeration, 
find  easy  outlets  for  its  meats. 

Looking  Ahead 

A  vast  program  of  land  improvement 
lies  before  the  French  colonizers.  The  po- 
tential resources  of  this  primeval  country 
are  as  yet  only  partially  known  or  grasped. 
New  activities,  still  unsuspected,  will  keep 
step  with  the  broadening  of  community 
life.  And  it  is  thanks  to  the  Niger,  thanks 
to  this  savage  African  river  which  will  be 
tamed,  that  a  vast  country — yesterday  un- 
productive, all  but  unpopulated  and  deso- 
late— may  find  itself  tomorrow  prosperous, 
animated,  and  happy. 

Simultaneously  with  the  discovery  and 
extraction  of  natural  wealth,  the  level  of 
life  of  the  native  population  will  be  raised. 
Such  is  the  hope  and  aim  of  the  pioneers 
in  the  colonization  of  the  Niger  Valley — 
above  all,  to  help  them  make  themselves 
full  men.  It  is  a  task  worthy  of  the  new 
France,  the  France  which,  reborn,  is  re- 
building herself. 

Perhaps  the  dream — and  its  accomplish- 
ment over  the  next  half  century — can  be 
put  in  an  incident  which  the  engineers  of 
the  Niger  River  Office  tell  their  friends. 
It  has  to  do  with  but  one  strand  in  their 
skein  of  work,  but  that  is  kindred  to  the 

They  found  people  living  a  hundred 
miles  or  so  north  of  the  site  where  they 
were  to  build  the  impounding  dam  at  the 
Niger  delta.  It  was  wild  country,  scotched 
by  frequent  droughts.  But  these  natives 
clung  to  an  ancient  legend  which  ran  back 
beyond  the  memories  of  their  grandfathers. 
It  had  to  do  with  a  large  river  that  had 
flowed  across  the  country,  making  it  pros- 
perous. Then,  so  the  legend  ran,  the  gods 
must  have  been  offended.  The  river  died. 
The  richness  vanished  from  the  soil.  The 
people  had  been  impoverished  since. 

That  legend  was  true.  The  river  had 
been  there;  the  Niger  or  one  of  its  branches. 
But  the  natives  would  not  believe  it  when 
told  that  the  white  men  would  or  could 
bring  it  back. 

When  water — water  from  300  to  600 
feet  wide — came  down  the  old  river  bed, 
the  people  stood  and  marveled.  No  won- 
der, when  even  a  few  drops  can  mean  so 
much  in  a  country  like  theirs. 

Healing  Waters  for 
a  Wounded  Earth 

Watersheds  and  the  promise  they  hold 
as  footholds  for  postwar  development:  a 
special  series — in  collaboration  with 
Morris  Llewellyn  Cooke,  engineer  and 
public  servant.  Articles  to  date: 

"Cinderella  the  Great"  [Survey 
Graphic,  July  1944}  by  Morris  L.  Cooke, 
author  of  "Brazil  on  the  March."  The 
Amazon's  little  known  sister  runs  like 
the  Nile,  south  to  north — through  Brazil- 
ian country  as  thirsty  as  Egypt.  But  the 
San  Francisco  River  has  latent  energy 
to  throw  open  a  vast  hinterland  to  post- 
war settlement  and  progress. 

"The  Grand  Job  of  Our  Century" 
{Survey  Graphic,  August  1944}  by 
David  E.  Lilienthal,  chairman,  Tennes- 
see Valley  Authority.  Men  will  always 
dispute  over  economic  and  political  ab- 
stractions. Real  things  can  cut  through 
dogma  in  an  American  Development 

"Two  Wars  and  Muscle  Shoals"  [Sur- 
vey Graphic,  August  1944}  by  Katherine 
Glover,  author  of  "America  Begins 
Again."  A  wartime  dud  a  quarter  cen- 
tury ago,  today  the  Tennessee  Valley 
generates  10  billion  kilowatt  hours  a 
year;  three  fourths  for  war  use. 

"Big  Magic  for  the  Big  Muddy"  {Sur- 
vey  Graphic,  September  1944}  by  Rufus 
Terral,  editorial  writer,  St.  Louis  Post- 
Dispatch.  Missouri  Valley,  the  nation's 
second  greatest,  becomes  alive  to  its 
opportunity  and — in  a  ferment  of  con- 
flicting ideas — seeks  a  plan. 

Articles  to  come  on  the  Danube  and 
other  river  basins,  here  and  abroad. 



Agenda  for  the  American  People 

As  considered  at  a  mythical  Mountain  Conference  high  above  the 
smokescreens  of  propaganda  issuing  from  the  tents  of  the  mighty. 

way  the  Agenda  for  1950  could  be  pre- 
sented to  the  people.  I  see  perhaps  a  hun- 
dred leading  Americans,  men  and  women, 
meeting  in  some  high,  quiet  place  to  pre- 
pare it.  They  are  not  the  kind  of  people 
who  are  active  in  Me  First  groups.  They 
are  scientists,  judges,  teachers,  university 
folk,  philosophers  of  business,  lovers  of 
the  land,  statesmen — and  they  think  in 
terms  of  the  whole  community. 

I  picture  them  as  people  without  ide- 
ologies or  dogmatic  principles,  aware  of 
their  own  shortcomings  and  the  general 
inadequacy  of  mankind,  as  Wells  put  it. 
They  are  accustomed  to  approach  a  ques- 
tion with  the  scientific  attitude,  and  to  look 
at  all  the  major  characteristics  of  a  situation 
before  leaping  to  a  conclusion.  They  are 
aware  of  the  pitfalls  of  language.  If  there 
are  not  a  hundred  of  them  in  the  country 
today,  America  is  in  a  bad  way.  We  had 
more  than  that  in  1787. 

They  ought,  I  think,  to  go  up  into  the 
mountains  somewhere.  Perhaps  the  navy 
would  invite  them  to  Sun  Valley,  whose 
beauty  and  remoteness  would  give  them 
perspective.  The  young  veterans  recuperat- 
ing there  would  remind  them  of  the  ur- 
gency of  their  task.  They  could  look  at 
the  Sawtooth  Mountains  of  Idaho,  block- 
ing the  sky  to  the  north,  and  remember 
the  majesty  and  splendor  of  their  country. 

They  could  hold  general  meetings  in  the 
big  lodge,  while  sub-committees,  working 
on  detail  problems,  could  meet  wherever 
they  pleased.  Sometimes  they  might  meet 
on  the  terrace  of  the  Round  House,  8,000 
feet  high  on  Mt.  Baldy,  at  the  top  of  the 
second  tow,  where  they  could  look  all  over 
the  Snake  River  Valley.  It  ought  to  clear 
the  brain.  The  meeting  should  be  held  in 
summer  rather  than  winter,  with  wild 
flowers,  not  snow.  The  delegates  would  do 
better  to  take  their  exercise  on  horseback, 
or  fishing,  rather  than  risk  their  tibias  on 
the  canyon  run. 

The  Chairman 

I  can  see  the  Chairman  getting  to  his 
feet  in  front  of  the  big  blue  tapestry  in  the 
lodge  dining  room  to  open  the  conference. 
He  is  a  social  scientist  from  somewhere 
on  the  Coast.  His  face  is  a  little  drawn, 
and  he  drums  on  the  table  with  long 
fingers.  He  is  no  orator,  but  you  can  feel 
the  whip  of  his  mind,  releasing  something 
which  seems  to  have  been  banking  up  in- 
side him  for  a  long  time.  I  shall  not  quote 
him  directly,  but  paraphrase  his  address, 
as  I  imagine  it. 

America,  he  says,  has  reached  a  mile- 
stone. We  have  met  here  to  consider  what 
we  can  do  to  help  our  country  pass  it  safely. 
It  cannot  be  muddled  past;  deliberate  action 
must  be  taken.  If  thoughtful  citizens  like 


— "Once  Big  Business,  Big  Unions,  and 
Big  Farmers  moved  in  on  the  scene,  the 
community  had  to  develop  Big  Govern- 
ment to  cope  with  them."  That  was  the 
way  Mr.  Chase  began  his  article  on  Big 
Government  in  Survey  Graphic  for 
December;  and  here  is  the  informal 
sequel  to  that  keen  analysis. 

Both  are  advance  chapters  of  his  book, 
"Democracy  Under  Pressure:  Special  In- 
terests vs.  the  Public  Welfare,"  which 
will  come  from  the  press  this  month. 
This  book  is  the  fourth  in  his  series  of 
reconnaissance  reports  brought  out  by 
the  Twentieth  Century  Fund  under  the 
general  title,  "When  the  War  Ends." 

Polls,  stock  market  forecasts,  and 
weather  bulletins  are  so  many  attempts 
to  blend  prophecy  with  mathematics  and 
scientific  method.  Trained  as  a  public 
accountant  and  skilled  as  a  writer,  Mr. 
Chase's  talent  for  wringing  meaning 
from  economic  facts  hangs  on  his  gifts 
of  insight  and  imagination.  And,  in  turn, 
it  is  his  grasp  of  hard  fact  that  underpins 
his  essays  in  prophecy. 

ourselves  have  no  practical  suggestions,  the 
action  will  be  taken  anyway,  by  generals — 
or  by  demagogues. 

The  milestone  would  have  been  reached 
without  the  war,  but  perhaps  not  so  ab- 
ruptly. There  would  have  been  more  time 
to  turn  around,  but  not  a  great  deal  more. 
There  was  not  much  time  to  turn  around 
after  the  banks  began  to  close  in  1932. 

The  milestone,  he  says,  is  the  point  at 
which  the  pressures  generated  by  a  high- 
energy  culture  result  in  disastrous  explosion 
under  a  policy  of  drift.  In  one  sense,  this 
war  itself  is  such  an  explosion.  Business 
depressions  have  plowed  too  deep,  unem- 
ployment and  insecurity  have  become  too 
great,  to  be  sat  through  patiently  as  one 
sits  through  a  session  with  the  dentist.  The 
depression  of  1929  was  probably  the  last 
of  its  kind.  It  hardly  touched  Russia,  which 
is  an  explosive  fact  in  itself.  It  brought 
Hitler  in  Germany,  the  end  of  the  gold 
standard  everywhere,  the  Spanish  Revolu- 
tion, the  Japanese  assault  on  Manchuria, 
New  Deals  in  many  nations,  and  violent 
economic  changes  throughout  the  world. 

As  the  depression  deepened,  governments 
shook  off  the  rules  of  laissez  faire  and  step- 
ped forward  to  manage  the  economy  di- 
rectly— its  manpower,  its  money,  its  trade. 
In  the  process,  many  democratic  govern- 
ments toppled  into  the  arms  of  dictators. 
Democratic  legislatures  had  no  plans  to 
meet  the  crisis,  or  if  they  had,  they  could 
not  act  fast  enough  in  their  strait  jackets 
of  checks  and  balances. 

The  Chairman  stopped  a  moment  and 
leaned  forward.  .  .  .  These  are  hard,  un- 

pleasant words,  I  know.  But  democracy  is 
up  against  a  hard,  unpleasant  set  of  facts. 
There  are  no  democracies  in  the  pre-1914 
sense  left  in  the  world  today.  The  war  has 
forced  even  those  few  which  still  elect  their 
leaders,  far  along  the  authoritarian  road. 

The  Participants 

We  who  are  meeting  here,  the  Chairman 
went  on,  represent  no  economic  interest 
except  that  of  the  consumer,  which  means 
everybody.  We  are  not  specifically  for 
"labor,"  for  "capital,"  for  farmers,  for  or- 
ganized medicine,  for  Wall  Street,  the  West 
Coast,  the  export  trade,  the  department 
stores,  or  for  the  manufacturers  of  Shock- 
ing Radiance  perfume. 

We  are  not  in  favor  of  "capitalism,"  "so- 
cialism," "fascism,"  "communism,"  "indi- 
vidualism." We  have  gone  through  these 
vague  ideologies  and  come  out  on  the  other 
side.  We  are  in  favor  of  keeping  our  minds 
open  and  the  machines  running.  We  want 
the  community  to  go  on,  not  to  stop  dead 
in  its  tracks  as  in  1929. 

We  are  not  prejudiced  in  favor  of  private 
business,  government  business,  cooperative 
business  or  nonprofit  business.  We  believe 
that  each  has  its  place,  depending  on  cir- 
cumstances. At  one  extreme  stand  the 
courts,  which  are  certainly  a  function  of 
government;  at  the  other  stands  the  afore- 
said Shocking  Radiance,  which  is  certainly 
a  function  of  private  enterprise — with  may- 
be just  a  dash  of  the  Federal  Trade  Com- 
mission in  the  formula.  In  between,  it  all 

We  have  been  called  together  to  attempt 
a  division  of  the  "in  between."  A  problem 
clearly  stated  is  halfway  solved.  We  want 
to  run  a  line  between  the  area  where  the 
public  should  be  responsible,  and  the  area 
where  private  interests  should  be  respon- 
sible. Together  they  are  responsible  for 
57,000,000  jobs. 

We  want  to  find  out  which  monopolies 
can  be  successfully  broken  up  into  com- 
petitive units,  and  which  cannot  be  without 
disaster.  For  the  latter  we  want  a  program 
of  control  which  will  prevent  restriction  of 
output  and  keep  the  machines  running. 

We  want  to  determine  how  far  labor 
unions  should  be  regulated  in  the  public 
interest,  and  whether  the  Wagner  act  needs 
amendment.  We  are  sure,  I  think,  that 
union  accounts,  like  corporate  accounts, 
should  be  a  matter  of  public  record. 

Everybody's  Government 

While  some  of  our  committees  are  wrest- 
ling with  such  questions,  others  must 
wrestle  with  our  disintegrating  political 
machinery.  If  we  had  a  government  of 
Jeffersons  and  Disraelis  in  Washington, 
there  is  no  reason  to  expect  that  even  they 
would  get  far  working  through  the  present 

JANUARY  1945 


committee  system  of  Congress,  and  ham- 
pered by  the  present  division  of  fiscal 
policy  and  action  into  a  dozen  jealous 
bureaus.  Because  of  the  seniority  rule,  at 
nearly  every  outlet  to  Congress  stands  an 
old,  old  man,  too  tired  to  find  out  what 
the  modern  world  demands.  Such  creaking 
machinery  is  ideal  for  the  lobbyist. 

We  must  have  first-rate  men  in  govern- 
ment, and  public  service  made  an  attractive 
career  to  keen  youngsters.  We  need  a  more 
enlightened  civil  service,  better  rules  for 
tenure,  many  more  schools  of  public  ad- 
ministration. We  need  higher  salaries  in 
the  top  ranks,  like  the  scale  paid  in 

Our  subcommittee  dealing  with  red  tape 
should  examine  the  record  of  the  Social 
Security  Board.  The  board  conducts  the 
largest  clerical  job  on  earth,  with  76,000,000 
Americans  on  its  books.  It  should  be  a 
paradise  for  "bureaucrats."  Yet  in  the  two 
years  after  Pearl  Harbor,  it  increased  its 
work  load  one  third,  with  20  percent  fewer 
employes.  How  was  it  done? 

David  Lilienthal  has  given  us  an  example 
of  planning  at  the  grass  roots.  The  TVA 
works  with  the  people  of  the  Valley.  It  will 
not  press  projects,  however  excellent  in 
theqry,  that  the  people  do  not  want  done. 
It  will  not  undertake  projects  for  the  peo- 
ple unless  the  people  take  off  their  coats 
and  help.  I  recommend  his  book  to  our 
lubcommittee  on  the  machinery  of  govern- 
ment. The  TVA  is  something  new  in  the 
world.  Young  men  arrive  from  China, 
Brazil,  Russia,  India,  to  study  it. 

We  want  to  offer  reasoned  suggestions 
as  to  which  public  activities  should  be  cen- 
tralized and  handled  from  Washington,  and 
which  should  be  decentralized  and  handled 
regionally,  like  the  TVA,  or  by  the  states, 
or  by  local  governments.  We  want  to  know 
why  we  should  tolerate  165,000  units  of 
government  at  all  levels. 

Management  and  Liberty 

We  want  to  develop  some  pretty  dear 
ideas  about  the  three  major  forms  of  gov- 
ernment control:  regulation,  control-with- 
out-ownership,  and  outright  ownership. 
Which  is  best  for  a  given  activity?  In  con- 
nection with  the  last,  we  should  look 
closely  into  examples  of  government  cor- 
porations.  In  many  cases  this  form  gets 
them  out. of  politics  and  allows  their  man- 
agers to  practice  real  efficiency. 

These  are  some  of  the  concrete  matters 
we  are  going  to  take  up,  the  Chairman 
continued.  I  see  at  least  two  such  mana- 
gers in  this  room.  They  can  help  us.  In 
order  to  make  wise  recommendations  we 
must  keep  in  mind  some  longer-range  prin- 
ciples. We  must  remember  that  it  is  the 
era  of  abundance  we  are  trying  to  adjust 
to.  No  nation  in  the  world  has  yet  solved 
the  problem  of  distributing  abundant  pro- 
duction, except  by  war.  This  war  itself  has 
vastly  multiplied  our  powers  of  produc- 
tion, so  that  abundance  can  be  a  greater 
threat  than  ever.  We  propose  to  find  out 
how  to  make  it  a  promise. 

The  wild  horses  of  the  power  age  have 
to  be  harnessed  by  someone,  otherwise  they 
will  kick  Western  civilization  to  pieces, 
in  depressions,  revolutions,  wars,  struggles 

for  power  at  every  level.  The  critical  ques- 
tion is:  Who  is  to  do  the  managing?  The 
simplest  answer  is  to  turn  the  job  over  to 
a  dictator.  He  calls  in  some  specialists, 
exerts  his  well  known  powers  of  divination, 
and  then  tells  you  and  me  what  to  do.  If 
he  is  a  benevolent  despot,  we  may  dislike 
his  orders  less  than  we  dislike  tramping 
the  streets  in  search  of  work.  If  he  is 
malevolent,  like  Hitler,  many  of  us  would 
rather  die. 

Since  1929,  any  expectation  of  free,  un- 
managed  economies  is  academic.  We  all 
know  that — in  our  minds  if  not  in  our 
emotional  nervous  systems.  Men  cannot 
return  to  free,  unmanaged  economies  so 
long  as  inanimate  energy  and  mass  pro- 
duction dominate  human  activity. 

Furthermore,  I  do  not  know  how  many 
of  us,  when  we  get  right  down  to  it,  would 
like  the  London  of  Adam  Smith.  We  have 
to  cope  with  the  age  that  is  here.  To  run 
away  from  it  is  to  become  impotent.  The 
parade  back  to  unlimited  free  enterprise  is 
not  an  inspiring  spectacle.  It  leaves  young 
people  confused  and  baffled.  They  want 
leaders,  not  retreaters. 

Economic  systems  must  now  be  managed. 
Have  people  in  the  democracies  the  brains 
to  work  out  a  kind  of  management  which 
deals  only  with  a  few  key  functions  and 
leaves  most  activities  in  private  hands?  The 
Swedes  and  the  New  Zealanders  have  done 
just  this.  They  are  small  countries  com- 
pared to  ours,  but  experiments  in  a  wind 
tunnel  have  often  taught  us  much  about 
flying  in  the  open  sky. 

We  have  come  here,  I  take  it,  because 
we  believe  our  democracy  can  find  the 
brains.  If  anyone  in  this  room  does  not 
believe  that  a  managed  economy  is  com- 
patible with  political  democracy  and  civil 
liberties,  some  mistake  has  been  made  in 
the  invitations.  That  is  one  assumption  we 
were  all  supposed  to  make.  We  do  not 
have  to  assume  its  eternal  truth,  but  with- 
out it  as  a  working  hypothesis  we  can  do 
little  here  but  toss  a  dilapidated  ball  of 
argument  around  the  same  old  dusty  circle. 
We  assume  that  our  democracy  can  man- 
age its  affairs,  and  we  have  met  to  prepare 
a  temporary  plan  of  management. 

...  At  this  point  I  picture  two  or  three 
gentlemen  getting  up  quietly  and  leaving 
the  room.  They  are  not  again  seen  at  any 
sessions  of  the  conference.  .  .  . 

Brotherhood  and  the  Power  Age 

Americans — the  Chairman  picks  up  the 
thread  of  his  talk — were  not  brought  up  to 
plan  for,  or  even  to  think  about,  their  na- 
tional survival.  That  was  taken  for  granted. 
Politics  they  considered  a  gaudy  sporting 
event,  like  a  horse  race.  "Who  is  going  to 
win?"  was  the  great  question:  not  what 
he  would  do  to,  or  for,  the  country.  A 
Presidential  convention  was  written  up  by 
the  newspaper  boys  in  terms  similar  to  a 
championship  football  game  in  the  Rose 
Bowl.  Brass  bands  and  betting  odds  were 
central  on  both  occasions. 

People  grabbed  for  things  they  wanted, 
and  when  the  going  was  tough,  they  or- 
ganized pressure  groups  to  intensify  the 
grabbing.  These  groups  have  grown  so 
strong  that  they  have  distorted  the  whole 

economy.  The  idea  seemed  to  be  how 
much  you  could  take  from  America,  not 
what  you  could  give  to  her. 

Our  forefathers  set  up  an  elaborate  plan 
in  1787.  They  gave  it  a  push  and  let  it  go. 
The  expanding  frontier  carried  it  on  for  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years.  Lincoln  had  to  do 
some  managing,  and  so  did  Woodrow  Wil- 
son. But  the  New  Deal  marked  the  first 
time  it  was  ever  necessary  to  make  over-all 
plans  coordinating  banks,  farmers,  and  em- 

Now  we  are  managed  to  the  rooftree  in 
total  war.  Everyone  who  stops  to  think 
knows  we  cannot  unloosen  those  war  con- 
trols without  the  most  careful  supervision, 
or  unemployment  will  run  wild.  We  can- 
not have  high  national  income  and  full 
employment  for  the  long  swing  withoul 
some  controls.  If  the  national  income  falls 
much  below  $130,000,000,000,  we  cannot 
service  the  debt. 

Preachers  have  long  admonished  us  that 
all  men  are  brothers,  but  they  got  nowhere 
in  the  era  of  scarcity  when  there  was  not 
enough  to  go  around.  Brothers  sat  on 
brothers'  heads.  The  power  age  has  given 
material  foundation  to  the  preachers'  case. 
For  the  first  time  in  history  there  is  no 
need  for  brothers  to  push  one  another 
down.  Look  at  the  United  States  in  1944, 
producing  twice  what  it  did  in  1940! 

The  economy  of  abundance  makes  the 
class  struggle  as  old-fashioned  as  a  high- 
wheeled  bicycle.  At  the  same  time,  mass 
production  gears  the  economy  into  one 
organism,  with  intense  specialization  of 
work.  A  hundred  years  ago  sixteen  out  of 
every  twenty  Americans  owned  their  means 
of  livelihood.  Today,  seventeen  out  of 
twenty  do  not.  Seventeen  out  of  twenty  are 
utterly  dependent  on  the  organism.  Unless 
the  economy  is  operated  at  substantial 
capacity,  life  becomes  meaningless  and  in- 
tolerable for  them. 

The  Choices  Before  Us 

To  the  Chairman's  mind,  therefore,  full 
employment  or  progressive  degeneration  is 
the  choice  we  have  to  make,  the  price  we 
must  pay  for  the  fecundity  of  the  ma- 
chine. The  enemies  of  society  are  not  the 
rich  who  spend  their  money  on  luxuries, 
but  those  who  restrict  production  and  won't 
let  other  people  work.  These  enemies  are 
found  in  the  monopolies  of  both  business 
and  labor.  The  pressure  groups  are  crawl- 
ing with  them. 

Many  radical  philosophers  still  think  in 
the  static  terms  of  legal  title.  They  want 
to  divide  property,  strip  the  rich  of  their 
"ill-gotten  gains,"  have  the  state  "take  over" 
the  means  of  production.  But  in  the  mod- 
ern world  it  is  the  dynamic  output,  the 
flow  of  goods,  which  is  important.  Idle 
assets,  though  the  valuation  figures  reach 
to  the  moon,  are  worthless  to  the  com- 
munity. Hence  it  does  no  good  for  the  state 
to  take  over  things  unless  it  can  move 
things.  If  the  state  can  move  things,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  take  them  over.  The  War 
Production  Board  owns  nothing  whatso- 
ever. Just  look  at  what  it  moves! 

The  Chairman  paused  again.  .  .  .  My 
time  is  about  up.  This  isn't  a  speech  but 
(Continued  on  page  31) 



Public  Housing  Charts  Its  Course 

As  the  new  Congress  meets,  the  Federal  Public  Housing  Commissioner  evaluates 
experience  under  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act  of  1937  and  offers  his  recommendations. 



one  senses  a  desire  to  preserve  the  fruits 
of  inevitable  victory  in  war  by  insuring 
a  peacetime  economy  of  abundance.  The 
housing  front  is  no  exception.  Advocates 
of  more  and  better  housing — and  I  am 
one  of  them — maintain  that  given  the 
proper  conditions  a  housing  program, 
including  public  and  private  operations 
each  in  its  appropriate  sphere,  can  be  a 
major  factor  to  insure  full  postwar  em- 
ployment and  provide  Americans  with 
homes  worthy  of  our  wartime  aspirations. 

With  the  possibility  of  building  homes 
for  civilians — whether  in  war  work  or  not 
— coming  nearer  every  day,  with  Congress 
likely  soon  to  consider  legislation  for  such 
peacetime  needs,  the  time  has  come'  to 
evaluate  the  results  and  operation  of  the 
prewar  housing  program  which  was  in- 
terrupted by  hostilities  as  far  as  new  build- 
ing went.  We  completed  more  than  105,- 
000  family  dwellings  in  public  housing 
projects  before  the  war,  with  an  additional 
25,000  under  prewar  contracts  suspended 
for  the  time  being,  and  62,500  built  for  war 
needs  which  will  revert  to  the  low  rent 
housing  program  after  the  war.  This  ex- 
perience should  be  scrutinized  in  preparing 
for  a  postwar  program. 

Though  one  hears  varying  figures  of  the 
probable  need,  on  one  premise  all  the  au- 
thors of  these  figures  are  agreed:  We  arc 
going  to  enter  the  postwar  period  with  a 
gnawing  hunger  for  houses  and  a  pitiful 
shortage  in  our  supply.  As  veterans  return, 
as  families  reshuffle,  and  as  temporary  war 
housing  begins  to  come  down,  the  shortage 
will  be  increasingly  felt.  To  relieve  this 
pressure,  and  to  help  take  up  the  slack  of 
cutbacks,  a  speedy  mobilization  of  the  con- 
struction and  housing  industry  will  be  need- 
ed. All  this  means  a  quick  scramble  at 
some  point,  where  everybody  will  be  intent 
on  getting  to  work. 

Every  Ounce  of  Effort 

During  the  war  period  a  truce  was  called 
on  the  public-private  battlefront,  broken 
by  only  a  few  minor  skirmishes.  In  build- 
ing homes  for  in-migrant  war  workers,  we 
have  operated  under  the  concept  that  an 
over-all  approach  to  the  housing  problem 
is  essential,  with  private  capital  doing  its 
share  in  its  appropriate  sphere,  and  with 
publicly  financed  housing  being  provided 
in  the  area  which  could  not  otherwise  be 
served.  But  pent-up  feelings  are  awaiting 
the  day  after  the  war  when  the  whole  sub- 
ject of  public  housing  will  again  be  under 

Postwar  housing  should  not  and  must 
not  become  a  dispute  between  advocates  of 
public  and  private  housing.  Those  in  pub- 
lic and  private  housing  must  shoot  at  the 
target  of  better  housing  for  America,  no. 

JANUARY  194.' 

— A  unit  of  the  National  Housing 
Agency,  the  Federal  Public  Housing 
Authority  has  charge  of  publicly  fi- 
nanced war  housing,  low  rent  housing 
and  slum  clearance,  and  various  other 
government-financed  housing  functions. 
Mr.  Klutznick,  commissioner  of  the 
FPHA  since  May  1944,  has  been  in  the 
public  housing  field  for  the  past  eleven 
years.  For  some  time  he  was  general 
counsel  for  the  Omaha,  Neb.,  Housing 
Authority.  Since  1941  he  has  been  ac- 
tive in  the  government's  defense  and 
war  housing  programs — first,  as  a  re- 
gional representative  of  the  National 
Housing  Agency,  with  responsibility  in 
a  dozen  states,  then  as  assistant  admin- 
istrator of  the  NHA. 

at  each  other.  Their  energies  must  not  be 
expended  in  civil  war  when  every  ounce 
of  effort  must  be  mustered  toward  the  con- 
structive conquest  of  America's  housing 

On  the  one  hand,  advocates  of  a  large 
public  housing  program  must  give  assur- 
ance that  they  do  not  intend  to  encroach 
upon  the  proper  domain  of  private  indus- 
try— and  as  a  representative  of  public  hous- 
ing I  am  prepared  to  give  private  indus- 
try that  assurance.  On  the  other  hand, 
private  industry  must  be  ready  to  prove 
by  works,  not  by  words  alone,  that  it  will 
cooperate  in  seeking  alternative  solutions 
to  meet  housing  needs  of  low  income  fami- 
lies wherever  it  cannot  profitably  serve 

A  No  Man's  Land 

The  area  in  which  public  housing  should 
operate  must  be  clearly  delineated.  I  would 
suggest  adhering  to  three  simple  principles 
— and  I  am  confident  that  most  public 
housing  advocates  will  subscribe  to  them: 

1.  No    new   public   housing    should   be 
provided  where  it  is  possible  to  fill  the  need 
by  utilizing  decent  existing  housing. 

2.  No   public   housing   should   be   built 
that  will  compete  with  private  capital  in 
building  for  families  who  can  afford  pri- 
vate housing  of  adequate  standards. 

3.  In  recognition  of  the  determined  effort 
which  we  hope  private  capital  will  make  to 
provide   standard   housing   for   the   lowest 
possible  income  market,  the  scope  of  pub- 
lic housing  need  in  a  locality  should  leave 
a  gap  of  some  reasonable  percentage,  say 
15  to  20  percent,  between  the  highest  in- 
come to  be  served  by  public  housing  and 
the  lowest  income  which  can  be  reached 
by   new   private  housing.      Thus,   if   new 
private    housing    could    not    profitably    be 
provided  for  families  earning  less  than  $100 
a    month,    then    the   highest   income    that 
public  housing  would  admit  in  that  locality 

would  be  something  less  than  $80  a  month. 

This  would  leave  a  "no  man's  land" 
with  housing  wants  unfilled,  offering  pri- 
vate capital  a  challenge  to  devise  ways 
to  meet  them.  To  do  this  job,  private 
capital  will  have  to  tap  its  fullest  re- 
sources and  tax  its  ingenuity  to  move 
downward  in  the  housing  income  scale. 
To  produce  more  value  at  lower  cost  will 
not  be  easy.  It  will  call  for  the  active  col- 
laboration of  builder,  investor,  and  worker 
in  the  housing  industry.  It  will  require 
the  sympathetic  assistance  of  government 
to  private  building.  But  private  capital 
will  also  have  to  make  something  of  an 
about-face.  It  can  no  longer  refuse  to 
venture  into  new  fields,  nor  can  it  retreat 
to  the  false  security  of  a  higher-priced  field. 
No  longer  can  a  smug  attitude  be  tolerated 
— that  it  will  be  time  enough  after  the 
cream  of  higher  cost  housing  has  been 
skimmed  off,  for  private  industry  to  turn 
attention  to  other  needs. 

I  hope  that  I  will  not  be  misunderstood 
if  I  express  a  friendly  warning.  People 
will  not  wait  forever.  They  have  been  pa- 
tient about  their  housing  needs.  They  are 
beginning  to  tire  of  talk  and  demand  ac- 
tion. There  is  real  danger  that,  if  private 
capital  and  industry  do  not  fill  this  void 
in  the  no-man's  land  of  housing  need,  the 
government  will  be  forced,  by  pressure  of 
need  and  popular  demand,  to  use  its  powers 
to  provide.  This  is  not  a  threat.  It  is  a 
realistic  estimate  of  a  situation  which  pri- 
vate capital  must  recognize. 

It  is  my  hope  that  the  field  of  public 
housing  will  never  have  to  be  expanded 
vertically  into  the  next  higher  income 
group — but  that,  in  fact,  it  will  be  forced 
progressively  lower  as  good,  low  cost  pri- 
vate housing  is  provided  for  lower  income 
groups.  This  is  not  just  wishful  thinking. 
Already,  the  simple  guides  I  have  outlined 
for  establishing  the  upper  boundary  of 
public  housing  make  up  the  formula  adopt- 
ed by  the  Federal  Public  Housing  Author- 
ity. In  preparing  applications  to  be  used 
by  communities  in  determining  needs  for 
postwar  public  housing,  FPHA  requires 
that  this  margin  of  safety  in  family  in- 
comes of  15  to  20  percent  should  be  used 
in  computing  the  local  public  housing  mar- 

Public  Housing's  Task 

Even  with  much  more  of  the  housing 
field  thus  fenced  off  for  private  capital 
than  it  now  is  able  to  serve,  the  task  left 
for  public  housing  is  still  so  huge  and  ur- 
gent that  to  .attempt  to  expand  it  further 
would  not  be  wise.  The  need  for  decent 
housing  by  families  whose  incomes  can- 
not support  good  private  housing  at  a 
profit  under  any  circumstances  at  present 
conceivable  is  still  appallingly  large.  Here 


let  me  point  out  that  an  analysis  of  the 
1940  housing  census  indicates  that  nearly 
30  percent  of  the  urban  dwelling  units  are 
in  need  of  major  repairs  or  are  deficient 
in  necessary  facilities. 

How  many  new  dwellings  will  be  need- 
ed after  the  war?  The  National  Hous- 
ing Agency  estimates  that  12,600,000  ad- 
ditional homes  will  be  required  in  the 
next  ten  years  to  achieve  any  substantial 
reduction  of  existing  substandard  housing 
and  to  provide  the  additional  accommoda- 
tions necessary  when  soldiers  return  and 
families  unscramble.  This  means  an  aver- 
age of  a  million  and  a  quarter  homes  a 
year,  36  percent  of  which  fall  in  rental 
brackets  of  less  than  $30  a  month  and  22 
percent  in  rental  brackets  under  $20  a 
month.  Even  with  wide  allowances  for 
error,  obviously  the  area  of  need  for  pub- 
lic housing  is  a  tremendous  one,  since 
private  housing  of  adequate  standards  to 
rent  much  below  $35  a  month  has  never 
been  produced  in  substantial  quantities. 

Today,  families  who  cannot  afford  the 
rents  necessary  for  good  private  housing 
must  live  in  slums,  or  else  decent  homes 
subsidized  with  public  funds  must  be  built 
for  them.  What  will  our  decision  be? 
To  try  to  provide  decent  homes — or  to 
continue  with  our  slums  and  their  mounting 
cost  in  crime,  disease,  fire,  juvenile  de- 
linquency, and  destructive  community  at- 
titudes that  result? 

Our  short  term  experience  in  the  attempt 
to  provide  low  rent  housing  for  this  large 
group  of  Americans  under  the  U.  S.  Hous- 
ing Act  has  developed  a  workable  and  de- 
sirable pattern.  The  act  permits  federal 
loans  to  local  housing  authorities  up  to  90 
percent  of  the  capital  cost  of  housing 
projects,  in  addition  to  annual  subsidies 
in  order  to  achieve  low  enough  rents. 

However,  experience  has  also  shown  that 
the  formula  should  be  improved  and  made 
more  efficient. 

Redeveloping  Our  Cities 

Besides  recommending  certain  improve- 
ments which  I  shall  later  outline,  it  is 
my  opinion  that  not  only  public  housing 
objectives,  but  the  larger  over-all  housing 
job  would  be  easier  to  accomplish  if  the 
nation  were  committed  to  an  "urban  re- 
development" program.  In  its  broadest 
implications,  such  a  program  opens  the  way 
to  the  wholesale  reclamation  of  misused 
and  abused  sections  of  our  great  cities  on 
an  over-all  plan  which  would  involve 
proper  development  of  business  sections 
as  well  as  residential,  and  provide  for  the 
destruction  of  decayed  structures  as  well  as 
the  rehabilitation  of  sound  ones.  The  pro- 
gram should  include  a  recognition  of  the 
responsibility  to  make  provision  elsewhere 
for  the  persons  displaced  from  the  sites 
redeveloped,  and  emphasize  the  need  to 
enrich  cities  and  preserve  their  future 
rather  than  to  enrich  individual  owners  of 
reclaimable  property. 

This  is  a  subject  for  independent  dis- 
cussion. Redevelopment  of  our  cities  em- 
braces goals  and  therefore  difficulties  which 
are  more  complex  than  those  that  have  usu- 
ally confronted  us.  The  assembly  of  land 
into  areas  of  sufficient  size  and  character 
to  permit  sound  and  substantial  re-growth; 
the  acquisition  of  land  at  costs  low  enough 
to  allow  for  its  proper  re-use;  the  methods 
of  absorbing  the  write-off  of  land  values 
necessary  for  their  recapture  and  proper 
redevelopment;  the  problem  of  controlling 
density  both  in  redeveloped  areas  and  in 
areas  of  resettlement  of  displaced  families 
— these  begin  to  picture  the  difficulties  that 
must  be  met  by  coordinated  and  rull  use 

of  community  and  governmental  talents  and 

But  such  a  program  would  not  be  im- 
possible of  achievement,  for  there  are  a 
number  of  cities  where  local  housing  au- 
thorities already  have  the  power  needed 
to  acquire  land,  and  dispose  of  it  to  private 
individuals  as  well  as  to  public  agencies. 
The  formula  of  annual  federal  contribu- 
tions to  local  authorities  borne  under  the 
aegis  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act,  could 
likewise  serve  as  a  means  of  absorbing  the 
mark-down  between  acquisition  cost  of 
land  and  its  true  value. 

Furthermore,  the  proven  acceptability  in 
the  financial  market  at  low  interest  rates  of 
the  securities  of  the  local  authority  could 
provide  a  pattern  for  an  urban  redevelop- 
ment program  and  thus  eliminate  the  time- 
consuming  and  uncertain  task  of  creating 
the  body  of  legal  opinion  and  market 
backgrounds  without  which  the  securities 
of  an  agency  might  have  questionable  sale 
value.  Finally,  with  the  many  huge  pub- 
lic housing  projects  that  have  been  built, 
experience  in  reasonably  large  scale  rede- 
velopment has  already  been  gained  under 
the  U.  S.  Housing  Act. 

This  is  a  matter  deserving  thorough 
study  and  consideration  by  every  commun- 
ity. At  the  same  time,  forgotten  or  ne- 
glected aspects  of  the  public  housing  pro- 
gram and  the  constructive  improvements 
necessary  to  make  it  more  serviceable  in 
the  postwar  era  must  receive  attention. 

What  About  Rehabilitation? 

In  the  last  few  years  a  great  deal  of 
controversy  has  centered  around  the  pos- 
sibilities of  rehabilitating  old  housing.  But 
no  one  really  has  made  a  studied  effort 
to  find  out  what  can  be  done  to  preserve 
the  value  and  livability  of  our  current 

Federal     Public     Housing     Authority 
Blossoming  backyards,   result  of   a   garden   contest  held  by   families  living  in  a   publicly  financed   housing  project   in  San  Francisco 


BEFORE:  Crowded,  haphazard  mass  of  dreary  slum  dwellings  in  a  downtown  section  of  Louisville 

Federal  Public  Housing  Authority 
AFTER:  Sturdy  row  houses  and  flats,  planned  with  ample  space  for  light,  air,  and  recreation 

housing  inventory  instead  of  letting  it  decay 
into  slums.  As  a  result  of  this  omission, 
our  ideas  as  to  the  practicability  of  such 
a  program  range  all  the  way  from  assump- 
tions that  rehabilitation  holds  the  key  to 
the  whole  housing  problem  to  categorical 
statements  that  rehabilitation  is  rarely  feas- 

While  I  do  not  feel  that  the  rebuild- 
ing or  renovating  of  old  structures  can  pro- 
duce a  large  volume  of  housing — particu- 
larly if  carried  on  in  line  with  the  basic 
concept  that  remodeling,  repair  or  recon- 

As  a  complement  to  new  construction, 
the  rehabilitation  of  old  structures  in  a  post- 
war public  housing  program  should  be 
based  on  certain  principles: 

1.  The  objective  should   be   the   use  of 
existing    buildings    for    low    rent    housing 
under  certain  circumstances  instead  of  new 

2.  Loans     and     annual     contributions 
should     be    available    to    public     housing 
agencies  for  this  purpose  when  it  involves 
the  remodeling,  repair  or  reconstruction  of 
existing  buildings  located  in  neighborhoods 

Federal     1'ublic     Housing     Authority 
Same  family,  same  rent,  same  town;  but  what  a  contrast  between  their  former  slum  home — 

struction  should  be  done  only  where  it  will 
prevent  or  arrest  the  spread  of  blight  in  a 
neighborhood — I  am  confident  that  we  can 
capitalize  on  some  part  of  our  existing 
housing  asset  if  we  substitute  genuine  ef- 
fort for  guess  work  in  an  effort  to  rehabili- 
tate housing  not  too  far  gone. 

Let  me  emphasize  my  conviction,  how- 
ever, that  it  would  be  tragic  if  such  a  tool 
were  used  to  perpetuate  the  life  of  build- 
ings structurally  inadequate  or  located 
within  neighborhoods  which  have  gone 
down-grade  so  far  that  their  recoupment 
would  be  contrary  to  the  public  interest 

The  U.  S.  Housing  Act  of  1937  doffed 
its  hat,  in  passing,  at  rehabilitation  of  ex- 
isting housing.  Under  that  act,  an  effort 
was  made  to  make  possible  rehabilitation 
of  reasonably  good  housing.  It  failed  be- 
cause the  formula  did  not  provide  adequate 
subsidy  which,  when  added  to  the  antici- 
pated income  from  the  rehabilitated  prop- 
erty, would  be  sufficient  to  take  care  of 
maintenance,  operation,  and  replacements, 
in  addition  to  amortizing  the  debt  during 
the  anticipated  life  of  the  rehabilitated 
property.  To  make  the  maximum  use  of 
such  existing  houses  for  families  of  low 
income,  additional  congressional  authority 
will  be  necessary. 

where  the  spread  of  blight  can  be  prevented 
or  arrested  by  this  means. 

3.  Instead   of  a   60  year  period   during 
which  annual  contributions  would  be  pay- 
able, the  period  should  not  exceed  30  years. 
This   more   closely   reflects   the  expectancy 
of  rehabilitated  existing  housing. 

4.  In    order    to    recognize    the    realities 
of    this    situation,    the    permissible    annual 
federal  contribution  should  be  4'/2  percent 
of   development  cost   for   rehabilitation   as 
against  a  maximum  of  3'/2  percent  for  new 

5.  Within   the    limits    of   the   economic 
expenditure    of    subsidy,    public    housing 
agencies   should   have  the   option   of   pur- 
chasing or   leasing   the  existing  buildings. 

One  might  ask,  why  spend  an  additional 
one  percent  in  subsidy  in  order  to  rehabili- 
tate rather  than  to  build  new?  The  an- 
swer is  simple:  If  by  a  relatively  small  in- 
crease in  expenditure  we  not  only  add  to 
the  supply  of  decent  and  sanitary  housing 
for  families  of  low  income  but,  at  the  same 
time,  arrest  or  prevent  the  blight  of  en- 
tire neighborhoods,  that  additional  annual 
cost  becomes  justified. 

The  Rural  Slum 

Another  neglected  area  that  should  be 
considered  as  a  major  aspect  of  the  post- 
war housing  program  is  that  of  rural  hous- 
ing. When  our  public  housing  program 
was  initiated,  the  concentrated,  dramatic 
slums  of  our  cities  invited  the  almost  ex- 
clusive concern  of  public  housing.  It  is 
amazing  how  little  attention  has  been  given 
to  rural  slums,  one  of  the  greatest  housing 
ills  in  our  nation. 

The  U.  S.  Housing  Act  contemplated 
the  beginning  of  an  attack  on  this  prob- 
lem, and  an  industrious  effort  was  made 
to  use  an  urban  formula  to  produce  rural 
housing.  Some  500  rural  units  were  con- 
(Continued  on  page  29) 

— and   the   trim   housing   project   which   they  share   with   317  other   families   in   Macon,    Ga. 


Labor  Problem  with  a  Future 

More  than  the  rival  claims  of  CIO  and  AFL  will  be  decided  when  60,000  Western  Union 
employes  vote  this  month  in  the  NLRB  election  that   climaxes  a  year-long  controversy. 


Labor  Relations  Board  will  direct  a  collective 
bargaining  poll  to  decide  whether  60,000 
employes  of  the  nation's  newest  monopoly 
prefer  to  be  represented  by  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,  the  Congress  of  In- 
dustrial Organizations  or  by  neither. 

The  employer  in  the  case  is  Western 
Union  Telegraph  Company,  which  recently 
completed  its  merger  with  Postal  Telegraph 
under  the  Federal  Communications  Com- 
mission's direction.  NLRB,  which  at  this 
writing  is  preparing  to  get  ballots  to  some 
19,000  telegraph  offices  from  coast  to  coast, 
has  said  that  the  imminent  election  is  the 
most  complex  and  involved  it  has  ever  been 
called  on  to  conduct.  Observers  of  the  labor 
scene  add  that  it  is  probably  one  of  the  most 
important  that  the  headline-making  labor 
board  ever  has  had  to  referee. 

The  Clash  Between  the  Unions 

The  "dispute  over  representation" — legal 
euphemism  for  the  most  determined  AFI^ 
CIO  fight  to  date — began  a  little  over  a 
year  ago  when  Postal  Telegraph's  oper- 
ations were  absorbed  into  Western  Union. 
FCC  kept  an  alert  eye  on  the  proceedings 
as  guardian  of  the  public  interest.  With  few 
exceptions,  the  multiplicity  of  problems — 
legal,  social,  and  economic — raised  by  the 
merger  have  been  settled  without  anyone 
claiming  to  have  been  fouled.  But  the  major 
exception,  the  one  big  problem  which  re- 
mains, promises  a  plague  of  labor  trouble 
for  postwar  America. 

One  question  presented  to  the  govern- 
ment by  the  merger  was,  which  union 
should  represent  the  merged  employes. 
AFL's  Commercial  Telegraphers  Union 
held  contracts  with  Western  Union;  CIO's 
American  Communications  Association  was 
the  recognized  bargaining  agency  in  Postal 
Telegraph.  The  NLRB  ordered  hearings  in 
New  York  under  a  trial  examiner  and 
eventually  the  board  invited  the  rival  unions 
to  come  to  Washington  to  put  their  case. 

During  these  hearings,  protracted  over 
many  months,  both  unions  attained  a  fierce 
degree  of  antagonism.  As  the  NLRB  poll 
nears,  AFL  and  CIO,  in  open  hostility,  are 
competing  for  the  votes  of  telegraph  work- 
ers from  coast  to  coast. 

This  competition  brings  the  two  rival 
labor  groups  into  a  head-on  national  clash 
for  the  first  time  since  the  historic  split  in 
1936,  when  John  L.  Lewis  led  the  exodus 
from  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
and  set  up  the  CIO.  At  this  point,  each 
organization  is  engaging  in  an  all-out  battle 
to  retain  its  stake  in  the  telegraph  industry. 

As  a  preview  of  an  emerging  postwar 
pattern,  the  labor  conflict  at  Western  Union 
has  exceptional  significance. 

American  unionism  is  entering  a  new 
stage.  With  over  15,000,000  wage  earners 

— Diana  Lewars,  a  Swarthmore  graduate, 
is  a  partner  in  the  New  York  firm  of 
Martin  Dodge  and  Company,  specializ- 
ing in  labor  public  relations.  She  is 
associate  editor  of  D-M  Digest,  a  fort- 
nightly review  of  the  American  labor 
press  subscribed  for  by  employers, 
unions,  public  officials  and  libraries. 

in  this  country  carrying  union  cards,  the 
major  problem  in  labor  organization  is  no 
longer  one  of  converting  non-union  workers. 
The  big  job  is  going  to  be  holding  members 
— holding  them  particularly  against  the 
raiding  operations  of  rival  unions. 

What  Lies  Ahead 

This  is  not  to  say  that  all  industries 
are  fully  organized,  or  that  all  steel  or  meat- 
packing firms,  for  example,  are  100  percent 
unionized.  The  white  collar  field  has  hardly 
been  scratched;  and  as  foreman  unionism 
continues  to  expand,  supervisory  employes 
can  be  counted  on  to  fill  out  labor's  ranks. 
But,  by  and  large,  the  frontier  days  are 
over,  the  era  of  building  fences  is  coming  in. 

What  lies  just  ahead  are  battles  to  shift 
the  division  of  union  power,  influence,  and 
membership  strength.  For  the  most  part, 
these  battles  will  see  AFL  and  CIO  affiliates 
pitted  against  one  another,  with  independent 
organizations  like  John  Lewis'  miners  and 
Matthew  Smith's  Mechanics  Educational 
Society  joining  the  contest,  fending  off  raids 
and  raiding  in  turn  whenever  there  is  an 

Fighting  it  out  among  themselves,  labor 
organizations  will  more  and  more  tend  to 
make  inter-union  competition  a  primary 
concern,  to  some  extent  relegating  union- 
employer  issues  to  the  sidelines.  But  at  the 
same  time,  unions  are  fearful  that  employers 
will  take  advantage  of  any  schism  in  labor's 
ranks  to  put  through  a  program  of  union- 
busting.  Anticipating  that  some  employers 
may  take  V-Day  as  a  signal  to  start  settling 
old  scores,  fearing  that  a  concerted  employer 
effort  will  develop  to  restore  open-shop 
conditions  over  a  wide  segment  of  Amer- 
ican industry,  labor  feels  a  critical  need  for 
solidarity.  All  labor  factions  are  agreed  on 
one  thing:  the  necessity  for  labor  unity. 
Union  spokesmen,  preparing  for  the  post- 
war era,  have  sent  out  the  Number  One 
order  of  the  day — "Close  Ranks." 

Hence,  paradoxically  enough,  a  drive  to 
consolidate  labor's  forces  will  parallel  the 
development  of  jurisdictional  conflict  among 
union  organizations.  As  long  as  unions  seek 
to  increase  their  power  and  strength  at  the 
expense  of  other  unions,  the  nation  will  see 
a  turbulent  period  of  competitive"  agitation 
straining  the  industrial  structure.  Labor 
unity  will  thus  tend  to  be  sacrificed  to  the 

union  vs.  union  struggle  for  power. 

As  a  prototype  of  the  struggle,  the  West- 
ern Union  case  now  before  the  country  pro- 
vides a  full  scale  model  of  this  far-reaching 
development  in  the  labor  movement. 

The  Pattern  of  the  Conflict 

When  the  Western  Union-Postal  Tele- 
graph merger  closed  down  union  frontiers 
in  the  telegraph  industry,  the  two  laboi 
groups  brought  into  conflict  were  the 
American  Communications  Association 
(ACA-CIO)  and  the  Commercial  Teleg- 
raphers Union  (CTU-AFL).  The  number 
of  dues-paying  members  in  these  unions 
was  very  close  in  1943,  with  ACA-CIO 
standing  at  18,353,  and  CTU-AFL  at  20,- 
000,  according  to  Florence  Peterson  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor.  Today,  in 
Western  Union,  AFL  is  believed  to  repre- 
sent a  coast-to-coast  majority  of  the  work- 
ers; while  ACA-CIO  has  an  unchallenged 
majority  in  Western  Union  offices  in  New 
York  City,  Detroit,  Duluth,  and  Salt  Lake 
City,  and  claims  to  represent  most  W.  U. 
telegraphers  in  the  company's  Eastern, 
Great  Lakes,  and  Pacific  districts. 

Because  of  this  uneven  geographical  dis- 
tribution of  strength,  the  National  Labor 
Relations  Board  has  been  in  an  extremely 
difficult  position.  AFL  petitioned  the  gov- 
ernment for  one  general  election  for  all 
employes.  CIO  asked  for  an  election  by 
units  and  proposed  that  the  system  be 
divided  for  this  purpose  into  over  one 
hundred  separate  voting  districts. 

Arguing  from  the  fact  that  the  communi- 
cations industry  "must  and  does  function 
as  a  single  and  very  closely  integrated  oper- 
ating union"  dnd  that  working  condition! 
were  "greatly  similar  throughout  the  sys- 
tem," the  AFL  claimed  it  was  appropriate 
to  have  only  one  national  voting  unit — and 
one  national  union. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  CIO  union, 
representing  ex-Postal  employes  and  not 
having  yet  extended  and  consolidated  its 
strength  throughout  the  whole  industry,  al 
first  opposed  any  election  as  "untimely" 
until  after  the  war.  When  NLRB  threw  out 
the  postponement  plan,  CIO  then  proposed 
the  multiple  election  units,  suggesting  that 
all  cities  voting  for  the  same  union  should 
group  together  after  the  poll,  thus  forming 
two  national  bargaining  agencies,  CIO  and 

The  place  of  the  company  in  this  dispute 
was  on  the  side  of  the  AFL.  Western  Union 
also  requested  a  single  voting  unit,  on  the 
grounds  that  two  bargaining  agents  would 
promote  union  rivalry  among  employes  and 
"chaos"  in  labor  relations.  (From  the  point 
of  view  of  industrial  efficiency,  Western 
Union  would  prefer  to  negotiate  only  one 
contract  covering  all  its  employes.) 

The  government,  however,  ended  up  with 

JANUARY  1945 


a  compromise.  NLRB  ordered  seven  voting 
units,  six  on  a  regional  basis  consisting  of 
the  geographical  districts  of  the  Western 
Union  company;  and  the  seventh,  Western 
Union's  home  office  in  New  York  City. 
Samuel  H.  Jaffee,  NLRB  examiner,  pro- 
posed this  arrangement  because  "the  time 
since  merger  is  too  recent,  conditions  are 
too  unsettled  and  abnormal,  to  declare  now 
as  most  appropriate  a  unit  which  by  its 
nature  tends  to  finality."  The  government's 
ruling — acknowledging  that  the  dispute 
will  outlive  the  election — successfully  avoids 
playing  union  favorites,  but  is  actually  pleas- 
ing to  none  of  the  interested  parties.  Since 
neither  union  is  strong  enough  to  win  all 
seven  districts,  the  immediate  result  of  the 
election  will  be  to  formalize  rival  unionism 
in  the  industry. 

Because  of  the  key  position  of  the  com- 
munications industry,  the  vast  geographical 
area  covered  by  Western  Union,  and  the 
power  and  prestige  which  will  accrue  to  the 
union  that  shows  greatest  strength,  both 
CIO  and  AFL  consider  this  election  crucial. 
Each  organization  is  turning  to  and  throw- 
ing its  machinery  into  high  gear  on  behalf 
of  its  contending  affiliate. 

The  Strategy  and  Weapons 

Philip  Murray,  CIO  president,  has  called 
Western  Union  "the  No.  1  CIO  organizing 
job  this  year,"  and  a  special  Murray  message 
which  local  CIO  officials  are  directed  to  post 
on  shop  bulletin  boards  in  plants  all  over 
the  country  states  that  "every  affiliate  of  the 
CIO  has  a  stake  in  this  election." 

According  to  Lawrence  Kammet,  pub- 
licity director  of  the  American  Communica- 
tions Association  and  editor  of  ACA  News, 
national  CIO  has  contributed  "over  $50,000" 
to  the  campaign  coffers,  and  a  partial  listing 
of  contributions  from  CIO  affiliates  includes 
$10,000  from  the  Automobile  Workers; 
$5,000  apiece  from  the  Steelworkers,  Elec- 
trical Workers,  and  National  Maritime 
Union;  $2,500  from  the  Fur  and  Leather 
Workers,  and  substantial  sums  from  the 
Rubber  Workers,  Marine  Shipyards  Work- 
ers, Office  Workers,  and  Amalgamated 
Clothing  Workers.  In  addition  to  100  full 
time,  paid  ACA  organizers  in  the  field, 
practically  all  CIO  affiliates  have  loaned  or- 
ganizers of  their  own. 

William  Green,  AFL  president,  has  also 
requested  cooperation  from  all  Federation 
affiliates  in  backing  CTU,  but  the  AFL  is 
not  geared  to  the  brisk,  coordinated  applica- 
tion of  pressure  on  a  nationwide  scale  which 
CIO  developed  to  an  efficient  level  in  its 
Political  Action  Committee  work. 

Like  ACA-CIO,  the  Federation  has  close 
to  a  hundred  professional  organizers  in  the 
Western  Union  drive,  but  they  work  their 
beats  on  a  regional  basis  without  the  direct 
wire  to  headquarters  which  characterizes 
CIO  operations.  The  AFL  union,  however, 
claims  to  use  organizers  who  know  their 
way  around  the  telegraph  industry  and  can 
talk  to  employes  in  their  own  language. 
"This,"  says  an  AFL  spokesman,  "is  in 
contrast  to  the  non-telegraph  professional 
soap-box  orators  utilized  by  the  CIO  whose 
silly-tongued  smoothness  weaves  their  webs 
of  communistic  theory,  but  who  fail  to  de- 
ceive intelligent  workers." 

The  Campaign  Arguments 

Analyzing  the  campaign  oratory  from 
each  of  the  competing  unions  reveals  basic 
patterns  which  will  show  up  again  and 
again  during  jurisdictional  friction  in  the 
years  just  ahead.  The  sales  talk  will  pick  up 
fresh  news  angles  as  history  goes  on,  but 
the  underlying  propaganda  techniques  are 
already  molded  and  set.  For  example,  chief 
selling  point  of  the  American  Communica- 
tions Association  is  CIO's  general,  "win- 
the-war,  no-strikes,  jobs-for-all"  program; 
while  AFL's  platform  emphasizes  the 
strength-through-unity  theme:  "A  national 
union  and  ...  a  national  contract."  Thus, 
for  some  time  to  come,  the  CIO  will  play 
itself  up  as  the  party  of  progress  and  action, 
and  the  AFL  will  fight  its  opponent  as  the 
divisive  factor  in  the  labor  movement. 

Following  a  long  established  procedure 
which  it  will  carry  on  into  its  postwar 
battles,  the  AFL  is  trying  to  make  com- 
munism a  major  issue  in  the  Western 
Union  election.  Publicizing  the  record  of 
ACA  officials,  alleged  to  be  part  of  the  red 
bloc  in  the  labor  movement,  is  the  chief 
offensive  weapon  employed  in  AFL  propa- 
ganda. (Communists  are  ineligible  for 
membership  in  the  Commercial  Teleg- 
raphers' Union  under  the  CTU-AFL  inter- 
national constitution.)  The  AFL  is  making 
determined  efforts  to  get  into  the  hands 
of  every  Western  Union  employe  a  copy 
of  the  Dies  committee  report  on  Joseph 
Selly,  ACA-CIO  president.  ACA's  rebuttal 
follows  standard  pattern — it  does  not  deny 
charges  of  communism,  but  counters  "red- 
baiting." Selly  says  he  is  "flattered"  by  the 
Dies  report  appraising  him  as  "potentially 
one  of  the  most  dangerous  individuals  in 
the  country." 

CIO's  attack  on  its  rival  centers,  to  a 
large  extent,  on  a  charge  of  company  union- 
ism. (To  which  AFL  retorts,  "The  ACA- 
CIO  continues  to  underestimate  the  intelli- 
gence of  Western  Union  employes.")  Any 
possible  indications  that  AFL  might  be 
teacher's  pet  are  fully  exploited  in  CIO 
propaganda.  But  the  nub  of  CIO's  "com- 
pany union"  charge  has  to  do  with  two  of 
the  AFL's  "federal"  unions  in  the  telegraph 
area,  representing  between  them  about  ten 
thousand  W.  U.  employes  in  the  Southern 
and  Gulf  districts  of  Western  Union.  These 
AFL  affiliates,  Telegraph  Employes  Union 
and  Telegraph  Workers  Federal  Labor- 
Union,  replaced  the  company  union  which 
was  outlawed  by  the  NLRB  in  1940. 

The  history  of  this  intra-AFL  relation- 
ship is  one  of  bitter  jurisdictional  warfare 
between  the  Commercial  Telegraphers 
Union  and  these  other  AFL  units,  in  the 
course  of  which  "company  union"  was  not 
an  unusual  epithet.  Now,  the  AFL  is  hav- 
ing difficulty  living  down  its  past,  and  ACA 
campaign  literature  is  not  making  it  easier. 

Against  the  common  CIO  enemy,  the 
AFL  affiliates  in  Western  Union  have 
banded  together  and  will  appear  on  the 
NLRB  election  ballot  simply  as  "AFL." 
According  to  J.  J.  Lenahan,  executive  board 
member,  CTU-AFL,  not  only  are  past 
quarrels  k  made  up  and  past  epithets  re- 
tracted, but  even  closer  relations  among 
the  AFL  groups  are  expected  after  the  elec- 
tion. If  AFL  should  win  an  overwhelming 

majority  in  Western  Union,  AFL  President 
Green  might  conceivably  use  the  situation 
to  draw  the  local  groups  into  the  Com- 
merciaj  Telegraphers'  fold. 

Meanwhile,  ACA's  newest  angle  is  the 
traditional  "smear"  technique  with  a  fresh 
coat  of  paint.  It  draws  a  parallel  between 
the  AFL  election  campaign  and  "the  Hit- 
ler-like Dewey  campaign  of  confusion,  Iks, 
bigotry,  and  red-baiting"  with  the  Western 
Union  campaign  being  waged  by  "AFL 

"Misleaders"  is  a  favorite  ACA  epithet. 
In  order  to  avoid  charges  of  dual  unionism 
and  splitting  the  labor  movement,  CIO  is 
being  careful  to  refrain  from  direct  attacks 
on  the  AFL  itself.  The  CIO  line:  The 
American  Federation  of  Labor  is  an  ancient 
and  respectable  house  of  labor,  but  it  has 
fallen  to  corrupt,  tyrannical  leadership. 

The  New  Line-up 

In  the  course  of  this  vast  electioneering 
project,  both  CIO  and  AFL  hinge  an  appeal 
for  telegraphers'  votes  on  the  wage  issue — 
traditionally  basic  to  union  organizing  cam- 
paigns. ACA-CIO's  literature  stresses  wage 
demands.  The  AFL  line  minimizes  CIO- 
won  pay  boosts  as  "crumbs,"  and  promises 
instead  to  get  "MILLIONS  OF  DOLLARS  in 
wage  increases  ...  in  its  nationwide  con- 
tract negotiations."  But  the  line-up  on  the 
wage  controversy  is  not  that  of  workers  vs. 
the  boss.  Wage  claims  are  advanced  as  bait 
for  augmenting  membership. 

At  bottom,  no  new  union  strategy  has 
developed  during  the  Western  Union  con- 
flict to  forecast  novelty  in  future  inter-union 
hostilities.  The  contestants  have  merely 
adapted  standard  organizing  techniques  to 
the  new  struggle.  Only  one  of  the  regular 
trappings  of  a  union  organizing  campaign 
is  largely  ignored:  boss-baiting.  Because  this 
new  labor  struggle  is  between  unions,  the 
embattled  organizations  attack  each  other 
instead  of  concentrating  their  fire  on  the 
employer.  A  few  years  ago,  any  president 
of  Western  Union  might  have  taken  his 
place  in  labor  literature  along  with  Weir, 
Girdler,  and  Ford;  significantly,  the  present 
president,  A.  N.  Williams,  is  not  even 
mentioned  in  the  current  union  war. 

Thus,  in  the  postwar  clashes,  documented 
in  advance  by  the  Western  Union  case, 
the  weapons  will  be  familiar  but  the  battle- 
ground will  be  shifting.  As  to  the  outcome 
— the  present  case  study  leaves  that  up  in 
the  air. 

The  National  Labor  Relations  Board 
election  at  Western  Union  will  not  per- 
manently solve  the  conflict  or  end  the  com- 
petition. The  AFL  predicts  it  will  win  six 
out  of  the  seven  election  districts.  ACA- 
CIO  claims  it  will  win  four  out  of  seven. 
But  whether  CIO  or  AFL  comes  out  on  top, 
both  unions  will  continue  their  organizing. 
The  winner  will  attempt  consolidation;  the 
loser  will  fight  for  a  new  majority.  Raiding 
the  new  boundary  lines  will  continue  until, 
at  the  first  opportunity,  another  election  is 
demanded  by  one  or  the  other  union  as  it 
seeks  to  capitalize  on  a  shifting  employe 
loyalty.  To  this  writer,  the  cycle  of  jurisdic- 
tional conflict  holds  no  promise  of  orderly 
progress — for  labor,  or  for  America. 



They  Harvest  New  York's  Crops 

How  the  richest  state  in  the  Union  handles  its  indispensable 
crop-followers:  a  picture  of  the  little-known  Joads  of  the  East. 


IN   THE    EARLY    SUMMER   OF    1944,   THERE  WAS 

a  truck  accident  near  Binghamton,  N.  Y., 
in  which  two  children  and  an  adult  were 
killed,  and  thirty-four  others  were  seriously 
injured.  The  truck  had  been  crowded  with 
thirty-seven  women  and  children  on  their 
way  from  Scranton,  Pa.,  to  a  farm  labor 
camp  in  New  York  State.  Since  it  had  no 
tailboard,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  its 
occupants  from  being  thrown  out  and 
strewn  along  the  roadway. 

Like  other  tragedies  in  the  past,  that  acci- 
dent may  turn  out  to  be  a  motivating  force 
in  producing  some  long  needed  social  re- 
forms. By  throwing  a  dramatic  light  on  the 
dangerously  crowded  conditions  to  which 
migrant  "pickers"  are  subject  on  the  long 
hauls  to  the  crops,  it  helped  call  public 
attention  to  the  fact  that  crop-following 
families  exist  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the 
West,  and  that  their  problems  have  not  all 
been  solved  by  war  prosperity. 

The  fact  that  every  summer  thousands 
of  persons  are  brought  into  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  and  other  northeastern  states  to  pick 
fruits  and  vegetables  has  been  overshadowed 
by  the  great  industrial  activities  of  these 
states.  Few  people  realize,  for  instance,  that 
there  are  within  the  state  of  New  York 
some  150,000  farms,  with  a  total  of  about 
17,000,000  acres  under  cultivation;  nor  that 
this  state  ranks  high  in  the  production  of 
beans,  peas,  tomatoes,  corn,  celery,  onions, 
cabbage,  cucumbers,  lettuce,  spinach,  carrots, 
potatoes,  beets,  cherries,  strawberries,  apples, 
peaches,  prunes,  raspberries,  and  grapes;  nor 
that,  of  the  120,000  persons  required  to 
harvest  this  abundance,  from  10,000  to  20,- 
000  are  usually  imported  from  outside  the 

Guests  at  Harvest  Time 

Ever  since  the  U.  S.  Senate's  Committee 
to  Investigate  Interstate  Migration  (the 
Tolan  committee)  held  a  section  of  its  hear- 
ings in  New  York  four  years  ago,  an  uneasy 
awareness  has  been  growing  that  all  is  not 
as  it  should  be  among  these  indispensable 
summer  guests.  Last  year,  the  New  York 
Consumers  League,  spurred  on  by  the  Bing- 
hamton accident  and  other  ugly  reports, 
determined  to  find  out  more  about  condi- 
tions among  them  and  sent  an  investigator 
into  twenty-two  farm  labor  camps  in  nine 
New  York  farm  counties. 

What  the  investigator  found  stands  out 
as  a  dark  smudge  on  a  record  of  a  state 
noted  for  its  social  enlightenment.  This  was 
a  picture  of  hundreds  of  migrant  families 
living  as  pariahs,  shunned  by  the  resident 
population,  frequently  cheated,  and  rele- 
gated to  living  arrangements  so  substandard 
as  to  compare  unfavorably  with  the  worst 
city  slums. 

Some  of  the  families  who  work  in  New 
York  fields  in  the  summer  are  year-round 

— An  associate  editor  who  concentrates 
mainly  on  Survey  Midmonthly,  Kathryn 
Close  occasionally  writes  for  Survey 
Graphic  as  well.  Off  hours  she  has  just 
woven  together  into  a  telling  pamphlet, 
shortly  to  be  published  by  the  New 
York  Consumers  League,  the  results  of 
its  investigation  of  conditions  among 
New  York's  migrant  families.  Here  we 
are  privileged  to  give  an  advance  di- 
gest of  the  league's  study. 

crop  followers  who  come  from  as  far  away 
as  Florida.  Many  are  Negroes  without  home 
or  settlement,  whose  winter  existence  as 
pickers  on  Florida  farms  is  probably  no 
better  than  their  summer  life  in  the  North. 

Others  come  from  crowded  industrial 
areas  within  the  state  or  from  nearby  Penn- 
sylvania, and  are  pickers  only  in  the  sum- 
mer. Among  them  are  many  women  of 
foreign  origin — Italians,  Syrians,  Poles — 
who  go  to  the  farms  without  their  hus- 
bands, but  with  their  children,  to  pick  and 
earn  a  few  extra  dollars. 

All  are  recruited  by  agents  of  the  farm- 
ers who  usually  send  out  trucks  to  get  them, 
or  by  contractors  (padrones),  who  make 
their  living  furnishing  harvesters  to  farmers. 
Glowing  pictures  of  the  camps  and  the 
wages  to  be  earned — with  little  relation  to 
reality — are  often  painted  at  the  point  of 
recruitment.  When  families  arrive  at  a  camp 
hundreds  of  miles  from  home  and  find  a 
different  picture,  they  have  little  choice  but 
to  accept  it  as  it  is. 

These  families  have  none  of  the  protec- 
tions afforded  industrial  workers  in  New 
York  State.  Since  they  do  not  come  under 
the  State  Workmen's  Compensation  Act, 
they  receive  no  compensation  for  injury  un- 
less voluntarily  insured  by  the  farmer. 
Neither  the  state's  minimum  wage  law  nor 
the  federal  wages  and  hours  law  includes 
them.  They  have  no  unions  to  protect  them 
on  wage  promises  or  working  conditions. 

Sixty  hours  composes  the  usual  work 
week  for  migrant  pickers  in  New  York 
State — ten  hours  a  day  for  six  days  a  week, 
for  men,  women  and  some  children.  Last 
summer  there  was  at  least  one  camp  where 
women  and  children  were  forced  to  work 
ten  hours  a  day  for  seven  days  a  week. 

What  They  Earn 

Wages  among  farm  laborers  normally 
are  scandalously  low  and  work  is  irregular. 
Because  farmers  cannot  always  predict  when 
the  crops  will  be  ready  for  picking,  workers 
often  arrive  at  a  farm  too  soon,  and  so  have 
to  spend  many  days  or  even  weeks  in  idle- 
ness. Even  last  summer,  in  the  midst  of  the 
farm  labor  shortage,  eighty  migrant  work- 
ers at  one  cannery-owned  farm  were  idle 
for  four  weeks. 

On  the  whole,  however,  last  summer  good 
crops  and  the  wartime  manpower  shortage 
brought  wages  and  seasonal  earnings  that 
were  far  above  those  of  other  years.  The 
50  cents  a  bushel  then  being  paid  for  peas 
and  beans  would  have  been  unheard  of 
two  or  three  years  ago.  But  the  standard 
weight  of  a  bushel  varied  from  thirty  to 
thirty-four  pounds.  Where  the  heavier 
weight  was  demanded  there  was  much 
grumbling,  and  some  workers  packed  up 
and  left  before  the  crops  were  all  in. 

At  the  lighter  weight,  an  adult  picking 
average  size  beans  at  a  normal  speed  gath- 
ers about  fifteen  to  seventeen  bushels  in  ten 
hours.  Other  crops,  such  as  carrots,  corn, 
cabbage,  and  celery,  last  summer  paid 
around  50  cents  an  hour  for  women  and 
65  cents  for  men,  as  compared  to  35  cents 
and  40  cents  in  1942,  and  10  and  12  cents 
in  1937. 

The  average  total  earnings  of  these  mi- 
grant families  for  the  six  to  eight  weeks 
they  are  in  the  state  is  an  elusive  figure. 
No  records  are  kept,  much  depends  on  the 
condition  of  the  crops  and  the  weather,  and 
an  important  factor  is  the  size  of  the  family. 
Frequently,  the  contractor  or  farmer  makes 
deductions  in  pay  for  transportation  to  the 
camp  and  home,  for  daily  transportation  to 
and  from  the  fields,  and  sometimes  even 
for  rent.  In  six  weeks,  last  summer,  some 
families  cleared  as  little  as  $75;  others  made 
over  $300. 

Their  Parents'  Helpers 

Children  over  six  are  usually  "pickers" 
as  well  as  their  parents  and  spend  the  same 
long  hours  in  the  fields — rarely  less  than 
ten  a  day,  not  infrequently  twelve,  and  oc- 
casionally thirteen  or  fourteen.  Sometimes 
even  those  who  are  hardly  out  of  the  baby 
stage  will  go  along  to  the  fields,  as  did  one 
four-year-old  who  proudly  told  the  league's 
investigator  of  the  bushel  and  a  half  of 
beans  he  had  "picked  for  mama." 

The  youngsters,  of  course,  are  not  listed 
on  the  farmer's  payroll.  They  are  their 
parents'  helpers,  a  fact  which  hardly  eases 
the  strain  for  them.  Many  parents  constantly 
nag  their  children  on  to  greater  production. 
But  "picking  won't  hurt  them  when  they 
are  with  their  parents,"  say  the  farm 

Poem  and  story  often  praise  the  construc- 
tive value  of  the  varied  chores  a  country 
boy  does  on  his  father's  farm.  But  the  child 
pickers  on  New  York's  large  industrialized 
farms  learn  no  useful  skills  in  their  long 
backbreaking  days  of  monotonous  work. 
They  are  subject  to  all  the  disadvantages 
of  children  in  industry,  to  none  of  the  ad- 
vantages of  the  farmer's  child. 

At  one  New  York  farm  last  summer,  the 
league's  investigator  found  sixty  school  age 
children  working  in  the  fields  on  a  weekday 

JANUARY  1945 


long  after  the  school  term  had  begun.  Such 
interference  with  normal  school  attendance 
is  one  of  the  worst  aspects  of  migrancy 
among  children,  but  it  cannot  be  blamed 
entirely  upon  the  parents'  eagerness  to  make 
money.  A  child  will  prefer  the  fields  to  a 
school  where  he  is  snubbed  as  "one  of  those 
pickers."  Few  communities  seem  to  enforce 
school  attendance  laws  as  far  as  migrant 
children  are  concerned. 

A  ten-hour  work  day  for  a  migrant  farm 
worker  means  ten  hours  of  continuous 
work,  with  the  exception  of  a  short  time 
off  for  lunch.  Rest  periods  are  unknown. 
Sanitary  facilities  in  the  fields  are  complete- 
ly lacking.  Drinking  arrangements  consist 
of  a  bucket  of  water  with  a  common  dipper. 
At  the  end  of  the  day,  the  workers  ride  the 
ten  or  even  twenty  miles  back  to  their 
camp  as  they  came  to  the  fields  in  the  morn- 
ing— in  trucks  which  are  sometimes  so 
crowded  with  standing  persons  that  no  one 
could  possibly  sit  down. 

The  "Home  Away  from  Home" 

The  most  shocking  conditions  endured  by 
families  who  come  to  New  York  State  to 
pick,  however,  are  in  their  living  quarters 
rather  than  in  the  fields.  Among  the  farm 

labor  camps  owned  and  operated  by  the 
padrones  or  the  farmers  are  some  so  bad 
"that  it  would  seem  that  the  only  step  to- 
ward improvement  could  be  to  set  a  match 
to  them.  Others,  less  hopeless,  still  fall  far 
short  of  being  fit  for  human  habitation; 
some  would  be  all  right  if  they  were  not 

To  accommodate  anywhere  from  six  or 
seven  to  400  persons,  the  camps  commonly 
offer  two  types  of  construction:  long  rows 
of  attached  one-room  cabins,  built  especially 
to  house  the  harvesters;  and  farm  buildings, 
such  as  barns,  silos,  warehouses  or  aban- 
doned dwellings,  converted  to  this  purpose. 
The  best  are  the  cabins,  for  each  at  least 
has  a  window  for  ventilation,  and  complete 
walls  which  afford  some  measure  of  family 

Not  so  much  can  be  said  for  the  barns 
and  other  converted  buildings.  Though 
these  often  "accommodate"  from  thirty  to 
sixty  persons  of  both  sexes  and  all  ages, 
some  of  them  have  no  partitions  in  the 
sleeping  quarters.  Others  are  divided,  by 
partitions  extending  part  way  to  the  ceiling, 
into  stable-like  stalls  opening  on  a  common 
corridor.  Two  windows  at  opposite  ends  of 
the  long  corridor  are  often  the  only  ones  in 

Photos  courtesy   Koclieatcr    LJtnwcrat   and    Chronicle 
Crowded  sleeping  quarters,  with  little  ventilation,  in  a  New  York  farm  camp 

trie  building.  At  least  one  camp  has  actually 
put  old  horse  stalls  into  use  as  compart- 
ments for  human  beings.  In  one  partition- 
less  barn  last  summer  a  few  of  the  families 
had  made  a  pathetic  attempt  at  privacy  by 
stringing  wires  around  their  bunks  and 
throwing  coats  over  them  to  serve  as  screens. 
Overcrowding  is  the  rule  in  all  types  of 
accommodations.  When,  as  occasionally 
happens,  a  family  of  four  has  only  one 
double  bed  at  its  disposal,  the  members 
sleep  crosswise  so  they  will  not  roll  off.  Each 
cabin  unit  is  generally  inhabited  by  an  entire 
family — four  to  five  occupants  being  not  un- 
common, and  nine  not  unknown. 

The  migrant  women  usually  do  the 
family  cooking  within  these  crowded, 
screenless  sleeping  quarters,  on  oil  stoves 
which  they  have  brought  with  them.  Most 
of  the  camps,  however,  provide  some  cook- 
ing facilities,  euphemistically  called  "kitch- 
ens." Often  these  are  no  more  than  wood- 
burning  ranges  placed  out  in  the  open  or 
in  lean-tos  next  to  the  barracks  or  barn. 
When  the  investigator  for  the  Consumers 
League  arrived  at  a  camp  at  dinner  time 
one  evening  last  summer,  she  found  it  look- 
ing like  a  "gypsy  encampment,"  with  fires 
blazing  every  few  feet.  Many  women  were 
cooking  on  sheets  of  tin  held  over  a  wood 
fire  by  two  small  piles  of  bricks.  Water  for 
drinking,  cooking,  washing,  and  bathing 
in  this  camp  of  250  persons  was  provided 
by  two  outdoor  cold  water  faucets.  Some 
camps  of  similar  size  have  only  one  faucet. 

Naturally,  most  of  the  camps  are  dirty, 
for  extreme  overcrowding,  little  or  no  camp 
supervision,  insufficient  equipment,  inade- 
quate screening,  and  poor  ventilation  pro- 
vide little  incentive  to  cleanliness.  Garbage 
and  papers  are  strewn  about  the  grounds 
and  in  the  hallways.  In  the  sleeping  quar- 
ters, the  bedding — sometimes  no  more  than 
a  cloth  thrown  over  a  bundle  of  straw — is 
filthy.  Flies  and  other  insects  are  abundant, 
both  inside  and  out.  At  one  camp  last  sum- 
mer, a  tenant  maintained  that  the  moldy 
orange  peels  and  melon  rinds  lying  about 
the  place  had  been  there  when  she  arrived 
on  the  day  the  camp  opened  and  were  evi- 
dently left  from  the  year  before. 

To  make  matters  worse,  in  many  of  the 
camps  unsanitary  privies,  situated  close  to 
the  sleeping  quarters,  are  rarely  cleaned  out 
or  equipped  with  disinfectants.  Even  these 
"conveniences"  are  often  not  available  in 
sufficient  numbers  and  sometimes  there  is 
only  one  for  both  sexes.  At  one  celery  farm 
last  summer  the  one  privy  provided  for 
thirty-eight  migrants  became  so  offensive 
that  they  refused  to  use  it  and  took  to  the 
nearby  woods. 

Something  Besides  Work 

One  recent  improvement  in  some  farm 
labor  camps  has  been  the  inauguration  of 
centers  for  the .  day  care  of  children  con- 
sidered even  by  the  farmers  and  parents  as 
too  young  to  pick.  [See  "Care  for  Migrants' 
Children,"  by  Mebane  Hunt  Martensen, 
Survey  Midmonthly,  May  1944.]  The  cen- 
ters are  operated  by  the  New  York  State 
Migrant  Committee,  a  joint  committee  of 
the  Home  Missions  Council  of  North 
America  and  the  New  York  State  Council 
of  Churches,  largely  with  federal  funds  se- 


cured  under  the  Lanham  act  through  the 
child  care  committee  of  the  State  War 
Council.  Not  all  camp  operators  have  been 
interested  in  this  form  of  "pampering," 
since  the  camp  must  put  up  part  of  the 
money  when  a  nursery  is  established.  Last 
summer,  out  of  nearly  400  farm  labor  camps 
in  the  state  only  nineteen  had  such  centers. 

A  few  centers  are  well  equipped  for  good 
child  care  programs,  but  others  are  hardly 
more  than  makeshift  arrangements.  How- 
ever, all  have  an  adult  in  attendance  to 
supervise  tots  who  would  otherwise  be  left 
to  run  wild  all  day,  or  be  taken  along  to 
the  fields.  In  addition  to  child  care,  the 
centers  usually  provide  the  setting  for  a 
weekly  medical  clinic. 

Since  few  of  the  camps  provide  board, 
nearby  shopping  facilities  are  important  to 
the  occupants.  What  they  find  is  usually  no 
more  than  a  roadside  stand,  selling  only 
kerosene,  bread,  canned  vegetables,  soda 
pop,  and  smoked  meats.  Operated  by  a  con- 
cessionaire or  occasionally  by  a  representa- 
tive of  the  contractor  or  grower,  these  stands 
sometimes  embody  all  the  evils  of  a  "com- 
pany store." 

Since  pickers  are  human,  in  their  few 
waking  hours  away  from  the  fields  they 
naturally  seek  entertainment.  In  many 
camps  gambling  becomes  the  big  diversion, 
for  there  is  nothing  else  to  do.  Only  in  the 
few  camps  where  the  child  care  centers  are 
equipped  with  juke  boxes  for  evening 
dances  has  there  been  any  attempt  to  pro- 
vide recreational  facilities. 

The  camps  are  usually  too  far  from  town 
for  the  migrants  to  be  able  to  go  to  a  movie 
or  even  to  church.  When  the  pickers  are 
within  walking  distance  of  town,  too  fre- 
quently they  find  a  frigid  welcome  on  the 
part  of  a  community  which  regards  them  as 
disease-ridden  and  dirty. 

The  Home  Missions  Council  alone  at- 
tempts to  bring  something  besides  work  into 
the  migrants'  lives,  sending  clergymen  into 
a  few  of  the  camps  to  conduct  religious 
services  and  occasionally  also  to  promote 
wholesome  recreational  activities.  Though 
in  the  latter  task  the  lack  of  facilities  has 
presented  an  almost  insurmountable  barrier, 
the  young  missionaries  have  made  a  little 
headway  in  the  promotion  of  baseball  games 
and  other  sports. 

Health  Is  a  Problem 

In  most  camps,  there  seems  to  be  a  gen- 
eral assumption  that  "the  boss  will  git  the 
doctor"  if  anyone  falls  sick,  but  at  one  camp 
last  summer  the  investigator  found  a  six- 
teen-year-old boy  who  had  been  in  bed  for 
three  days  without  a  doctor  having  been 
called.  Only  those  camps  with  child  care 
centers  have  weekly  medical  clinics  with  a 
doctor  or  a  county  nurse  in  attendance.  The 
doors  of  local  hospitals  are  shut  to  migrants 
as  "non-residents,"  except  in  cases  of  emer- 

That  virulent  epidemics  do  not  sweep 
through  the  migrant  camps  periodically, 
taking  a  heavy  toll  of  lives  and  spreading 
to  the  surrounding  community,  is  perhaps 
due  to  the  alertness  of  county  health  officers 
to  whom  every  case  of  the  more  obvious 
contagious  diseases,  such  as  smallpox,  scar- 
let fever,  or  typhoid,  must  be  reported.  The 

A  barn-like  camp  community  "kitchen"— crude  equipment  and  wood-burning  stove 

somewhat  miraculous  escape  from  such 
scourges  may  also  be  attributed  in  part  to 
the  state  health  department's  insistence  on 
periodic  water  testing  within  the  camps — 
the  one  regulation  of  the  state  sanitary  code 
that  seems  to  be  strictly  enforced. 

It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the 
migrants  are  escaping  the  ravages  of  the 
more  subtle  and  insidious  contagious  dis- 
eases— such  as  tuberculosis  and  the  vene- 
real infections — diseases  that  spread  rapidly 
from  victim  to  victim,  but  do  their  maiming 
and  killing  slowly,  so  that  what  is  in  reality 
an  epidemic  remains  unnoticed.  True,  the 
state  sanitary  code  prohibits  the  admission 
to  the  camps  of  persons  "capable  of  trans- 
mitting a  communicable  disease,"  but  such 
a  prohibition  can  hardly  be  expected  to  be 
effective  without  provision  for  pre-entry 
physical  examinations.  The  extreme  over- 
crowding under  which  the  migrants  live  is, 
of  course,  the  most  favorable  climate  that 
could  be  provided  for  the  spread  of  such  in- 

The  Tolari  committee,  in  its  report  pub- 
lished four  years  ago,  revealed  that  the  "con- 
stant characteristics  of  the  disadvantages  of 
migrancy,"  wherever  it  existed,  were  poor 
housing,  overcrowding,  lack  of  sanitation, 
poor  water  supply,  "absence  of  ordinary 
facilities,"  non-enforcement  of  school  at- 
tendance laws,  discrimination  against  mi- 
grant children  within  schools,  child  labor, 
and  exclusion  from  normal  community  life. 
That  was  in  1941  but,  in  spite  of  war  pros- 
perity, conditions  in  farm  labor  camps  are 
unchanged — at  least  in  New  York  State. 

By  Way  of  Contrast 

Yet  while  American  migrant  families  con- 
tinue to  live  under  such  disadvantages,  farm 
workers  imported  to  this  country  from 
Jamaica  and  the  Bahamas,  because  of  the 
wartime  labor  shortage,  are  provided  with 
good  living  arrangements.  Brought  in  under 
international  contracts,  these  imported  pick- 

ers command  at  least  the  same  wages  as 
our  native  migrants  (or  often  better)  but 
with  safeguards  denied  the  latter — a  guar- 
antee of  work  for  75  percent  of  the  time 
covered  by  their  contracts,  and  $3  a  day 
for  each  day  they  are  unemployed.  In  addi- 
tion, they  are  provided  with  full  dental  and 
medical  care  by  the  federal  government. 
Since  their  contracts  specify  standards  of 
living  arrangements,  most  of  them  are 
housed  in  places  that  put  the  ordinary  farm 
labor  camps  to  shame. 

For  instance,  a  former  CCC  camp  near 
Ithaca,  N.  Y.,  last  summer  housed  125 
men  from  the  Bahamas.  Its  stained  and 
painted  wooden  barracks  are  grouped 
around  a  central  lawn.  Other  buildings  con- 
tain a  well  equipped  kitchen  and  dining 
room  (where  board  was  provided  for  $8  a 
week);  sanitary  showers,  lavatories,  and 
toilet  facilities;  a  recreation  hall  with  a 
piano,  two  billiard  tables,  and  a  small  stage. 

The  provision  of  living  quarters  is,  of 
course,  a  more  complex  problem  when 
whole  families  are  involved.  Never- 
theless, here  and  there  a  forward  looking 
farm  operator,  interested  in  helping  his 
pickers,  has  proved  that  decent  family 
camps  can  be  achieved.  For  example,  the 
manager  of  a  large  New  York  hop  farm, 
besides  establishing  a  wage  inducement  of 
10  cents  an  hour  extra  for  every  worker 
who  stays  the  entire  season,  has  set  up  a 
camp  which  must  seem  luxurious  to  mi- 
grants who  have  long  followed  the  crops. 

Attached  cabins  are  equipped  with  run- 
ning water,  electric  hot  plates,  comfortable 
double-decker  beds,  and  a  heat  blowing  ar- 
rangement for  damp,  cold  weather.  Two 
shower  houses  of  eight  units  each  have  hot 
and  cold  water,  as  does  an  indoor  laundry 
with  four  tubs.  A  cafeteria  offers  appetizing 
food  at  reasonable  prices.  A  child  care  center 
is  located  in  a  new  building,  adequately 
screened  and  provided  with  hot  and  cold 
(Continued  on  page  30) 

JANUARY  1945 



Looking  in  on  the  Germans 

there  is  no  difference  between  Hitler's  party 
and  the  German  masses;  that  their  aspira- 
tions coincide  to  such  an  extent  that  the  less 
violent  Germans  are  willing  to  accept  Nazi 
ruthlessness  as  the  price  of  victory.  Numer- 
ous agencies,  official  and  nonofficial,  are  try- 
ing to  determine  what  methods  shall  be 
used  to  suppress  this  aggressiveness  and 
make  the  German  a  tractable  world  citizen, 
but  few  are  trying  to  find  out  what  makes 
the  German  behave  as  he  does  today. 

There  are  a  few  contemporary  documents 
that  give  a  picture  of  this  German  of  today. 
Oddly  enough,  the  most  sympathetic  is 
drawn  by  a  Pole,  a  prisoner  of  war  who 
was  employed  as  a  farm  laborer  in  Ger- 
many. Here  "sympathetic"  is  a  relative 
term.  The  author  does  not  express  friendly 
sentiments,  but  he  understands  human 
nature  so  well  that  he  can  see  how  German 
peasants  are  themselves  prisoners — of  their 
traditional  attitudes,  their  readiness  to  take 
orders  without  question,  and  their  ability 
to  make  workhorses  of  themselves. 

Stolid  Peasants 

Alexander  Janta,  who  draws  this  portrait 
in  "I  Lied  to  Live:  A  Year  as  a  German 
Family  Slave"  (Roy  Publishers;  $2.75),  was 
better  equipped  than  American  correspon- 
dents to  get  close  to  the  German  peasant. 
As  a  Polish  journalist  he  had  been  in  close 
touch  with  Germans,  and  he  had  had  wide 
experience  with  other  nations.  A  volunteer 
in  the  French  army,  he  was  taken  prisoner 
at  the  collapse  of  France.  He  and  another 
Pole  agreed  to  pass  themselves  off  as  French, 
in  order  to  get  better  treatment  and  possibly 
the  chance  to  escape.  His  friend  confessed 
his  nationality  and  was  shot.  Mr.  Janta, 
though  he  was  thrown  with  two  Polish 
peasants  in  his  farm  work,  had  to  pretend 
ignorance  of  his  native  tongue  to  carry  out 
his  plans. 

The  reader  will  find  this  one  of  the  most 
valuable  books  on  "inside  Germany"  that 
has  come  out  of  the  war.  It  concerns  itself 
less  with  officials  than  with  plain  human 
beings.  In  certain  of  their  dealings,  these 
people  were  what  the  German  peasant  has 
been  for  many  generations;  in  others  they 
had  been  warped  by  the  Nazi  regime. 

The  Schnabel  family,  on  whose  farm  Mr. 
Janta  worked,  consisted  of  the  browbeating 
head  (an  Oberfeldwebel  of  cavalry  in  the 
first  World  War),  his  drudge  of  a  wife,  an 
arrogant  son,  and  "Granny,"  who,  like 
many  elderly  German  women,  was  appre- 
hensive of  the  future.  Their  driving  power 
tired  out  the  help,  but  the  Germans  worked 
equally  hard.  They  read  from  the  gospels 
every  Sunday  and  "found  it  easy,  by  quot- 
ing from  the  Bible,  to  justify  more  than 
one  of  their  deeds." 

(All  boo\s 


The  two  Polish  peasants  had  been  taken 
from  their  homes  and  forced  to  do  farm 
work,  but  Mrs.  Schnabel  "always  insisted, 
as  though  trying  to  foothe  a  not  quite  pure 
conscience,  that  her  Poles  were  'volunteers' 
from  Poland."  The  Schnabels  had  to  make 
some  payment  for  their  workers  to  the 
central  camp  administration  and  the  labor- 
ers were  allowed  a  pittance  to  spend  at 
certain  shops.  Poles  were  treated  as  an  in- 
ferior people,  and  many  German  farmers, 
having  understood  that  they  lived  in  filth, 
were  surprised  to  find  them  industrious  and 
scrupulously  clean.  Some  attributed  this 
cleanliness  to  German  influence. 

When  the  laborers  tried  to  buy  a  few 
bare  necessities  "the  German  looked  the 
other  way  and  sometimes  even  gave  them 
hints  where  they  could  get  things  cheapest. 
If  they  worked,  they  let  them  do  what  they 
liked  outside  of  working  hours."  The  Ger- 
man guards  were  corruptible  by  small  gifts 
and  once  they  had  succumbed  they  were 
exploited  by  the  prisoners. 

The  natural  expressiveness  of  the  Polish 
girl  offended  the  Schnabel  family.  The 
prisoners  ate  with  them,  although  this  was 
against  regulations,  because  Mrs.  Schnabel 
was  unwilling  to  have  the  extra  work  of 
two  tables.  The  Germans  "wore  a  stiff  and 
rather  tight-fitting  mask  of  conventional  be- 
havior and  adhered  to  it  strictly,  as  though 
they  were  ashamed  of  possessing  such  things 
as  human  feelings."  Readers  will  recognize 
this  as  a  universal  German  trait,  the  other 
side  of  that  excessive  sentimentality,  nos- 
talgia, and  Wehmut  also  characteristic  of 
the  German  nature. 

The  German  peasants  whom  Mr.  Janta 
saw  had  not  changed  much  with  the  years. 
Their  pride  in  German  victories,  their 
horror  of  Frenchwomen  who  painted  their 
faces,  their  willingness  to  cheat  the  govern- 
ment, were  traits  observed  during  the  first 
World  War.  The  age-old  fear  of  Russia  was 
shown  when  Russia  and  Germany  went  to 
war;  the  Schnabels  were  unsettled,  Granny 
kept  repeating,  "This  will  be  dreadful!" 
and  Schnabel  became  cooperative,  until 
Hitler's  victories  again  restored  his  con- 
fidence and  arrogance. 

This  is  an  old  story,  but  it  has  meaning 
for  us.  It  indicates  that  when  Germany  is 
defeated  these  peasants  will  remain  the 
dogged  workhorses  of  the  soil,  shrugging 
off  political  events.  (From  the  evidence  in 
this  book  I  doubt  that  the  German  under- 
ground will  be  able  to  recruit  many  peasants 
for  a  dangerous  secret  war.)  Mr.  Janta's 
account — which  has  many  other  valuable 
facets,  notably  its  description  of  how  pris- 
oners get  along  among  themselves  and  how 
their  isolation  weighs  upon  their  spirits — 
leads  me  to  believe  that  the  stolid  German 
peasant  will  remain  what  he  was  and,  in 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 

consequence,  will  make  less  trouble  for  the 
Allied  administration  than  the  strongly 
nationalistic  groups  of  the  cities. 

Conquerors  in  Poland 

In  Poland,  the  Germans  took  their  gloves 
off  and  wore  brass  knuckles.  They  pillaged, 
burned,  and  murdered.  Jan  Karski,  member 
of  the  Polish  underground,  now  working 
with  the  Polish  government  in  London, 
saw  members  of  the  Hitler  Jugend  walk 
into  the  newly  created  ghetto  of  Warsaw, 
take  pot  shots  at  windows,  and  laugh  loudly 
when  a  yell  of  pain  resulted.  He  went  to 
Belzec,  100  miles  east  of  Warsaw,  put  on 
the  Estonian  uniform  and  witnessed  the 
death  ride  of  many  Jews  who  were  thrust 
into  freight  cars  filled  with  quicklime  and 
taken  to  a  lonely  spot  many  miles  away. 
He  writes  this  without  dramatic  emphasis 
in  his  "Story  of  a  Secret  State"  (Houghton, 
Mifflin;  $3).  It  is  not  the  sort  of  thing  one 
expects  to  find  told  dispassionately,  but  Mr. 
Karski  may  have  seen  too  much  to  be  in- 
terested in  anything  but  the  plain  facts. 

He  describes  how  the  various  groups  of 
the  Polish  underground  carried  out  orders 
without  knowing  who  the  members  were. 
He  explains  the  rigid  discipline,  which  per- 
mitted no  cooperation  with  the  Nazis  and 
thus  made  a  puppet  government  impossible. 
He  was  present  when  the  underground  "ex- 
ecuted" a  traitor.  The  Poles  had  a  tradition 
of  conspiratorial  action  from  the  Tsarist 
days  and  the  underground  had  the  support 
of  the  patriotic.  They  seem  to  have  taken 
inordinate  risks.  Mr.  Karski  speaks  of  a 
woman  who  "subscribed  to  the  secret  press 
and  did  the  normal  things  that  were  de- 
manded of  her,"  living  in  fear  that  the 
secret  newspaper  might  be  found  in  her 
purse  when  she  was  with  the  German  civil 
officer  billeted  in  her  house. 

A  woman  worker  of  the  underground 
defended  those  Polish  women  who  ac- 
cepted the  attentions  of  Germans  in  order 
to  live,  explaining  that  "an  unfortunate, 
average  woman  who  wants  to  live  through 
the  war  and  wait  for  her  husband"  had  no 
alternative.  Others  were  made  of  sterner 
stuff;  they  suffered  terrible  torture  for  their 
opposition  to  the  Germans,  and  they  died. 
It  may  be  said  that  a  nation  survives  by 
both — the  inspiration  of  its  heroines  and 
the  dogged  clutch  on  life  of  its  stolid 
women  who  must  become  the  mothers  of 
the  next  generation. 

In  Hitlerland 

While  Mr.  Karski  does  not  add  much  to 
what  we  already  know  of  the  Nazis,  Jose 
Antonio  de  Aguirre,  one-time  president  of 
the  Basque  republic,  has  several  contribu- 
tions to  make  in  his  personal  memoir, 
"Escape  via  Berlin."  (Macmillan;  $3).  The 
be  postpaid) 

Basques  have  a  long  tradition  of  liberty  and 
were  given  a  measure  of  self-government  by 
the  republic  of  Spain.  When  that  govern- 
ment fell,  Mr.  Aguirre  became  a  fugitive 
with  a  price  on  his  head. 

With  the  greatest  self-confidence  he  wan- 
dered in  and  out  of  the  German  lines  as  a 
Dr.  Alvarez,  finally  going  to  Berlin  itself 
in  order  to  get  papers  to  leave  the  country 
with  his  family.  It  is  true  that  he  did  not 
rely  wholly  on  his  wits,  as  did  some  of 
the  escaped  prisoners  who  went  through 
Berlin.  He  had  the  help  of  Central  Amer- 
ican diplomats,  who  furthered  his  disguise 
and  his  passage.  Because  of  the  well  known 
respect  of  German  officials  for  documents 
bearing  seals  (the  more  seals  the  better), 
Mr.  Aguirre  had  an  easier  time  than  most. 

Aside  from  the  adventure  of  hoodwink- 
ing and  escaping  the  Germans,  Mr.  Aguirre 
tells  us  more  about  the  Basques  and  his  own 
point  of  view  than  about  the  Germans.  He 
is  convinced  that  Hitler's  regime  is  not 
bourgeois.  He  believes  that  the  advocates 
of  freedom  must  arrive  with  superior  force, 
so  that  the  German  can  see  that  liberty  can 
crush  totalitarian  doctrines. 

The  final  half  of  the  book  reveals  how 
the  Basque  diplomat  and  political  leader, 
now  a  lecturer  in  history  at  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, sees  the  democracy  of  the  future. 
Firmly  devoted  to  individual  liberty,  Mr. 
Aguirre  is  opposed  to  totalitarianism  be- 
cause it  has  no  confidence  in  human  beings 
as  individuals  but  uses  them  for  the  pur- 
poses of  the  state  or  the  ambitions  of  those 
who  control.  He  is  not  wholly  sure  that 
"the  parliamentary  system"  is  needed  in  a 
democracy,  but  he  does  insist  that  demo- 
cratic government  means  a  representative 
government,  in  which  the  "free  and  legi- 
timate will  of  the  people"  can  be  expressed. 
He  mentions  the  knotty  problem  of  "parlia- 
mentary institutions  which  mistook  the 
tyranny  of  the  majority  for  democracy."  The 
freedom  of  vote  unhindered  and  freedom 
of  worship  are  in  Mr.  Aguirre's  charter. 

Of  value  to  us  is  his  comment  on  Spanish 
Americanism  or  Latin  Americanism.  "His- 
panidad,"  he  says,  is  the  spirit  of  violence 
and  dictatorship,  usually  called  "law  and 
order"  by  its  adherents.  Because  of  the 
bridge  between  South  America  and  Spain, 
a  dictatorship  in  Spain  influences  Latin 
America  and  affects  it  unfavorably.  Mr. 
Aguirre  feels  that  perpetuation  of  the 
Franco  government  is  a  danger  to  the 
United  States  and  the  Atlantic  Charter,  no 
less  than  to  the  republican  elements  in 
Spain,  to  which  the  Basques  belong. 

THE  WILSON  ERA:  Years  of  Peace— 1910- 
1917,  by  Josephus  Daniels.  University  of 
North  Carolina  Press.  $4. 


entertaining  books  ever  written  about  the 
rise  of  Woodrow  Wilson  and  his  early 
years  in  the  White  House.  It  is  a  good 
natured,  talkative,  slightly  rambling  book 
with  humor  in  it,  and  sadness  and  good 
stories  of  people. 

You  do  not  exactly  read  it.  You  listen 
to  Josephus  Daniels  as  he  tells  it  to  you. 
And  from  time  to  time  his  round,  smiling 
face  beams  at  you  from  a  photograph  or 
cartoon.  Here  is  one  of  the  men  who 

helped  make  Woodrow  Wilson  President,  a 
man  who  edited  for  many  years  one  of  the 
South's  great  newspapers — the  Raleigh 
News  and  Observer,  a  paper  with  a  daily 
circulation  larger  than  the  total  population 
of  its  North  Carolina  hometown.  Wilson's 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  tells  you,  with  great 
good  humor,  how  and  why  he  ruled  out 
liquor  aboard  the  U.  S.  fleet,  and  he  is 
quoting  the  campaign  of  opposition  and 
ridicule  which  followed  the  order. 

Daniels  tells  of  the  political  maneuvers 
that  made  Wilson  President.  He  describes 
the  row  between  McCombs  and  McAdoo 
within  the  Democratic  National  Committee 
which  might  have  ended  in  disaster.  He 
mentions  his  surprise  and  pleasure  at  Wil- 
son's invitation  to  become  Secretary  of  the 

Navy.  With  considerable  gusto  he  relates 
his  sometimes  unsuccessful  efforts  to  get  rid 
of  red  tape  and  to  shift  socially  presentable 
but  not  especially  efficient  officers.  He 
speaks  affectionately  of  Franklin  D.  Roose- 
velt, appointed  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  because  he  was  the  handsomest  man 
available.  (The  chapter  title  is  "Love  at 
First  Sight— F.D.R.  and  J.D.) 

He  talks  about  his  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances: Edison,  Admiral  Dewey,  Vice-Presi- 
dent  Marshall  (who  said  his  chief  duty 
was  "to  sleep  while  Senators  droned  and 
inquire  about  the  health  of  the  President"), 
Senator  Lodge,  William  Jennings  Bryan- 
all  the  important  figures  of  the  adminis- 

It's  a  delightful  pageant.  It  is  not  a  com- 


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able,  I  would  crawl  to  the  top  of  the  house  and  shout  the  merits 
of  IN. LA.  training.'1 — Elmer  Carroll,  Route  3,  Box  540,  Lansing, 

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Managing  Director,  Credit  Union  National  Association 

What  have  the  consumer  credit  and  consumer  cooperative  movements  to 
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Here  a  sympathetic  spokesman  for  the  common  man  tells  in  simple 
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can  build  the  world  they  yearn  for  through  agencies  that  social  workers 
will  find  here  described.  $2.00 


by  George  de  Haszar 

"I  am  excited  about  Professor  de  Huszar's  book!  It  is  the  sole  book  of  my 
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Here  are  answers  to  the  timely  question:  what  has  ocen  tne  influence  of  Christianity 
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and  others.  The  Seventh  Annual 
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A  realistic  approach  to  the  "hot" 
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can  schools  committed  to  religious 
neutrality  foster  those  spiritual  values 
needed  to  enhance  democratic  living 
— is  the  urgent  topic  here  construc- 
tively examined  by  leading  educators. 


HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  49  E.  33rd  St.,  N.  Y.  16 

plete  history  of  the  period,  but  it  is  far 
more  than  a  book  of  memoirs.  Here  is  a 
shrewd,  human,  liberal  man,  a  man  of 
ability  and  of  integrity,  telling  a  part  of 
his  life  story,  and  making  a  mighty  good 
story  out  of  it.  It  will  be  useful  to  his- 
torians of  the  period  because  it  contains 
much  new  material,  many  new  stories, 
anecdotes,  quotes,  and  explanations  of 
things  never  before  explained.  But  perhaps 
more  important  even  than  that,  it  is  a  re- 
markably absorbing  picture  of  how  Amer- 
ica got  this  way.  ALDEN  STEVENS 
Co-author  oj  "Victory  Without  Peace" 

EDWARD  BELLAMY,  a  Biography,  by  Ar- 
thur E.  Morgan.  Columbia  University  Press. 

as  the  author  of  the  modern  world's  most 
fascinating,  effective,  and  widely  read  Uto- 
pian novel,  "Looking  Backward"  and,  per- 
haps, of  his  less  popular  but  more  scientific 
treatise,  "Equality." 

When,  more  than  a  decade  ago,  Arthur 
E.  Morgan,  then  president  of  Antioch  Col- 
lege and  chairman  of  the  Tennessee  Valley 
Authority,  was  asked  to  write  Bellamy's 
biography,  he  consented  in  the  belief  that 
the  distinguished  American  Utopian  had 
been  a  man  of  only  one  interest,  that  of 
conceiving  and  expounding  social  Utopias, 
and  that  an  adequate  biography  could  be 
written  as  a  literary  diversion  in  a  few 
months  of  leisure  time. 

No  sooner,  however,  had  Mr.  Morgan  be- 
gun his  task  than  he  began  to  arrive  at  the 
conclusion  that  Bellamy  was  "not  just  a 
Utopian,"  but  "one  of  the  most  ranging 
and  penetrating  minds"  America  had  pro- 
duced— a  man  of  many  interests,  an  in- 
tellectual contributor  to  many  causes.  At 
this  discovery,  Mr.  Morgan  started  in  his 
spare  time,  with  the  aid  of  competent  as- 
sistants, an  exhaustive  study  of  Bellamy's 
life,  collected  and  analyzed  the  scores  of 
manuscripts  and  notes  of  Bellamy  still  left 
intact,  interviewed  the  writer's  relatives  and 
many  of  his  friends  and  followers,  and, 
eleven  years  later,  produced  the  first  and 
only  definitive  biography  of  the  great 

The  book  begins  with  an  appraisal  of 
the  widespread  influence  of  "Looking  Back- 
ward" on  leaders  of  modern  thought  and 
action,  brings  to  light  many  intensely  inter- 
esting and  important  facts  regarding  Bel- 
lamy as  a  rebel  against  conventional  tradi- 
tions and  environments,  a  leader  of  the  Na- 
tionalist movement,  breadwinner  and 
father,  psychologist,  eugenist,  economist, 
lover  of  nature.  Mr.  Morgan  maintains  that 
in  psychology  Bellamy  was  inherently  as 
significant  as  Freud,  that  in  eugenics  he 
antedated  present  day  accepted  principles  by 
half  a  century,  that  in  political  economy  he 
was  a  creative  genius,  that  as  a  nature  lover 
he  ranked  with  Thoreau  and  as  a  philoso- 
pher, with  Emerson.  Had  Bellamy  posses- 
sed a  vigorous  physique  and  had  he  lived 
to  a  riper  age — he  died  at  the  early  age  of 
forty-eight — Mr.  Morgan  believes  that  he 
would  have  been  widely  acclaimed  for  his 
talents  along  many  of  these  lines. 

Some  critics  of  Bellamy  in  the  past  have 
contended  that  he  had  no  deep  social  con- 

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victions  before  he  began  to  write  his 
Utopian  novel,  but  that  these  convictions 
were  developed  during  the  process  of  writ- 

Several  alternative  over-all  governmental 
budgets  are  set  up  intended  to  meet  re- 
spectively the  conditions  of  low,  medium, 

ing.    Mr.  Morgan  challenges  this  point  of     high,  and  feverish  private  investment  after 
view,   and   brings   convincing   evidence   to     the  war.  These  investment  levels  are  esti- 

bear  that  the  development  of  his  social 
ideals — including  that  of  equality — began 
when  Bellamy  was  in  his  early  teens. 

The  biographer  describes  Bellamy's  activ- 
ities and  writings  with  sympathy,  under- 
standing, and  ardent  admiration,  and  de- 
fends him  against  many  of  the  accusations, 
among  them  that  of  plagiarism,  which  have 
been  brought  against  him.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  does  not  hesitate  to  criticize 
Bellamy's  errors  of  judgment  in  anticipating 
the  realization  of  his  dream  within  a  com- 
paratively few  years,  and  in  urging  a  too 
simplified,  too  all-embracing  regimented 
and  centralized  collectivism  as  the  goal  of 
social  progress.  Throughout,  the  biographer 
gives  the  reader  the  advantage  of  his  own 
rich  experience  and  considered  thinking  on 
vital  social  problems. 

While  the  book  would  have  been  more 
readable  had  some  of  the  large  number  of 
quotations  been  omitted  and  repetitious 
statements  avoided,  and  while  the  reader 
might  not  follow  the  biographer's  appraisals 
of  Bellamy's  contributions  in  certain  fields 
of  endeavor,  the  American  public  owes  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  Mr.  Morgan  for  writ- 
ing so  authoritative,  complete,  valuable,  and 
absorbing  a  biography  of  one  of  America's 
foremost  seers  and  prophets.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  this  book  will  stimulate  a  re- 
newed interest  in  Bellamy's  works  and  in 
many  of  the  ideals  of  a  better  life  which 
he  so  ardently  espoused. 
Executive  Director  HARRY  W.  LAIDLER 
League  for  Industrial  Democracy 


NATIONAL  ECONOMY,  by  Alvin  H. 
Hansen  and  Harvey  S.  Perloff.  Norton. 


the  interrelationships  between  federal,  state, 
and  local  governmental  financial  operations, 
and  their  proper  adjustment  to  changes  in 
private  economic  activity  after  the  war.  At- 
tempt is  made  to  show  that  "only  where 
the  higher  levels  of  government  played  a 
role  vigorously  and  efficiently  are  condi- 
tions created  under  which  subordinate  units 
of  government  can  effectively  carry  out  the 
functions  appropriate  to  them." 

Suggestions  are  incorporated  for  the 
modernization  of  state  and  local  govern- 
ment and  their  fiscal  basis,  needed  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  an  expanded  economy. 
Special  emphasis  is  placed  on  the  need  for 
development  of  resources  on  a  regional 
basis  and  redevelopment  of  urban  areas. 
The  federal  government,  it  is  said,  should 
undertake  to  maintain  minimum  standards 
of  social  services  on  a  greatly  extended 
scale,  either  by  taking  over  completely  some 
state  and  local  functions  or  by  providing 
more  grants-in-aid.  A  compensatory  fiscal 
policy  should  be  followed  not  only  by  the 
federal  government  but,  under  the  latter's 
leadership,  in  a  limited  way  also  by  state 
and  local  governments. 

mated  at  $4  billion  a  year  at  the  low  point, 
and  at  $23  billion  at  the  peak  point.  The 
national  income  at  these  points  is  forecast 
at  $125  and  $150  billion  respectively.  The 
federal  budget  is  anticipated  in  one  case 
to  rise  to  $29  billion  and  have  a  deficit  of 
$10  billion;  and  in  the  other  case,  to  drop 
to  $22  billion  and  to  produce  a  surplus  of 
$5  billion.  It  is  believed  that  main  reliance 
in  federal  postwar  financing  should  be 
placed  on  the  personal  income  tax  in  which 
substantial  abatements  should  be  allowed 
for  invested  income.  The  federal  corpora- 

tion tax  should  be  converted  primarily  into 
an  income  tax  on  stockholders  collected  at 
the  source.  The  states  should  use  more 
extensively  the  personal  income  tax,  revise 
drastically  their  business  taxes,  and  repeal 
their  general  sales  taxes.  State  and  local 
borrowing  should  be  maintained  at  a  level 
of  only  some  $800  million  a  year. 

The  book  is  comprehensive  in  scope,  and 
stimulating.  It  brings  together  a  large  body 
of  current  thought  on  the  subject  and  is 
well  documented.  Its  uniqueness  lies  in  the 
fact  that  it  extends  to  the  field  of  state  and 
local  finance  the  Keynesian-Hansen  ap- 
proach, heretofore  applied  only  to  the  field 
of  national  finance,  and  attempts  to  outline 
an  integrated  federal,  state,  local  fiscal 
policy  for  the  postwar  period  along  liberal 

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"Powerful"1  "Terrifying"2 

"Shocking"3  "Appalling"3 

"Carefully  Documented"4 

"Highly  Controversial'4 

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Me  Williams' 

new  book 



Symbol  of  Racial  Intolerance 

It  brings  up  the  crucial  point 
that  all  Pacific  peoples  will 
judge  us  by  the  way  we  solve 
the  problem  of  U.  S.  citizens 
and  residents  of  Japanese  an- 

".  .  .  no  violation  of  civil  rights 
in  wartime  ever  more  squarely 
raised  the  issue  of  military 
power  versus  the  Constitution." 
— Roger  N.  Baldwin,  Director 
of  American  Civil  Liberties 
Union,  in  PM. 

"...  a  surgical  effort  to  expose 
to  light  and  air  one  of  the  most 
terrifying  war-time  develop- 
ments." -  Bernard  DeVoto, 
N.  Y.  Herald  Tribune. 

1.  Chicago  Sun 

2.  Newsweek 

3.  N.Y.  Herald  Tribune 

4.  N.Y.  Herald  Tribune 
Book  Review 

At  all  bookstores.  $3.00 

LITTLE,   BROWN    &    CO 


ines.  It  tends  to  overemphasize,  however, 
he  need  for  an  expansion  of  federal  grants- 
n-aid  after  the  war  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
o  underemphasize  the  possibilities  for  the 
expansion  of  activities  of  state  and  local 
jovernments  on  a  foundation  of  their  own 
resources.  The  title  of  the  book  is  a  mis- 
nomer. The  book  deals  as  much  with 
ederal  as  with  state  and  local  finance  in 
he  national  economy.  PAUL  STUDENSKI 
Department  of  Economics 
New  Yor/^  University 

BUREAUCRACY:  A  Challenge  to  Better 
Management,  by  J.  M.  Juran.  Harper.  $2. 

ited by  George  A.  Graham  and  Henry 
Reining,  Jr.  Wiley.  #2.75. 

with  restraint,  understanding,  humor,  and 
ntelligence.  The  author,  an  industrial  man- 
agement engineer  doing  his  war  stint  as  an 
assistant  administrator  in  the  Lend-Lease 
Administration,  offers  the  sober  judgment 
that  "the  utilization  of  scientific  principles 
of  management  in  government  to  the  same 
extent  as  it  is  today  practiced  in  progressive 
ndustry  could  cut  the  [federal]  govern- 
ment population  in  half,  and  this  while 
performing  all  the  present  functions  with 
at  least  present  effectiveness." 

Mr.  Juran  differs  from  those  who  (espe- 
cially in  a  campaign  year)  demand  the  use 
of  the  meat  axe  in  two  vital  respects:  as  a 
management  engineer,  he  is  not  trying  to 
eliminate  regulation  or  control  in  the  name 
of  "economy";  and  he  sees  that  the  problem 
is  one  of  years,  "even  under  the  best  con- 
ditions." It  is  a  "vibrant  and  delicate  myth" 
that  "it  is  in  the  hollow  of  the  President's 
hand  to  remedy  all  this."  The  President 
has  already  "most  emphatically  issued"  the 
desired  edict;  but  the  order  cannot  be 
carried  out,  "because  the  management 
maturity  of  the  federal  government  is  in- 
adequate to  the  task." 

Any  welfare  official  caught  in  the  toils 
of  the  audit  of  travel  vouchers  or  the 
rigidities  of  a  civil  service  system  will 
chuckle  over  Mr.  Juran's  sprightly  writing; 
it  is  refreshing  to  look  at  these  mechanisms 
that  seem  to  have  God-given  eternal  verity 
with  the  fresh  eye  of  a  skilled  management 
man.  Mr.  Juran  sees,  of  course,  how  often 
the  problems  parallel  those  of  large  scale 
corporate  enterprise;  it  is  his  saving  grace 
to  recognize,  on  the  other  hand,  the  special 
environment  of  the  public  servant.  "Life  in 
a  Goldfish  Bowl,"  "The  One-Way  Street 
of  Criticism"  (some  of  his  lively  headings) 
are  forces  that  make  the  problems  different. 
This  book  is  highly  recommended. 

In  his  introductory  essay  to  "Regula- 
tory Administration,"  the  senior  editor  ex- 
plains that  "viewed  broadly,  regulation  is 
the  process  of  getting  people  to  follow  a 
line  of  conduct  that  is  in  accord  with 
public  policy."  In  a  chapter  full  of  shrewd 
insight,  Mr.  Graham  casts  his  eye  over  the 
whole  field  of  human  conduct  and  deals 
pithily  with  the  elements  "especially  useful 
in  making  an  appraisal"  of  the  regulatory 

First,  what  is  the  problem?  "As  long  as 
the  'miasmic'  vapors  of  the  malarial  regions 
were  thought  to  produce  disease,  the  public 
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got  nowhere  in  controlling  malaria."  A 
new  problem,  says  Graham  in  his  salty 
way,  "means  controversy  if  it  is  at  all  seri- 
ous. Tinkering  with  the  hive  produces  an 
inevitable  buzzing." 

Second,  what  are  the  objectives?  Regu- 
lating milk  to  assure  purity  is  one  thing; 
regulating  its  price  is  quite  something  else 
again.  If  the  legislature  doesn't  know  what 
it  wants  achieved,  it  is  useless  to  expect 
the  administrator  to  spell  it  out  clearly. 

Third,  what  is  the  authority?  "In  no 
country  in  the  world  does  official  position 
carry  less  inherent  power  than  in  the 
United  States." 

Who,  then,  is  to  be  regulated?  What  is 
to  be  the  timing?  And  what  is  the  appeal: 
"Perhaps  the  easiest  way  to  misunderstand 
regulation  is  to  fail  to  appreciate  the  wide 
variety  of  methods  by  which  consent  may 
be  sought." 

It  was  clearly  the  intention  of  the  editors 
that  each  of  the  collaborators  would  take  a 
field  of  regulation  and  deal  with  these 
sophisticated  questions.  Each  collaborator  is 
the  best  in  his  field:  Colonel  O.  W.  Wilson 
on  police;  Dr.  Gaylord  Anderson  on  public 
health;  Dean  William  E.  Mosher  on  public 
utilities;  Wilbur  La  Roe,  Jr.,  on  railroads. 
But  only  Mr.  Reining,  the  co-editor,  in  his 
essay  on  state  labor  law  administration  has 
caught  fully  the  intent.  The  others  have 
produced  solid,  comprehensive  accounts  of 
the  development  of  regulation  in  their 
fields,  but  they  have  addressed  themselves 
only  obliquely  to  Mr.  Graham's  questions. 
Each  chapter  is  worthwhile;  but  they  do 
not  add  up  to  the  study  in  comparative 
administration  that  the  editors  dreamed  of 
a  decade  ago.  There  is  a  rather  special 
chapter  by  Prof.  Leon  Marshall  analyzing 
the  "location  and  utilization  of  authority" 
in  the  division  of  review  of  NRA:  it  is  by 
way  of  an  extended  footnote. 

Regional  Representative 
National  Housing  Agency,  New  Yorf^  City 

IN  1945 



QTotoarb  J!en 




(Continued  from  page  18) 

structed  under  the  act  prior  to  the  war- 
time cessation  of  normal  construction  ac- 
tivity; 7891  more  contracted  for  with  local, 
county,  and  regional  housing  authorities 
are  temporarily  in  a  state  of  suspension. 
Both  federal  agency  and  local  authorities 
had  to  strain  their  resources  and  ingenuity 
to  the  utmost  to  produce  a  contract,  a 
procedure,  and  regulations  which  made  even 
this  small  beginning  possible. 

Thus,  experience  shows  conclusively  that 
housing  legislation  must  frankly  recognize 
the  distinctive  differences  between  an  ur- 
ban and  a  rural  program.  The  feasibility 
of  "equivalent  elimination"  in  a  rural  pro- 
gram must  be  considered — the  provision  in 
the  present  Housing  Act  which  requires 
that  for  every  dwelling  unit  built  in  a 
public  housing  project  one  in  a  slum  area 
must  be  demolished.  The  probability  of 
prospective  purchase  as  against  rent  of 
homes  in  rural  areas;  the  limited  pos- 
sibilities of  local  contribution  and  the  need 
for  a  different  computation  of  the  annual 
federal  contribution;  the  intimate  relation- 
ship between  the  house  as  a  dwelling  unit 
and  the  farm  as  a  production  unit  and 
source  of  family  income — all  these  matters 
must  be  faced. 

Studies  have  been  made  of  the  living 
habits  in  rural  areas  and  their  special  re- 
lationship to  the  design  of  a  rural  dwelling. 
Studies  also  have  been  made  of  the  func- 
tion of  the  dwelling  house  in  the  economic 
and  social  patterns  of  the  farm.  The  re- 
sults of  such  studies  should  be  reflected  in 
legislation,  if  it  is  to  be  sufficiently  realis- 
tic to  enable  rural  communities  and  farms 
to  participate  on  an  equal  basis  with  the 
urban  centers  in  a  national  housing  pro- 

Housing  Minority  Groups 

Another  problem  which  must  be  grap- 
pled with  realistically  in  the  postwar  period 
is  that  of  providing  adequate  housing  for 
minority  groups.  Behind  any  neat  blue- 
print of  a  well-housed  country  are  human 
complexes  that  cannot  be  overlooked.  In 
1940,  one  in  every  four  urban  houses  oc- 
cupied by  whites  was  substandard.  In  the 
case  of  non-whites,  two  out  of  every  three 
houses  were  substandard.  But  if  we  are  to 
house  America  adequately,  we  must  include 
housing  for  our  large  number  of  Negroes 
and  of  other  numerically  smaller  minority 

The  problem  would  be  relatively  simple 
if  it  were  only  a  matter  of  providing, 
through  subsidies  for  public  housing  or 
the  necessary  aids  to  private  capital,  the 
accommodations  needed  by  our  minority 
population.  Under  the  relatively  limited 
program  of  low  rent  housing  under  the 
U.  S.  Housing  Act  up  to  the  outbreak  of 
the  war,  the  housing  needs  of  Negroes 
were  being  recognized.  Of  the  105,000 
housing  units  built  under  the  public  pro- 
gram, about  a  third  (38,600)  were  for  Ne- 

gram  7,600  additional  family  homes  had 
been  provided. 

But  the  minority  housing  problem  is  not 
one  of  buildings  alone.  More  than  anything 
else  it  is  a  matter  of  finding  space  in  which 
to  put  the  buildings.  Large  groups  of 
these  people  are  being  forced  to  live  in 
tight  pockets  of  slum  areas  where  they  in- 
crease at  their  own  peril;  they  are  denied 
the  opportunity  to  spread  out  into  new  areas 
in  the  search  for  decent  living. 

The  opening  of  new  areas  of  living  to 
all  minority  groups  is  a  community  prob- 
lem. And  it  is  one  of  national  concern. 
It  is  a  problem  that  each  community  must 
consider  and  explore  for  possible  solutions. 
Plans  for  community  development  should 
be  studied  and  re-studied  to  include  ade- 
quate provision  in  space  for  all  groups. 
Further,  where  tenants  are  displaced  to 
make  way  for  a  new  development,  whether 
residential,  industrial  or  commercial,  other 
space  in  which  they  can  live  must  be  found. 
This  is  particularly  important  in  the  case 
of  minority  groups,  for  displaced  tenants 
must  not  be  dumped  on  top  of  an  already 
overcrowded,  rimmed-in  quarter  of  town. 

Matters  for  Congress 

In  developing  our  public  housing  pro- 
gram horizontally,  as  already  suggested, 
certain  imperfections  of  our  present  pro- 
gram must  be  recognized  and  corrected. 
The  real  answer  to  many  vital  problems 
must  come  from  the  Congress  with  whom 
the  duty  and  the  responsibility  rests. 

First  of  all,  it  should  be  made  clear  that 
further  expansion  of  the  low  rent  housing 
program  is  a  matter  solely  for  congressional 
determination  and  that  it  depends  entirely 
upon  additional  authorization  for  subsidies. 
The  annual  subsidy  of  $28,000,000  max- 
imum, authorized  in  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act 
of  1937,  will  be  fully  absorbed  by  pres- 
ent commitments. 

Apart  from  the  need  for  congressional 
action  to  provide  funds  for  subsidies,  how- 
ever, experience  indicates  that  the  opera- 
tion of  the  low  rent  program  can  be  sub- 
stantially improved  if  certain  revisions  to 
the  Housing  Act  are  made. 

For  example,  the  act  now  provides  for 
use  of  federal  funds  to  finance  up  to  90 
percent  of  the  capital  cost  of  low  rent  hous- 
ing projects.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
local  housing  authorities  have  been  able 
to  obtain  from  private  sources  much  more 
than  the  remaining  10  percent  of  their  cap- 
ital financing.  Some  authorities  already 
are  getting  as  much  as  85  percent  of  their 
money  from  private  investors.  I  am  con- 
fident that  with  certain  amendments  to 
the  Housing  Act,  local  authorities  could 
borrow  100  percent  of  their  capital  funds 
direct  from  private  sources.  If  this  were 
done,  government  funds  for  permanent  cap- 
ital financing  would  be  largely  unnecessary. 

A  second  change  that  should  be  made 
in  the  law  is  to  reduce  from  60  to  45  years 
the  period  during  which  the  federal  gov- 
ernment is  committed  to  pay  annual  cash 

From  these  two  changes  could  flow  a 
number  of  improvements  in  the  program 
which  would  reduce  the  ultimnrr  financial 
(Continued  on  page  30) 

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(Continued  from  page  29) 

cost  to  the  government  and  at  the  same  time 
expand  the  participation  of  private  capital 
in  public  housing. 

Matters  of  Operation 

Besides  these  improvements  dependent 
upon  congressional  action,  much  could  be 
done  to  advance  the  housing  program 
through  improving  the  administrative 
process  itself  within  the  framework  of  the 
present  legislation.  The  attitude  and  policy 
of  the  federal  agency  and  the  local  public 
bodies  engaged  in  this  effort  are  perhaps 
as  important  as  perfecting  legislation. 
Above  all,  a  public  housing  program  must 
arise  from  the  communities  and  not  be  im- 
posed upon  them  by  a  central  agency.  The 
principle  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Act,  by 
which  the  federal  government  becomes 
merely  the  helpmate  and  fiduciary  while 
the  local  public  body  is  the  active  initiator, 
developer,  and  manager  is  sound  and  im- 

In  the  Thirties,  local  housing  authorities 
were  immature  and  understaffed;  they  re- 
quired a  certain  amount  of  paternalism. 
Today,  however,  with  several  years  of  ex- 
perience behind  them,  the  authorities  are 
prepared  to  accept  their  full  responsibilities, 
a  situation  which  must  be  recognized  both 
by  them  and  by  the  federal  agency  through 
the  adoption  of  an  appropriate  attitude  and 
administrative  policy. 

The  federal  agency  has  two  broad  pur- 
poses. One  is  to  discharge  its  legal  and 
business  responsibility  under  the  law  as 
enacted  by  the  Congress.  This  first  re- 
sponsibility of  the  agency  is  to  present  to 
the  localities  a  forthright,  concise  statement 
of  the  basic  conditions  under  which  they 
may  do  business  with  the  federal  govern- 
ment through  the  Federal  Public  Housing 
Authority.  To  illustrate:  the  government 
is  concerned  with  regard  to  cost  and  mini- 
mum standards  in  the  design  of  a  project, 
for  it  is  the  intent  of  the  law  that  financial 
assistance  shall  be  rendered  only  where 
housing  is  to  be  of  a  decent  standard  and 
falls  in  the  low  cost  category. 
•  Aside  from  meeting  such  requirements, 
it  is  for  local  housing  authorities  to  de- 
termine less  basic  questions —  whether,  for 
instance,  there  shall  be  a  porch  or  a  breeze- 
way,  a  pitched  or  a  flat  roof,  inside  tile 
or  plaster,  or  any  other  specific  feature 
adapted  to  local  needs  or  preference. 

The  federal  agency's  responsibility  does 
not  end,  however,  when  it  puts  into  force 
what  the  law  requires.  It  also  has  an 
obligation  of  service  to  the  authorities  and 
to  the  communities.  Implicit  here  is  the 
obligation  to  display  leadership  in  devising 
methods  for  improvements  in  design,  man- 
agement, operations,  administrative  proces- 
ses, and  lowering  of  costs.  The  Federal  Pub- 
lic Housing  Authority  is  indeed  a  veritable 
storehouse  of  experience  in  one  of  the  great- 
est experiments  in  housing  history.  To  syn- 
thesize that  experience  and  to  make  it 
available  for  the  guidance  of  local  authori- 
ties is  one  of  its  major  tasks. 

As  a  corollary  to  these  functions  of  a 
federal  agency,  the  local  public  housing 
body  must  develop  certain  essential  char- 
acteristics and  attitudes.  Indeed,  in  this 

group,  more  than  in  any  other  place  in 
the  chain  of  operations,  must  rest  the  vital 
spark  of  initiative  and  accomplishment,  the 
understanding  of  the  basic  problem  and 
the  ability  to  tackle  it  soundly,  steadfastly, 
and  resourcefully. 

It  must  be  a  local  body  in  the  real  sense 
of  the  word,  responsible  to  the  community 
and  not  to  a  federal  agency,  an  integral 
part  of  the  stream  of  community  life.  It 
must  offer  leadership  for  those  less  able  to 
speak  for  their  own  necessities  and  must 
work  with  other  leadership  that  seeks  better 
housing  for  all.  Finally,  it  must  be  a  dy- 
namic force  unwilling  to  rest  until  the  solu- 
tion of  housing  for  low  income  families  has 
been  applied  all  across  the  board. 

No  one  can  foresee  the  destiny  of  the 
public  housing  program  in  the  immediate 
future.  It  would  be  foolhardy  to  ignore 
the  existence  of  well-intentioned  opposition 
or  the  presence  of  selfish,  uninformed, 
and  reckless  critics.  But  good  housing  must 
cease  to  be  regarded  as  a  national  luxury. 
It  is  inconceivable  that  this  country  will 
continue  to  subscribe  to  the  doctrine  of 
scarcity  in  the  second  most  important  neces- 
sity of  man's  life. 

The  acceptance  of  the  view  that  good 
housing  is  a  scarce  commodity  to  be  ra- 
tioned on  a  high-dollar  market  inevitably 
implies  that  the  nation  can  afford  the  price 
of  all  the  ills  that  center  around  slums 
and  blight.  America,  strong  and  indomit- 
able though  she  seems,  cannot  continue  to 
permit  the  ebbing  of  its  strength  through 
the  airless,  lightless  coops  of  her  slums. 


(Continued  from  page  23) 

running  water,  cooking  facilities,  and  a 
juke  box  for  evening  entertainment.  Three 
paid  supervisors  see  that  the  camp  is  kept 
in  order.  There  are  tightly  lidded  refuse 
barrels  before  each  cabin. 

There  Are  Laws  .  .  . 

The  deplorable  conditions  under  which 
most  migrant  farm  workers  live  in  New 
York  cannot  be  blamed  entirely  on  the 
lack  of  legislation.  There  are  state  laws 
— many  of  them — which  apply  to  mi- 
grants as  well  as  others.  Under  them, 
no  camp  is  supposed  to  operate  without 
a  permit  from  the  local  health  authority, 
the  issuance  depending  upon  compliance 
with  the  state  sanitary  code.  Yet  camp 
after  camp  contains  flagrant  violations  of 
the  code — overcrowding,  inadequate  ven- 
tilation, lack  of  fire  exits,  cooking  arrange- 
ments in  sleeping  quarters,  lack  of  kitchen 
screening,  filthy  privies,  absence  of  recep- 
tacles for  garbage  disposal,  and  in  some 
instances  location  of  buildings  on  surfaces 
preventing  adequate  drainage.  Temporary 
permits,  issued  to  allow  a  period  for  the 
correction  of  violations,  provide  the  loop- 
hole— unfortunately  they  are  renewable, 
apparently  indefinitely. 

New  York  State  law  also  prohibits  the 
farm  employment  of  children  under  four- 
teen, except  on  their  own  families'  farms, 
and  requires  work  permits  of  those  between 
fourteen  and  sixteen  so  employed.  But 

most  children  harvesting  New  York's 
crops  never  heard  of  working  papers,  nor 
did  their  parents.  The  grower  or  con- 
tractor, who  needs  all  the  hands  he  can 
get,  does  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  inform 
them,  since  he  does  not  care  to  risk  losing 
all  of  his  youngest  pickers. 

Another  law  prohibits  an  auto  truck  with 
twenty  or  more  passengers  from  going 
farther  than  ten  miles — with  more  than 
a  third  of  the  occupants  standing;  with- 
out suitable  seats  securely  attached 
to  the  body;  without  side  racks  at  least 
three  feet  in  height  above  the  floor;  with- 
out a  tailboard  or  tail  gate  that  is  securely 
closed.  But  the  truck  in  the  Binghamton 
accident,  though  carrying  thirty-seven  per- 
sons a  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred 
miles,  had  no  tailboard  and  no  benches. 
Such  amenities  are  rarely  supplied  in  the 
trucks  that  do  the  daily  hauling  to  and 
from  the  fields,  and  sometimes  not  even 
in  trucks  that  bring  families  all  the  way 
from  Florida.  Said  one  driver  who  hauled 
a  "load  of  pickers"  more  than  1,100  miles 
from  the  South  to  New  York:  "They  pre- 
fer to  sit  on  their  suitcases." 

Attitudes  Must  Change 

Obviously,  one  way  to  improve  condi- 
tions among  the  migrant  families,  with- 
out whom  much  of  New  York's  abundant 
farm  produce  would  go  to  waste,  is  to  en- 
force existing  legislation.  This  is  the  first 
step  in  a  platform  prepared  by  the  New 
York  Consumers  League  as  a  result  of  its 
investigation.  The  war  emergency,  the 
league  maintains,  is  hardly  an  excuse  for 
violating  laws  which  were  flagrantly  ignored 
long  before  the  war,  and  probably  will 
continue  to  be  ignored  after  the  war  un- 
less definite  steps  are  taken  to  impose  recog- 
nition of  their  existence.  As  a  corollary 
to  this  recommendation,  the  league  urges 
the  elimination  of  their  practice  of  issuing 
temporary  permits  to  the  camps. 

Strict  law  enforcement,  however,  the 
league  insists,  must  be  accompanied  by 
other  more  positive  activities  if  appreciable 
improvements  are  to  be  achieved.  Among 
these,  the  league  recommends  additional 
legislation  to  bring  agricultural  workers 
in  under  the  protection  of  the  state  Mini- 
mum Wage  Law  and  under  the  Work- 
men's Compensation  Act.  Though  wages 
are  not  now  the  problem  they  were  be- 
fore the  war,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent 
them  from  falling  back  to  below  subsistence 
levels  as  soon  as  the  manpower  shortage  is 

Pointing  out  that  the  whole  problem 
of  insecurity  among  migrants  is  tied  up 
with  the  fact  that  they  have  no  way  of 
holding  the  farm  operators  or  padrones 
to  their  promises,  either  in  regard  to  wages 
or  living  conditions,  the  league  recom- 
mends the  regulation  of  labor  contractors 
through  a  system  of  state  licensing,  which 
would  require  the  use  of  written  contracts 
between  padrone  and  worker.  This  would 
extend  to  our  native  farm  workers  some 
of  the  security  now  being  enjoyed  by  the 
imported  Jamaicans  and  Bahamans. 

But  unless  the  prevailing  attitudes  among 
most  farmers  and  their  town  neighbors 
toward  the  men,  women,  and  children, 


who  each  year  are  drawn  into  the  state 
to  gather  the  yield  of  a  generous  soil, 
can  be  transformed  into  friendliness  and  a 
positive  interest,  law  enforcement  will  at 
sest  be  sporadic  and  new  legislation  will 
DC  of  little  avail.  On  this  theory  the  league 
is  girding  itself  to  undertake  an  intensive 
public  education  program  in  the  farm  areas 
of  the  state.  It  has  been  encouraged  to 
find  alert  groups  in  scattered  areas  of  the 
state  who  are  already  working  on  this  prob- 

When  the  realization  begins  to  dawn,  in 
Bouckville  and  Poolville  and  a  host  of  other 
communities,  that  crops  are  gathered  not  by 
"pickers"  but  by  people  who  feel  hunger, 
who  think,  tire,  love,  fear,  hope,  and  de- 
spair, then  a  force  will  be  generated  that 
will  begin  to  stretch  democracy's  tent  ropes 
to  take  in  these  long  excluded  outsiders. 


(Continued  from  page  14) 

some  ideas  thrown  out  to  get  us  started. 
A  preliminary  draft  prepared  by  the  steer- 
ing committee  is  now  before  you.  Each 
delegate  has  his  copy.  Your  task  is  to 
round  out  this  preliminary  draft;  take  it 
as  far  as  you  can,  as  deep  as  you  can,  while 
holding  general  agreement.  We  want  to 
obtain  maximum  agreement  among  our- 
selves. None  of  us  belongs  to  pressure 
groups,  but  some  of  us  have  pet  ideas. 
I  implore  you  to  drop  them  if  they  stand 
in  the  way  of  agreement.  It  isn't  you  who 
must  be  vindicated,  it  is  your  country. 
Broader  still,  it  is  democracy  which  must 
be  vindicated. 

We  are  sick  and  tired  of  hearing  it  said 
that  we  can  never  get  anywhere  because 
our  government  is  so  rotten — meaning,  in 
a  democracy,  that  we  are  rotten.  We  are 
sick  and  tired  of  running  around  in  circles 
wringing  our  hands  because  we  can  pro- 
duce so  much.  That  is  a  game  for  people 
in  a  mental  hospital,  not  for  civilized  men. 
The  war  has  interrupted  the  game,  but  if 
we  let  things  drift  die  mental  cases  will  be 

The  question  before  us  here  is  not 
whether  there  shall  be  government  inter- 
ference in  the  economy.  That  question  was 
settled  in  the  affirmative  by  the  first  admin- 
istration of  George  Washington,  when  cus- 
toms tariffs  were  enacted.  The  question 
before  us  here  is  what  tynd  of  government 
interference.  Will  it  be  to  subsidize  pow- 
erful pressure  groups,  or  to  keep  all  Amer- 
ica strong? 

•       •       • 

The  Chairman  took  out  his  handkerchief 
and  ran  it  across  his  forehead.  It  was  a 
hot  morning  in  Idaho.  Out  the  windows 
the  mountains  loomed  through  the  haze, 
and  the  pine  trees  on  their  flanks  looked 
green  and  cool. 

I  guess  that  is  all,  he  said.  Now  we  have 
to  go  to  work.  .  .  .  And  he  sat  down. 

There  was  very  little  applause.  The  men 
and  women  facing  him  knew  there  was 
nothing  to  celebrate.  A  milestone  in  the 
history  of  their  country  had  been  reached. 
If  it  was  to  be  safely  passed  it  meant  the 
hardest  kind  of  work. 

(In  answering 



Assured  Income  for  Life 

Joy  in  Helping  Others 


Your  money  works  for  YOU  during  your  lifetime,  and  for  OTHERS  after 
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guages.        Phonograph     Courses.        Bought,     Sold 

Y^^N.  YV    M£Y?07 


SPECIAL  articles,  theses,  speeches,  papers.  Re- 
search, revisjon,  bibliographies,  etc.  Over  twenty 
years'  experience  serving  busy  professional  per- 
sons Prompt  service  extended.  AUTHORS 
RESEARCH  BUREAU,  516  Fifth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

TURES, Club  Papers,  professionally  prepared. 
Criticism,  rewriting,  plotting,  ghostwriting  of 
book-length  manuscripts,  short-stories,  feature 
articles.  Testimonials  galore.  Printed  Lectures, 
Sermons  and  Outlines  also  furnished.  FREE 
Circular.  Dept.  "S."  Continental  Writers'  & 
Speakers'  Bureau,  210  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

HELEN  GUILES,  Literary  Agent.  Short  stories, 
current  articles,  book  manuscripts  and  poetry  ex- 
pertly criticised  and  marketed.  131  West  69th 
Street,  New  York  City. 

prompt,  inexpensive.  Ambassador  Office  Service, 
17  East  48th  Street,  New  York.  WI  2-1127. 

MANUSCRIPT  TYPING,  also  Stenotype  Report- 
ing, Mimeographing.  Prompt,  efficient  service ; 
reasonable  rates.  ROLEN  REPORTERS,  351 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Dickens 

manuscripts  in  pamphlet  and  bonk  form.  Folder 
Distributing  Company,  313  West  35th  Street, 
New  York  1. 


CONNOISSEURS,  GOURMETS,  people  who  know 
coffee.  .  .  .  Famous  blend,  rich,  winey  taste, 
unforgettable  aroma.  Send  $1  for  trial  package — 
2  pounds  postpaid.  Specify  grind.  Richard  H. 
Toeplitz,  Suite  205,  342  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York  17,  N.  Y. 


SET  OF  TWELVE  color  reproductions,  includes 
Brueghel,  Cezanne,  Eakins,  Renoir,  Picasso, 
Degas  and  other  masters.  Averapre  size  10x12". 
Excellent  for  framing  for  home  Decoration.  $4.95 
for  set.  Worth  $10.00.  Irisam  Studio,  291  Lin- 
coln Place,  Brooklyn,  New  York. 


SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 


FREE      CATALOG,      showing      several      hundred 

beautiful  designs. 
ANTIOCH    BOOKPLATES,    Box   218,   Yellow   Springs,    Ohio 


AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical "social  work  oositinns. 


ned,  confidential  service  brings  the  right  person* 
together  quickly  and  at  surprisingly  small  cost. 
Just  send  us  complete  details  of  the  administrative 
or  staff  position  you  have  open  or  desire,  together 
with  a  three  months  service  fee  ot  $3.00.  (No 
other  charges!)  Descriptions  of  openings  are 
mailed  only  to  most  likely  candidates,  who,  if 
interested  then  apply  direct  to  employers  on  spe- 
cial forms  we  furnish.  Central  Registry  Service, 
109  South  Sunwood,  Columbus  9,  Ohio. 

PAROLE  OFFICER— Male.  New  York  State  resi- 
rlents.  Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  7'/,%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679, 
Albany,  New  York. 

ENCED Case  Work  Director  and  two  Senior 
Case  Workers  needed  immediately,  suitable  salary 
and  permanent  employment  assured.  Must  have 
had  college,  School  of  Social  Work  experience 
and  some  years  of  actual  case  work  and  super- 
visory experience  with  reputable  children's 
agency.  Apply,  furnishing  references  as  to  char- 
acter, health,  habits,  education,  experience,  etc., 
to  The  Children's  Home  Society  of  Florida,  403 
Consolidated  Blcig.,  Jacksonville  2,  Florida. 

CASE  WORKERS  in  family  service  and  child 
placement  departments  by  Jewish  Agency  where 
staff  members  participate  in  community  planning 
and  extension  of  service  to  meet  wartime  needs. 
Good  opportunities  for  advancement.  Salary  range 
$1760.00  to  $2760.00.  7957  Survey. 

SPECIAL  WORKER— in  Jewish  multiple  lervice 
case  work  agency  to  carry  selected  case  load  and 
assume  special  respoasibilties  involving  community 
organization  and  interpretation.  Salary  range 
$2400  to  $3500.  79*6  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE  WANTED.  Jewish  Welfare  Society 
of  Seattle,  Washington,  is  looking  for  an  execu- 
tive director  who  is  a  graduate  of  an  accredited 
graduate  school  and  a  member  of  the  American 
Association  of  Social  Work,  with  psychiatric  or 
child  welfare  experience.  A  person  who  is  capable 
of  taking  part  in  community  activities.  High 
standards  and  good  salary  are  maintained. 


(a)  Director  of  social  service  department,  350-bed 
hospital — bed  capacity  to  be  increased  to  500 
within  year;  minimum  starting  salary,  $250; 
East.  (b)  Several  psychiatric  social  workers; 
large  charity  hospital  located  short  distances  from 
university  medical  center  and  several  large  cities; 
salaries  range  from  $2500  to  $3000;  Middle  West, 
(c)  Psychiatric  social  worker;  state  hospital; 
$200,  complete  maintenance;  town  of  75,000, 
Middle  West.  SG1-1.  Burneice  Larson,  Director, 
The  Medical  Bureau,  Palmolive  Building,  Chi- 
cago, Illinois. 

WANTED:  Family  Case  Worker  for  new  commu- 
nity social  agency  created  and  controlled  by  or- 
ganized labor,  both  A.  F.  of  L.  and  the  C.  I.  O. 
Union  Organization  for  Social  Service,  411  Cooper 
Street,  Camden,  New  Jersey.  Tel:  Ca.  1815. 


MAN,    31,    M.S.W.,    five    years    experience:     case 

worker,  supervisor,  executive  small,  non-sectarian 
family  agency,  desires  position  with  agency  or  on 
faculty  school  of  social  work  in  community  with 
sailboating1  facilities.  Approximate  salary  $4000. 
8078  Survey. 

YOUNG  WOMAN,  16  years'  experience  in  various 
branches  of  social  work  including  case  work,  pub- 
lic relations,  desires  connection.  8077  Survey. 


SCHOOL  OF  NURSING  of  Yale  University 

A  PraffMtttn  /or  thf  '  o/l««.  Woman 

in   Intensive  and   basic  eiperience  In  the  various  branches  of  nursing  Is 
offered  during  the  twemy-eteht  months'  course  which  leads  to  the  degree  of 


A    Kn.-hclor's    decree    In    arts,    science    or    philosophy    from    a   college   of 
•uproved  standing  is  required  for  admission. 

for  Catalog**  and   Information  addraiit 


New    Haven,    Connecticut 



Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  MS 

Medical  Social  Work 

Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Bearon  Hill,  Boston 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


Western    Reserve    University 


Social  Work  Prepares 

"For  the  Task 
That  Lies  Ahead" 

Apply  Now 
Next  Session  Begins  February  12 


Admission  Office 

2117  Adalbert  Road 

Cleveland  6,  Ohio 

Why  can't  slum  clearance 

and  decent  housing 
be  left  to  private  enterprise? 


Fii-st  Administrator  of  the  U.  S.  Housing  Authority 

answers  irrefutably  this  question 
and  every  question  advanced  by 
the  enemies  of  public  housing 


With  proven  facts,  graphic  charts  and  tables,  the 
one  man  in  America  best  qualified  to  discuss  low- 
cost  housing  strikes  at  the  heart  of  this  vital  and 
controversial  subject.  THE  SEVEN  MYTHS  OF 
HOUSING  has  three  objectives.  The  first:  to  show 
that  slum  conditions  in  town  and  country  can  be 
eliminated  only  by  a  program  of  subsidized  public 
housing.  The  second:  to  disprove  the  many  argu- 
ments now  being  secretly  but  powerfully  urged 
against  a  federal  housing  program.  The  third:  to 
offer  a  specific  plan  for  better  housing  conditions 
in  the  post-war  period. 

At  all  bookstores  •  fi.f; 

ALFRED  A. KNOPF.  501  Madison  Ave..N.Y.2g 


A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Open*  June,  1945 

The  Accelerated  Coarse  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 


Contents  for  December  1944 

Medical     Social     Work     in     the     Vocational     Rehabilitation 
Program  Eleanor  Cockerill 

A    Task    for    Social    Work    in    Connection    with    Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation  Helen  Witmtr  and  Phebe  Rich 

Abstracts  of  Theses:  Smith  College  School  for  Social  Work, 

For  further  information  write  to 


Northampton,  Massachusetts 

®ntoer*ttp  of  Chicago 

School  of  Jtfocixt    S>txmtt  Ainmniatrsttim 
Spring  quarter  begins  March  26,  1945 

Academic  Year,  1945-46 

Summer  Quarter,  1945 

(1)  Full  quarter  credit  courses,  includ- 
ing Field  Work,  ten  weeks,  June  25 
— August  31. 

(2)  Special  three  week  courses,  carrying 
University   credit,   for   experienced 
social  workers. 

Autumn  Quarter  begins  October  2 
Winter  Quarter  begins  January  2 
Spring  Quarter  begins  March  25 


Edited  by  Edith  Abbott 
A  Professional  Quarterly  for  Social  Workers 

NOW!  Enjoy  Learning  to  Speak 


Only  15  Minutes  a  Day! 

Learn  as  a  child  learns— by  LISTENING  to  native 
instructors  on  these  brand  new  CORTINA  RECORDS! 

RUbt  in  your  llTinK  room  your  In- 
structors l*tt  to  you  in  even-day 
Spanish  —  Just  like  any  native 
would,  on  the  streets,  in  shops,  io 
offices  of  any  Latin  American  city. 
The  whole  family  enjoys  learning 
Spanish—this  easy  Cortina  way. 

Doing  business 
with  our  I*tln 
American  cus- 
tomers is  so 
much  more  prof- 
lUble  and  en- 
}orable  when  >cni 
•peak  their  lan- 

Mow  much  more 
the  pleasures 
South  of  the 
Rto  Grande 
will  mean  to 
you  when  you 
really  under- 
stand the  lan- 

DO  YOU  realize  how 
much  it  can  mean  to 
you  to  speak  and  under- 
stand Spanish? 

A  whole  new  world  of 
opportunity  is  opening  up 
south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
Take  advantage  of  these 
opportunities  there,  or 
cash  in  on  them  here  at 
hontf!  Millions  of  dollars 
are  invested — more  mil- 
lions are  being  laid  out 
every  week — to  devejop 
the  endless  industrial, 
mining,  farming,  engi- 
neering and  other  re- 
sources of  Mexico,  Cuba, 
Panama,  Central  and 
South  America.  The  im- 
mense volume  of  bus- 
ness  and  travel  with 
our  100,000,090  Spanish- 
speaking  neighbors  is 
calling  for  men  and 
women  who  can  speak 
their  language,  be  friends 
with  them  instead  of 
merely  "foreigners" ! 

It's   today's   biggest   chance 
— a  business  and   social   part- 
nership    that     present     world 
conditions  have  made  us  real- 

ize as  nothing  else  could. 
And  right  here  in  the  United 
States  there  are  countless 
openings  for  correspondents, 
sales  agents  and  managers, 
clerks,  mechanics,  secretaries, 
stenographers,  engineers,  men 
and  women  who  know  Span- 
ish, who  can  talk  with  cus- 
tomers when  they  arrive  and 
correspond  with  them  when 
they've  gone  back  home  I 

The  Air  Lines  are  fast 
bringing  about  a  whole  new 
world  tor  you,  as  an  Ameri- 
can. Within  a  very  short 
time  you  won't  be  satisfied 
with  going  to  "the  moan- 
tains"  or  the  lake"  or  "the 
shore."  You'll  be  going  to 
'ee  new  places,  meet  differ- 
ent people,  do  more  interest- 
ing things. 

Let  your  knowledge  of 
Spanish  bring  you  a  rich- 
er, more  satisfying  life! 

When  you  speak  Spanish 
you  open  the  doors  to  this 
new  world.  You're  part  of 
it.  And  the  simplest,  surest 
way  to  begin  speaking  Span- 
ish— to  learn  it  quickly,  right 
in  the  prrvacy  and  relaxation 
of  jrour  own  home — is  the 
Cortina  way.  You  begin  to 
understand  Spanish  almost  at 
once.  In  an  amazingly  short 
time — you  are  actually  fpeak' 
ing  Spanish.  And  to  prove 
it  to  you  we  invite  you  to 
look  into  this  offer: 


Free  Book  Describes  Full  Derails 

READ  the  free  book  we  will  send  you 
describing  the  CORTINA  method,  and 
all  about  our  5-day  approval  offer. 

This  is  the  simplest  way  to  speak  Spanish. 
You  Iran  by  listening.  Instead  of  straggling 
with  complicated  textbooks — instead  of  losing 
time  going  to  and  from  classes — you  learn 
at  home,  relaxed  and  at  ease,  in  as  little  as 
IS  minutes  a  day.  Your  teachers  never  lose 
patience  with  you.  There's  no  one  to  hustle 
you  or  hold  you  back  I 

The  EASIEST  Way  to  Learn 
the  EASIEST  of  All  Languages! 

— and  this  is  the  finest  time  to  learn  it  I  Re- 
member, Spanish  means  greater  social  advan- 
tages *oo.  Everyone  should  know  at  least  one 
foreign  language.  And  you'll  be  amazed  how 


Dept.   391,    105   W.   40th   St.,    New   York 
Established   in   1882 

quickly  you  can  pick  up  ordinary  Spanish 
conversation!  Business  and  commercial  terms 
soon  become  second  nature  to  you. 

Today,  when  Spanish,  the  most  important 
foreign  language  in  the  world,  can  mean  so 
much  financial  gain,  travel  and  cultural  pleas- 
ure, why  not  see  what  the  Cortina  Method 
can  do  for  you?  You  risk 

The  CORTINA  Academy 
has  been  teaching  languages 
successfully  for  60  YEARS. 
And  it  will  do  for  you  per- 
sonally what  it  has  done 
for  thousands  of  others — 
if  you  will  give  it  a 
chance.  Without  obligation, 
send  the  coupon  TODAY 
for  your  free  copy  of  the 
32-page  booklet.  "The  Cor- 
tina Short-Cvt." 



CORTIN4    ACADEMY    (Lanouaoe    Soecialists    for    60 
Years)  Dept.  391,  105  West  40th  St..  New  York  18. 
N.  Y. 


Also  Taught 

Courses      are 
as       effective 
in       teaching 

Please      send      me  —  without      ohligatinn-  -your 
free    hook    "The    Cortina    Short-Cut"    and     full 
facts    about    your    special    "Proof    in     5     Day.-" 

(Check    language    in    which    you    are    interested) 

D   ITALIAN          D   ENGLISH 

you     as     the 
s    ii   a  n  i  sh 
course    de- 


=EBRUflRY  IQ45 


3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


Air  Age  Transportation 

by  William  Fielding  Ogburn 

Bridges  to  the  Future  by  James  T.  Shotwell 
Health:  Today  and  Tomorrow  by  Michael  M.  Davis 
Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment  by  Mabel  Newcomer 
'n  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences  by  Justine  and  Shad  Polier 
Icoholism— Abraham  Myerson,  M.  D.     Letters  &  Life— Harry  Hansen 

A  Special  New  Republic  Supplement — Just  Issued 

The  Challenge  to  Progressives 

by  James  G.  Patton  and  James  Loeb  Jr. 

(President,  National  Farmers'  Union) 

(Director,  Union  for  Democratic  Action) 

Including  an  8-page  chart  which  completes  the  voting  record  of  the  (last)  78th  Congress 
on  all  vital  issues,  lists  the  new  Congressmen,  and  gives  by  a  tabulation  of  votes 
the  margin  of  victory  in  the  last  election  of  all  present  members  of  Senate  and  House 

1.    The    New    Political    Era 

What  will  be  the  situation  of  the  Progressive 
without  FDR  on  the  ballot? 

2.  Toward    a    Realistic   Program 

What's  wrong  with.  Liberal  programs?  Why 
does  a  platform  have  to  consist  of  more  than 
merely  desirable  planks? 

3.  A   New   Political    Strategy 

What  are  the  periods  through  which  the  coun- 
try has  gone  in  Roosevelt's  first  three  adminis- 
trations? What  alternatives  confront  the  fourth 

4.  Who    Are    the    Progressives? 

What  social  groups  in  America  must  and  can 
be  won  over  to  the  cause  of  progressivism? 
What  is  to  be  done  about  the  farmer,  the  non- 
political  trade  unionist,  the  independent  voter, 
the  returning  veteran? 

5.  The    Parties 

What  are  the  progressive  potentialities  of  the 
major  parties?  The  possibilities  of  a  national 
third  party? 

6.  Conclusion 

What  can  Progressives  do  now?  What  is  needed 
.  programmatically,  organizationally  and  psycho- 
logically? What  is  the  role  of  "professionals"? 
What  are  the  responsibilities  of  the  Progres- 
sives today? 

This  penetrating  and  non-doctrinaire  study 
is  as  timely  as  it  is  necessary.  Written  by 
what  might  be  termed  two  "professionals" 
of  long  and  distinguished  standing  in  the 
progressive  ranks,  the  supplement  sees  the 
present  situation  confronting  liberals  for 
what  it  is  and  the  effective  possible  courses 
of  action  that  can  be  taken  to  meet  it.  Theirs 
is  no  idle  discussion  carried  on  in  terms  of 

"What  could  be  done  if,"  but  rather  in  terms 
of  "What  can  bb  done  because."  Here  is 
analysis,  appraisal,  proposal,  that  is  realis- 
tic, plain-spoken,  hard-hitting  and  confi- 
dent. It  adds  up  in  short  to  a  CHAL- 
LENGE that  you  and  every  other  Progres- 
sive will  sooner  or  later  have  to  read. 
Copies  of  the  supplement  are  available 
separately  at  our  usual  low  quantity  rates. 

Prices:  1  copy  lOc;  16  for  $1 ;  34  for  $2;  90  for  $5 


40  East  49th  Street,  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

For  the  enclosed please  send  me  postpaid copies  of  THE  CHALLENGE  TO 


Name   City 

Street   .  . .  State 

<    1-2-4S 


A  non-partisan,  non-profit,  educational  society  or- 
ganized in  1912  (o  promote  the  common  welfare 

PUBLISHERS  OF  SURVEY  GRAPHIC  AND  SURVEY  MIDMONTHLY       •       112  EAST  19  STREET      •       NEW  YORK  3,  N.  Y. 


RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.,  President 
ACNES  BROWN  LEACH,  Vice  President 
JOHN  PALMER  CAVIT,  Vice  President 
PAUL  KELLOGG,   Editor 
ANN  REED  BRENNER,  Secretary 

BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS:  Joseph  P.  Chamberlain,  Chairman. 





To  Every  Member  of  Survey  Associates: 

On  January  1,  1945 — for  the  first  time  in  a  decade — our 
Membership  Roster  exceeded  2,100  at  the  turn  of  the  year.  In 
the  course  of  1944,  members  and  contributors  backed  our  ad- 
venturous program  the  first  six  months;  stood  by  in  tough 
going  the  second  six;  and  saw  us  through  on  December  31. 

Beyond  all  peradventure,  our  exploratory  work  in  these 
critical  times  hangs  on  your  sustained  participation.  That  has 

• — made  possible  our  service  of  inquiry  and  interpreta- 
tion in  fields  of  the  common  welfare  and  the 
tested  procedures  which  give  it  validity; 

• — made  for  growth  in  circulation — which  in  regular 
and  special  numbers  wins  hearings  from  4  to  40 
times  that  of  reports  and  ordinary  books  dealing 
with  kindred  subject  matter. 

Without  advance  pledges  in  the  early  months  of  1944,  it  would 
have  been  foolhardy  for  us  to  have  projected: 

American  Russian  Frontiers — Survey  Graphic  for  Feb- 
ruary. Ninth  in  our  CALLING  AMERICA 
series  of  specials  which  go  back  to  Munich. 

Juvenile  Delinquency  —  Survey  Midmonthly  for 
March;  with  its  promptings  for  concerted  action 
in  our  domestic  life,  now  and  after  the  war. 

The  Call  of  Our  Cities — Survey  Graphic  for  April; 
with  its  canvass  of  possibilities  for  urban  de- 
velopment and  postwar  housing. 

These  projects  gave  a  shove  to  record  circulation  showings  by 
mid-years — which,  in  turn,  gave  us  momentum  to  weather  a 
fall  quarter  preoccupied  with  presidential  elections.  (Off-season 
for  a  non-political  venture  like  ours.) 

Gain  in  Our  "Educational  Reach" 

With  result,  that  we  entered  1945  with  an  overall  subscrip- 
tion list  of  34,000 — a  gain  of  18%  over  a  year  ago.  During 
the  twelve  months,  each  of  two  special  numbers  reached  cir- 
culations more  than  twice  that  figure: — 

Graphic  special,  American  Russian  Frontiers,  long 
since  in  2nd  edition.  Combined  circulation  of 
CALLING  AMERICA  series— half  a  million. 

Midmonthly  special,  American  Ploughshares  (Au- 
gust) ,  fourth  in  a  series  reinforcing  annual  drives 
on  which  hang  fortunes  of  social  agencies,  at 
home  and  overseas.  Combined  circulation  • —  a 
quarter  million. 

A  Committee  of  Librarians  (Harper's)  selects  "10  Out- 
standing Articles  of  the  Month  in  American  Magazines."  In 
1944,  one  out  of  ten  of  them  was  from  Survey  Graphic: — 

February  Meet  the  Russian  People 

March  American   Postwar  Potentials 

May  Blazing  New  Legislative  Trails 

Civilian   Internment — American  Way 
June  Germans  and  the  German  Problem 

Trouble  at  the  Grass  Roots 

July  On  Being  An  American 

August  Allies  in  Exile 

September  Labor  in  Politics 

October  Screening  and  Remaking  Men 

November  The  Nazis'  Last  Front 

UNRRA  On  the  March 
December  Big  Government 

Albert  Rhys  Williams 

Randall  S.  Williams 

Phillips  Bradley 

Earl  G.  Harrison 

Egon  Ranshofen-Wertheimer 

Eduard  C.  Lindeman 

Felix  Frankfurter 

George  Soloveytchik 

Beulah  Amidon 

Flanders  Dunbar,  M.D. 

Paul  Hagen 

Herbert  H  Lehman 

Stuart  Chase 

To  Every  Reader  of  Survey  Graphic: 

We  invite  each  and  all  of  you  to  join  the  fellowship  of  Sur- 
vey Associates  in  this  New  Year. 

Our  Memorandum  to  Members  (in  the  adjoining  column) 
will  show  you  how  genuinely  in  1944  our  members  helped  us 
breast  the  stresses  of  one  war  year.  Clues,  also,  to  how  much 
they  will  mean  in  making  the  most  of  our  service  to  another. 

For  example,  in  underpinning  the  10th  of  our  CALLING 
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A  first  charge  on  Survey  Midmonthly  in  the  months  ahead  is 
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Our  January  Graphic  carried  forward  the  series  on  watersheds 
as  "footholds  for  revival"  (Morris  L.  Cooke,  consultant)  and 
introduced  a  new  series  on  the  social  impact  of  science,  spurred 
on  by  the  war  (Waldemar  Kaempffert,  consultant).  In  this  is- 
sue, come  instalments  by  two  regular  contributors  hereafter: 

Prof.  James  T.  Shotwell,  historian  of  World  War  I, 
chairman  of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Or- 
ganization of  Peace — who  will  illuminate  moves 
in  liquidating  the  war  and  in  fabricating  security. 

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ances; editor  of  our  new  health  department. 

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SURVE\  GRAPHIC  for  February.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  2.  Published  monthly  and  copyright  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES.  INC.  Publication  Office  34 
North  Crystal  Street.  East  Stroudsburu.  Pa.  Editorial  and  business  office.  112  East  19  Street.  New  York  3.  N.  Y.  Price  this  Issue  30  cents:  $3  a  year;  Foreim 
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Gun  crew  officers,  in  helmets  and  flash 
gear,  keep  careful  watch  following  an 
attack  on  their  carrier.  Action  took  place 
in  the  Southwest  Pacific.  Officer  at  right 
is  relaying  observations  by  telephone. 

Ite  ****** 

4  **        ^»t  o* 

J.HE  telephone  and  radio  on  ships  and  planes 
have  made  a  vast  change  in  naval  warfare. 

Our  Navy  has  more  of  these  things  than  any 
other  navy  in  the  world.  The  battleship  Wis- 
consin alone  has  enough  telephones  to  serve  a 
city  of  10,000. 

A  great  part  of  this  naval  equipment  comes 
from  the  Western  Electric  Company,  manufac- 
turing branch  of  the  Bell  System. 

That  helps  to  explain  why  we  here  at  home 
are  short  of  telephones  and  switchboards. 


Among  Ourselves 

•  in  February,  and  through  all  the  shadowed 
1  months  of  war.  We  are  privileged  to  reprint, 
I  in  part,  "Peace  on  Earth,"  written  for  the  New 
1  School  Bulletin  of  December  25,  by  Alvin 
I  Johnson,  director  of  the  School,  and  a  member 
I  of  the  board  of  Survey  Associates: 

"Peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men.  Or 
should  we  read,  Peace  on  earth  to  men  of 
if  good  will?  The  manuscripts  vary,  and  all  of 
ij!  them  are  uncertain  of  interpretation.  I  prefer 
I  the  former.  I,  a  miserable  sinner  before  the 
J  Lord,  am  yet  capable  of  wishing  sincerely 
ij;  peace  on  earth  to  men  of  good  will.  .  .  . 

"But  it  was  a  choir  of  angels  that  sang  peace 
I  on  earth.  I  doubt  that  angels  would  have  sung 
I  a  limited  liability  prayer.  Peace  on  earth,  good 
|i|  will  to  men  is  a  sentiment  more  fitting.  It  is 
|  a  sentiment  of  great  splendor,  and  great  wis- 
lij  dom.  For  there  will  never  be  peace  on  earth 
i()  for  men  of  good  will  until  there  is  good  will 
|  for  all  men,  men  of  all  races  and  colors  and 
1  creeds;  even  men  sullied  with  vices  and 
I  gangrened  with  crime. 

"How  long,  O  Lord,  how  long!  Nineteen 
I  hundred  and  forty-four  years  have  passed  over 
I  the  world;  but  millions  of  men  are  locked  in 
I  deadly  strife,  men  and  women  and  little  chil- 

I  dren   are   being  done   wantonly   to   death   by 
|  men   of  the  seed  of  wolves  and   jackals.    In 

II  His  own  time,  we  must  say. 

".  .  .  Each  age  has  its  sufficient  reason  for 

I  despair.  Yet  all  through  the  ages  the  song  of 

!  the  angels  has  sounded,  faintly  over  the  clash- 

l  ing  of  arms  or  clearly  over  the  sleeping  plains 

I  and  sheltered  valleys,  Peace  on  earth,  good  will 

I  to  men. 

"We  are  nearer  to  its  realization  today. 

I  Slowly  but  surely  the  life  is  being  ground  out 

I  of  the  savage  enemies  of  peace.  The  racial  and 

|  national  bigotry  we  all  entertained  in  our 

i  breasts  in  greater  or  less  measure,  has  been 

I  stamped  indelibly  as  potential  murder.  .  .  . 

I  More  millions  are  trying  to  cast  it  out  than 

I  ever  before.  More  millions  than  ever  before 

I  are  determined  upon  a  world  organization  that 

I  will  preclude  war.  Of  itself  this  will  not  bring 

I  the  peace  of  the  angels;  but  it  will  prepare 

I  the  way  for  peace." 

Co-op  Freedom  Fund 


scattered  cooperatives  in  Europe  and  Asia  get 
on  their  feet  after  the  war  is  being  collected 
!  by  the  Cooperative  League  of  the  USA.  Co-ops 
proved  their  worth  as  instruments  of  rehabilita- 
tion after  the  last  war.  UNRRA  and  private 
agencies  are  committed  to  using  them  as  dis- 
tribution agencies  where  they  exist.  The  Co-op 

In  January  Survey  Midmonthly 

Public  Welfare  Faces  the  Unknown 

by  Kathryn  Close 
The  In-Migrant   "Menace" 

by  Jack.  Yeaman  Bryan 
When    Pin-Setters    Are    Children 

by  Kate  Cliigston 

Regardless  of  Race  by  Kathryn  J.  Sample 

The  Blind  Are  Not  Apart 

by  M.  Michael  Gtfjner 
A   State   Cancer   Program   by   Alice   June   Dritz 


Survey  Graphic  for  February  1945 

No.  2 

Cover:  Helicopter,  Courtesy  Aviation  News 

James  T.  Shotwell:  Photograph  36 

Bridges  to  the  Future JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  37 

Health — Today  and  Tomorrow MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  40 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot *. MIRIAM  ALLEN  DEFoRD  43 

No.  1  Prison:  Photographs 44 

On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences JUSTINE  and  SHAD  POLIER  47 

Roads  to  Alcoholism ABRAHAM  MYERSON,  M.D.  49 

"An  Ordinary  American"  KATHRYN  CLOSE  52 

Air  Age  Transportation WILLIAM  FIELDING  OGBURN  55 

Aircraft  for  Postwar  Needs:  Photographs 56 

Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment MABEL  NEWCOMER  60 

Clean  Sweep  in  Puerto  Rico MARJORIE  R.  CLARK  63 

"My  Happy  Days":  Photographs 66 

Letters  and  Life 68 

To  Be  Young,  Poor,  and  Black HARRY  HANSEN  68 

An  Author  Replies:  A  Communication Louis  H.  PINK  75 

Copyright,   1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


Publication  Office:   34  North  Crystal   Street,   East   Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 


Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG.        . 


Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

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Cooperative  Membership  in  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  including  a  joint  subscription;  Year,  $10. 

Freedom  Fund  will  be  used  to  rebuild  shat- 
tered warehouses  and  stores,  to  return  leaders 
and  employes  to  their  communities,  to  train 
competent  new  people.  The  establishment  of 
the  fund  was  part  of  the  centennial  celebration 
of  Rochdale  Day.  It  was  on  December  21, 
1844,  that  the  first  Toad  Lane  Co-op  store 
opened  for  business. 

"Sweating  It  Out" 

community  agencies  to  look  after  their  post- 
war adjustment — they  are  briskly  tackling  that 
themselves.  Witness  "Sweating  It  Out,  a  Per- 
sonal Bulletin  About  Private  and  Not  So  Pri- 
vate Matters"  a  copy  of  which  recently  landed 

in  our  office.  The  Bulletin,  mimeographed  on 
both  sides  of  a  single  sheet,  is  "the  pet  recrea- 
tion" of  its  editor,  Pfc.  Jerome  E.  Klein.  The 
purpose  is  to  "help  get  acquainted"  with 
people  on  whom  Pfc.  Klein  "hopes  to  call 
later,"  because  "landing  a  public  relations  posi- 
tion is  Number  One  on  my  list  of  postwar 
plans."  The  paper  is  made  up  of  cheerful  bits 
about  AUS  life  in  France.  For  example: 

"The  food  here  is  good — when  it  is  delivered 
to  our  kitchen.  We  do  get  the  best,  despite  the 
efforts  of  our  cooks.  The  other  day,  the  mess 
sergeant  had  a  smile  on  his  face  when  the  men 
lined  up  for  chow.  'Dinner's  going  to  be  dif- 
ferent tonight,  boys,'  he  said,  'I  just  found  out 
you  add  water  to  these  dehydrated  foods'." 


His  series  "Bridges  to  the  Future"  begins  now 

Through  good  fortune,  the  readers  of  Survey  Graphic 
will  be  able,  month  by  month,  to  see  developments  in  the 
tough  process  of  fabricating  a  new  world  through  his  eyes 
as  chairman  of  the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organiza- 
tion of  Peace.  There  are  few  such  eyes. 

The  studies  of  that  voluntary  commission  over  the  past 
six  years  have  thrown  light  on  issues  that  are  coming 
to  the  fore  from  Dumbarton  Oaks  to  the  farthest  of  the 
seven  seas.  Moreover,  Mr.  Shotwell's  books,  "On  the  Rim 
of  the  Abyss"  (1936),  and  "What  Germany  Forgot" 
(1940),  "The  Great  Decision"  (1944),  have  stood  for 
clarity,  dependable  forecast,  and  the  rare  gift  of  express- 
ing the  hopes  and  common  sense  of  humankind  in  words 
that  chime  in  our  hearts. 


So  far  as  background  goes,  consider  the  150  volumes 
making  up  the  economic  and  social  History  of  World 
War  I  and  some  30  volumes  exploring  Canadian-Ameri- 
can relations  as  crucial  to  the  Western  Hemisphere. 
Professor  Shotwell  edited  both  series  as  director  of  the 
Division  of  Economics  and  History  of  the  Carnegie  En- 
dowment for  International  Peace.  There  is  no  other 

such   research  authority  in  fields  which  have  taken  on 
emergent  significance  in  these  critical  years. 

Bryce  Professor  of  the  History  of  International  Rela- 
tions, he  has  been  a  member  of  the  history  department 
of  Columbia  University  since  1900.  That,  in  a  sense,  has 
been  home  base  for  his  activities.  In  1917-18,  he  was  a 
member  of  "The  Inquiry" — the  American  preparatory 
committee  for  Versailles.  In  1918-19,  he  was  chief  of  the 
division  of  history  and  member  of  the  International  Labor 
Legislation  Commission  at  the  Peace  Conference  in  Paris. 
In  1919,  he  was  American  member  of  the  organizing 
committee  of  the  International  Labor  Conference. 
•*••»•  + 

Small  wonder  that  medals  from  half  a  dozen  govern- 
ments attest  to  such  services.  Or  that  he  has  been  called 
in  as  a  frequent  counselor  at  Washington  in  the  1940's. 

Clues,  also,  to  why  an  expert  in  research,  an  authority 
in  fields  that  occupy  the  stage  of  wartime  public  concern, 
he  welcomes  the  opportunity  to  put  the  quintessence  of 
his  current  thinking  before  a  group  of  readers  who  not 
only,  in  the  old  phrase,  "mark  and  learn,"  but  put  their 
convictions  to  work  as  citizens. 



Magazine  of 

Published  by 
Survey  Associates 

Bridges  to  the  Future 

Prosecution  of  victory  is  one.  Fabrication  of  enduring  peace  is  another.  Between  them, 
and  overlapping  them,  lies  the  liquidation  of  the  war  which  (as  in  Italy  and  Greece) 
calls  for  drawing  "a  frontier  between  emergency  action  and  long  term  planning." 

A  plea  for  mutual  understanding  in  the  process 

two  classes.  There  are  those  who  are  so 
sure  they  are  right  that  they  are  intol- 
erant of  other  people's  opinions.  And  there 
are  those  who  try  to  understand  what 
other  people  are  thinking,  and  why  they 
are  thinking  that  way. 

In  the  long  history  of  politics,  the  path- 
way of  progress  is  blazed  by  the  inde- 
pendent thinker,  but  the  great  reforms 
are  never  permanent  or  secure  unless  they 
are  supported  by  the  majority  of  those 
whose  lives  are  affected  by  them.  In  or- 
der to  get  started  these  may  have  to  do 
what  the  doctrinaire  regards  as  comprom- 
ising with  principle.  The  practical  man 
keeps  reminding  us  that  the  best  may 
often  be  the  enemy  of  the  good.  The 
idealist,  on  the  other  hand,  has  an  equal- 
ly strong  case  against  losing  sight  of  fun- 
damentals by  yielding  too  much  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  moment. 

This  is  the  statement,  in  general  terms, 
of  the  conflict  of  ideas  which  seems  to  be 
emerging  at  the  present  time  between  Euro- 
peans and  Americans  concerning  the  aims 
of  war  and  peace.  The  question  which 
confronts  us  is  much  greater  than  that  of 
the  war  itself. 

That  is  nothing  short  of  the  greatest 
reform  which  has  ever  been  attempted 
in  the  history  of  civilization — to  eliminate 
war  as  an  instrument  of  national  policy. 
So  far-reaching  a  change  in  human  af- 

fairs is  not  only  a  challenge  to  our  think- 
ing but  to  our  ways  of  living  as  well. 
Clearly  the  fortunes  of  all  mankind  will 
be  affected  by  it.  Therefore,  while  stem- 
ming from  the  idealists  who  boldly  chal- 
lenge the  future,  the  change  must  have 
the  support  as  well  of  those  practically- 
minded  people  who  have  to  work  it  out 
in  the  everyday  world  of  men  and  nations. 

To  the  Europeans  we  seem — of  all 
things — doctrinaire,  and  to  us  they  seem 
to  be  unduly  compromising  to  the  point 
of  turning  back  to  the  old  system  of  power 
politics  which  breeds  war.  On  both  sides^ 
there  has  been  recent  evidence  of  a  lack 
of  confidence  in  the  ultimate  purposes  of 
the  other.  This  is  not  serious  enough  to 
cause  concern  over  our  joint  war  effort, 
for  the  brutal  aggression  of  Germany  and 
Japan  bring  the  Allies  together  in  self 

But  the  fact  that  the  misunderstandings 
have  political  or  economic,  rather  than  mil- 
itary, significance  does  not  lessen  the  ur- 
gent need  to  get  rid  of  them. 

Can  We  Win  the  Peace? 

Everyone  has  come  to  know  that  the 
results  of  victory  in  the  first  World  War 
were  lost  in  the  peace  that  followed,  and 
there  is  universal  concern  lest  this  should 
happen  again.  To  prevent  a  repetition  of 
that  calamity,  we  must  start  to  deal  with 
the  problem  now. 


There  is  no  better  starting  point  than 
the  technique  of  the  old  masters  in  di- 
plomacy who  tried  always  to  put  them- 
selves in  the  place  of  their  opponents  in 
a  dispute,  so  as  to  understand  what  were 
the  real  difficulties  before  them  in  reach- 
ing an  agreement.  The  Europeans  need 
to  know  what  lies  behind  our  way  of 
thinking.  We  need  to  know  the  prob- 
lems which  are  uppermost  in  the  minds 
of  Europeans.  If  we  face  the  issues  hon- 
estly upon  this  basis,  we  may  make  prog- 

On  the  other  hand,  we  can  never  hope 
to  make  an  international  organization  work 
so  long  as  we  ignorantly  distrust  each  other 
without  attempting  to  understand.  Most 
people  would  be  ready  to  accept  this  dic- 
tum to  the  extent  of  trying  to  get  the 
other  person,  or  the  other  nation,  to  un- 
derstand our  own  point  of  view.  That 
would  only  involve  our  insisting  more  and 
more  upon  it  and  arguing  more  and  more 
for  it.  While  the  method  has  its  advan- 
tages, because  it  tends  to  clarify  our  own 
thinking,  it  can  never  go  more  than  half 
way  toward  international  understanding. 

The  hardest  but  the  most  necessary  of 
all  disciplines  is  to  try  to  see  ourselves  as 
others  see  us.  It  can  also  be  rather  dis- 

The  chief  problems  in  the  international 
liquidation  of  the  war  are  those  which 
arise  from  the  inescapable  responsibilities 

of  Great  Britain,  the  USSR,  and  the 
United  States — in  their  dealings  with  the 
liberated  nations.  These  are  responsibili- 
ties for  which  neither  the  liberators  nor 
the  liberated  are  wholly  ready,  owing  to 
the  continued  pressure  of  war  needs. 

Our  own  participation  is  as  yet  much 
less  than  that  of  either  Great  Britain  or 
Soviet  Russia.  As  we  pass  judgment  upon 
what  they  have  done  or  are  doing  in  south- 
ern or  eastern  Europe,  we  should  keep 
in  mind  the  problems  with  which  we  our- 
selves will  be  confronted  in  the  time  to 
come.  Within  the  limits  of  this  article 
it  is  impossible  to  single  out  by  way  of 
illustration  more  than  one  fraction  of  this 
large  field — the  policies  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment and  our  relations  to  them. 

Greece  an  Example 

In  my  opinion,  the  present  British  gov- 
ernment has  made  serious  blunders  in  Italy 
and  Greece,  but  we  should  be  making  an 
equally  serious  blunder  if  we  allowed  these 
incidents  to  destroy  our  confidence  in  the 
good  faith  of  the  British  people. 

I  cannot  believe  that  the  nation  which 
gave  us  Magna  Carta  and  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  and  which  has  served  as  a  model 
for  the  free  peoples  of  the  European  con- 
tinent in  representative  government,  is 
ready  to  endorse  a  political  leadership 
which  would  transform  the  United  Na- 
tions into  a  Holy  Alliance  and  prevent  the 
growth  of  free  governments  throughout 

Temporary  intervention  in  Greece,  for 
example,  to  maintain  law  and  order  is  a 
very  different  thing  from  the  planned 
maintenance  of  foreign  control.  We  our- 
selves have  intervened  in  Latin  America 
upon  more  than  one  occasion,  and  we 
are  even  now  making  our  wishes  known 
to  Argentina  in  no  uncertain  terms. 

Such  policies  do  not  become  permanent 
in  these  nations  which  cherish  the  principle 
of  human  freedom  as 'the  very  basis  of  their 
way  of  life. 

The  opposition  to  the  Churchill  policy 
is  nonetheless  real  in  British  labor  and  lib- 
eral circles  because  they  have  not  risked 
voting  against  the  government  in  wartime. 
They  all  know  that  the  dangers  which 
confront  Great  Britain  in  a  world  of  an- 
archy are  only  in  a  degree  less  serious  than 
those  of  war  itself.  For  Great  Britain  can- 
not live  without  foreign  trade,  and  at  the 
end  of  this  war  more  than  70  percent 
of  that  trade  will  be  gone,  while  British 
capacity  for  output  will  be  lessened  by 
debt  and  outworn  industrial  machinery. 

A  nation,  worn  out  by  years  of  war 
and  with  two  thirds  of  its  houses  destroyed 
or  damaged,  is  anxious  for  friends  who 
understand  its  problems,  and  Britain  has 
been  looking  to  us  for  that  friendship. 
This  is  certainly  a  good  base  to  work  from 
in  building  our  policies  for  the  liquidation 

But  on  either  side  mistakes  are  being 
made  which,  if  continued,  may  have  far- 
reaching  and  ruinous  consequences  for 
both  nations.  For  those  in  both  countries 
who  regard  Churchill's  way  for  saving 
Britain  as  a  resort  to  the  old  method  of 

power  politics,  there  is  a  more  sensible 
way  of  dealing  with  it  than  simply  de- 
nouncing it  as  something  we  do  not  be- 
lieve in. 

That  way  is  by  planning  economic  co- 
operation with  the  British  and  the  other 
freedom-loving  peoples  of  the  world  in  or- 
der to  give  them  a  fair  chance  to  recover 
a  decent  way  of  life.  We  should  do  this 
in  our  own  interest  fully  as  much  as  in 

For  we  cannot  solve  our  own  problem 
of  postwar  employment  if  the  rest  of  the 
world  should  be  shut  off  from  us  by 
barbed-wire,  economic  frontiers — as  will 
certainly  be  the  case  if  we  do  not  keep 
open  the  two-way  street  of  international 
commerce.  Foreign  trade  is  not  charity, 
it  is  good  business;  but  there  cannot  be 
trade  unless  customers  can  afford  to  buy. 
We  must  offer  Britain  a  chance  to  rebuild 
her  export  trade  and  to  earn  a  living. 

It  would  be  sheer  hypocrisy  for  us  to 
preach  against  political  imperialism  if  we 
were  to  build  up  an  economic  imperialism 
on  the  ruins  of  a  wartorn  world.  The 
answer  to  that  would  be  economic  warfare 
which  might  ultimately  lead  toward  another 
war.  There  are  tendencies  in  this  coun- 
try now  toward  economic  imperialism, 
against  which  we  have  to  be  on  our  guard. 
We  must  not  misuse  the  economic  strength 
which  has  made  us  the  most  powerful  na- 
tion in  the  world.  If  we  do,  we  shall 
pay  dearly  for  our  blunders  in  the  years 
to  come. 

The  path  to  follow  is  that  laid  down 
by  Secretary  Hull  throughout  these  past 
years:  international  economic  cooperation 
on  fair  terms  and  world  markets  for  our 
goods,  with  equal  trading  opportunity  for 
all.  The  soundest  of  all  policies  is  that 
based  upon  the  interest  of  the  common 
man  everywhere,  who  is  the  consumer  as 
well  as  the  producer.  The  goal  is  a  ris- 
ing standard  of  living  in  America  and 
throughout  the  world. 

This  is  but  a  part  of  the  problem  of  war 
liquidation,  but  it  at  least  indicates  the 
need  for  turning  from  negative  to  posi- 
tive policies,  upon  which  we  may  bxiild  for 
the  long  future  as  well. 

Four  American  Trys 

Building  for  the  long  future  still  re- 
mains the  chief  interest  of  the  United 
States.  Our  fundamental  war  aim  is  the 
great  reform  of  the  elimination  of  inter- 
national war  and  we  have  gone  at  it  in 
the  very  way  which  might  be  expected 
of  us  in  the  light  of  our  past  history  and 
our  present  situation  in  the  world. 

This  is  our  fourth  effort  at  world  or- 
ganization. The  earlier  ones  were  partial 
and  incomplete,  and  their  failure  was  not 
unexpected  by  many  of  us.  This  time 
Americans  are  in  earnest,  having  learned 
by  experience. 

A  glance  at  past  history  is  essential.  First 
of  all,  there  were  the  Hague  Conferences 
on  disarmament,  of  1899  and  1907,  which 
became  peace  conferences,  in  a  limited  way, 
on  our  insistence.  True  to  the  traditions 
of  a  federal  republic  in  which  the  states 
and  the  central  government  are  held  to- 

gether under  a  constitutional  framework 
with  a  Supreme  Court  to  adjust  differences 
and  guarantee  human  rights,  we  sought  to 
buttress  international  law  by  courts,  by 
judicial  settlement  of  international  disputes. 
Subsequent  history,  however,  showed  that, 
valid  as  it  is  within  definite  frontiers,  the 
judicial  settlement  of  disputes  is  not  a  sub- 
stitute for  war.  And  our  own  insistence 
upon  sovereignty  proved  to  be  one  of  the 
strongest  obstacles  in  the  development  of 
this  judicial  method  of  ours  for  interna- 
tional organization. 

Second,  after  World  War  I  we  imposed 
upon  the  world  the  splendid  architecture 
of  the  League  of  Nations  and  then  left 
it  weakened  and  partly  untenanted  because 
of  our  own  unwillingness  to  accept  the 
obligation  of  peace  enforcement  as  set  forth 
in  the  Covenant. 

Third,  we  tried  to  turn  this  failure  into 
a  merit  by  insisting  that  the  Briand-Kel- 
logg  Pact  for  the  Renunciation  of  War 
should  have  only  moral  opinion  behind 
it,  until  that  far-off  day  when  international 
law  would  be  respected  by  "the  public 
opinion  of  mankind." 

To  other  nations,  and  to  many  Ameri- 
cans as  well,  this  history  of  frustration  has 
been  a  poor  introduction  to  any  fourth 
try  in  planning  for  world  peace  at  the 
end  of  this  second  World  War.  But  it 
also  made  Secretary  Hull's  great  gesture 
at  the  Moscow  Conference  of  October, 
1943,  all  the  more  dramatic.  And  then 
came  the  Moscow  Conference,  followed  a 
year  later  by  that  of  Dumbarton  Oaks. 

The  American  Way 

Even  so,  doubts  as  to  America's  final 
attitude  toward  the  creation  of  an  interna- 
tional organization  to  maintain  peace  still 
lingered,  especially  in  the  minds  of  Euro- 
pean observers.  They  were,  therefore,  not 
a  little  surprised  at  the  apparent  strength 
of  the  movement  which  developed  in  the 
United  States  in  support  of  the  Organiza- 
tion which  was  to  take  the  place  of  the 
old  League  of  Nations,  a  movement  in 
which  both  political  parties  participated. 

The  Europeans  have  failed  to  appreciate 
that  the  attitude  of  the  American  people 
toward  the  Dumbarton  Oaks  Agreement  is 
wholly  in  line  with  our  way  of  approach- 
ing vast  political  problems. 

Traditionally,  Americans  first  assert,  and 
then  attempt  to  establish,  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  human  conduct  in  the  confidence 
that  the  details  can  be  taken  care  of  if  the 
principles  are  right.  If,  later  on,  we  some- 
times fail  to  live  up  to  these  principles,  or 
to  insure  their  effective  embodiment  in  in- 
stitutions, we  are  nevertheless  insistent 
upon  proceeding  as  architects  or  engineers 
so  as  to  have  a  structure  ready  and  wait- 
ing for  mankind  to  enter. 

In  domestic  affairs,  the  emphasis  which 
we  place  upon  the  Constitution  is  a  case 
in  point.  We  make  it  work  not  only  by 
insisting  upon  the  legal  framework,  but 
also  by  insisting  upon  the  sphere  of  free- 
dom for  the  individual  which  is  safeguard- 
ed by  the  courts  from  government  inter- 
ference. Somehow,  we  make  it  work. 

As  an  American,  I  am  bound  to  share  in 



this  habit  of  mind  and  to  be  proudly  aware 
of  the  boldness  in  design  and  the  sig- 
nificance in  imaginative  conception  which 
we  have  contributed  to  the  structure  of 
international  peace.  But,  at  the  same  time, 
the  sobering  history  of  past  failures  to 
make  good  the  promises  which  we  have 
given  the  world  leads  me  to  pause  and 
reflect  that  in  part  our  failure  is  due  to  a 
too  great  insistence  upon  having  our  own 
way,  and  in  part  to  unwillingness  to  learn 
the  reasons  why  other  people  think  dif- 

Perhaps  the  most  helpful  contribution 
we  could  make,  therefore,  at  this  junc- 
ture is  to  try  to  see  just  what  is  in  the 
mind  of  other  nations  with  reference  to 
these  plans  for  permanent  peace,  and  why 
there  should  be  variance  of  opinion  or  of 
planning  among  peoples  who  are  equally 
anxious  to  safeguard  it.  For  we  may  find 
to  our  surprise  that  those  who  seem  to  be 
turning  aside  or  holding  back  from  the 
great  enterprise  on  which  we  have  be- 
gun, do  so  not  because  of  any  fundamental 
difference  of  opinion  or  lack  of  anxious 
hope  for  peace  and  security,  but  for  two 
reasons  which  we  must  try  to  understand 
— if  we  and  the  other  nations  are  ever 
going  to  make  a  world  organization  work. 

Stumbling  Blocks 

The  first  impediment  to  understanding 
has  already  been  indicated.  It  is  the  un- 
certainty in  the  minds  of  other  peoples 
as  to  how  far  they  can  count  upon  our 
remaining  steadfast  of  purpose  in  the  years 
to  come.  This  is  a  matter  which  cannot 
be  settled  by  formal  guarantees,  for  no 
one  can  predict  what  may  happen  to  us 
or  to  the  rest  of  the  world  in  so  rapidly 
changing  an  era.  Yet  if  we  do  not  get 
started  we  shall  never  have  any  organi- 
zation at  all;  and  unless  other  nations  have 
some  confidence  in  our  good  faith  and  po- 
litical stability,  the  starting  may  never  take 
place.  Every  great  political  creation  is 
an  act  of  faith. 

The  tragic  lesson  of  the  second  World 
War  has  been  learned  by  the  American 
people  fully  as  much  as  by  any  other  na- 
tion. Indeed,  to  judge  by  public  utter- 
ances abroad,  we  seem  to  have  learned 
that  lesson  somewhat  more  definitely  and 
clearly  than  in  the  case  of  Europeans. 
There  are  not  many  Americans  now  who 
are  willing  to  accept  the  age-old  maxim 
that  war  can  be  permitted  to  be  the  final 
argument  of  nations.  The  belief  that  war 
is  an  international  crime  is,  and  always 
will  remain,  an  American  orthodoxy. 

Therefore,  America's  stability  of  purpose 
can  be  counted  upon  so  long  as  we  are 
convinced  that  the  international  arrange- 
ments to  maintain  peace  will  really  work 
and  that  our  purpose  is  not  being  betrayed 
by  others. 

The  second  impediment  to  international 
understanding  at  the  present  time  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  nations  which  have 
been  most  directly  in  the  path  of  the  war 
have  other  urgent  things  that  must  be 
done  before  they  are  in  a  position  to  enter 
fully  into  the  long  range  planning  of  the 
postwar  world.  The  conflagration  of  this 

war  has  left  ruins  far  beyond  anything 
we  can  imagine — viewing  it  from  across 
the  wide,  if  narrowing,  seas.  Not  only 
has  the  war  destroyed  city  and  country- 
side, to  a  degree  unknown  since  the  days 
of  Attila  or  Tamerlane,  but  it  has  burned 
up  the  souls  of  men  as  well.  Years  lived 
under  brutal  tyranny,  in  which  millions 
have  been  enslaved,  have  devastated  the 
moral  bases  of  society  and  made  faith  in 
a  world  order  of  justice  and  peace  seem 
like  a  mirage. 

Yet  there  are  millions  of  sturdy  souls 
who  have  survived  the  ordeal  and  whose 
immediate  problem  is  to  restore  the  sim- 
ple, homely  activities  of  daily  life.  They 
have  to  regain  faith  in  the  honesty  and 
friendship  of  their  next-door  neighbors  be- 
fore they  can  give  undivided  attention  to 
neighboring  nations.  They  have  to  clear 
the  ground  of  the  ruins  which  lie  around 
them  before  they  can  rebuild  their  homes; 
they  have  to  mark  out  their  garden  plots 
obliterated  by  the  march  of  armies;  and 
they  have  to  see  to  it  that  law  and  order 
are  restored,  making  headway  against  the 
danger  of  anarchy  due  to  the  lawlessness 
ot  years  of  war.  It  takes  time  for  the 
restored  governments  to  become  reliable 
safeguards  of  settled  life.  In  the  interval, 
factional  and  civic  strife  is  almost  inevit- 

For  these  people,  the  contributions  of 
UNRRA  are  not  enough.  They  want  the 
assurance  not  only  of  settled  order  at 
home  but  of  guarantees  against  aggres- 
sion during  the  period  of  postwar  adjust- 
ments. Until  these  steps  are  taken,  they 
are  not  yet  ready  to  give  undivided  atten- 
tion to  long  term  planning. 

To  them  our  interest  in  a  universal  or- 
ganization for  peace  and  security  seems 
something  like  rebuilding  a  cathedral  be- 
fore they  have  homes  to  live  in  again 
along  the  city  streets.  This  does  not  mean 
that  they  have  no  interest  in  the  archi- 
tecture of  the  structure  of  peace,  for  it 
will  ultimately  mean  more  to  them  than  to 
anyone  else.  But  they  and  their  neigh- 
bors have  old-time  quarrels  which  come  to 
the  fore  in  situations  like  these,  and  will 
not  yield  to  mere  preaching  by  those  who 
do  not  fully  appreciate  what  is  at  stake. 

Clearing  the  Air 

While  this  is  an  over-simplification  of 
the  divergence  in  interests  of  Europeans 
and  Americans  in  the  peace  settlement, 
it  may  at  least  help  to  clarify  oar  differ- 
ences in  approach  and  so  open  paths  for 
real  solutions.  No  fair-minded  American 
will  deny  that  the  European  nations  which 
have  suffered  most  from  the  second  World 
War  are  even  more  anxious  than  we  are 
to  avoid  a  third  one.  No  fair-minded 
European  can  deny  the  practical  bent  of 
the  American  mind  in  the  problems  of  re- 

It  is  true  that  militarism  has  been  a 
European  disease  in  which  innocent  na- 
tions have  been  involved  along  with  the 
guilty.  But  that  contagion  is  now  burn- 
ing itself  out,  and  the  chief  germ  carriers, 
the  Axis  powers,  are  certain  to  be  ren- 
dered harmless  for  some  time  to  come. 

Only  when  this  happens  will  the  inherent 
strength  of  the  forces  for  peace  in  Eu- 
rope have  a  chance  at  genuine  expression, 
and  we  can  certainly  count  upon  it  that 
they  will  express  themselves  in  terms  simi- 
lar to  our  own. 

It  is  equally  clear  that  Americans  will 
not  confine  their  future  interests  in  peace 
to  dogmatic  institutionalizing,  but  will  co- 
operate wherever  possible  to  restore  and 
vitalize  the  life  of  free  nations. 

The  problem,  therefore,  which  concerns 
both  the  Old  World  and  the  New  is  to 
draw  the  frontier  between  emergency  ac- 
tion and  long  term  planning.  This  fron- 
tier, however,  is  not  a  clear-cut  line  but 
covers  the  whole  wide  area  of  the  liquida- 
tion of  the  war — an  area  varying  in  extent 
and  in  time  according  to  the  circumstances 
of  each  nation,  but  everywhere  presenting 
problems  which  each  in  its  own  way  feels 
cannot  be  left  for  solution  to  the  normal 
processes  of  peacetime  political  life. 

For  total  war  does  not  end  by  trum- 
pets blowing  the  order  to  cease  fire  on 
the  field  of  battle.  Few  people  are  so 
naive  as  to  believe  that  a  fully  panoplied 
peace  will  suddenly  take  command  of  a 
world  that  has  suffered  so  much  and  so 
long  from  force  and  violence. 

The  liquidation  of  the  war  will  there- 
fore take  place  in  many  different  ways. 
Some  of  it  will  be  by  mob  action  or  in- 
dividual revenge,  without  the  consent  of 
any  government.  Some  of  it  will  be  by 
communities  acting  on  their  own  with  lit- 
tle regard  for  the  admonitions  addressed 
to  them  by  governments  which  have  been 
in  exile  throughout  most  of  the  conflict. 
Some  of  it  will  be  by  these  governments 
without  waiting  for,  or  thinking  of,  the 
opinion  of  the  outside  world — mere  in- 
stinctive reaction  to  the  terrible  circum- 
stances of  the  hour.  Much  of  it,  however, 
will  be  by  responsible  governments  aware 
of  their  responsibility  not  only  to  their 
citizens  but  to  the  community  of  nations 
as  a  whole. 

The  Call  for  a  Positive  Policy 

Now  while  this  process  is  going  on — 
and  it  will  go  on  because  that  is  the  in- 
evitable consequence  of  the  greatest  crime 
in  history — what  are  we  to  do  about  it? 
The  United  States  will  have  its  political 
capacity  and  maturity  tested  as  never  be- 
fore. How  can  we  keep  an  even  course 
toward  our  ultimate  goal  of  a  lasting  peace 
with  freedom? 

Clearly,  this  calls  for  a  positive  policy 
on  our  part  with  reference  to  war  liqui- 
dation— not  merely  one  of  fault  finding 
from  a  safe  distance.  We  can  be  helpful 
only  insofar  as  other  nations  will  recog- 
nize that  our  concern  is  friendly  and  not 
based  upon  a  fundamental  distrust  of  them. 
To  the  extent  that  we  distrust  them,  they 
will  distrust  us. 

This  does  not  mean  that  we  should  be 
the  ready  dupes  of  scheming  reactionaries, 
but  it  does  mean  making  the  effort,  first 
of  all,  to  understand  why  other  nations 
act  in  the  way  they  do,  and  not  to  pre- 
judge what  they  are  doing  until  we  really 
know  the  reason  why. 




Today  and  Tomorrow 


to  early  developments  in  American  health 
and  social  work.  In  contrast,  slogans  that 
strike  eye  and  ear  today  bring  sharper  and 
broader  issues  to  mind.  Take  this  sequence 
over  the  years: 

Wipe  out  tuberculosis.  Buy  Christmas 

Does  the  grandfather  who  sneered  at 
asepsis  have  a  grandson  who  scoffs  at  medi- 
cal social  service?  Plug  for  it,  doctor  I 

All  the  nation's  future's  mended — // 
mothers  and  babies  are  well  tended.  Put 
the  Children's  Charter  to  wor\. 

Healthy  minds  ma\e  peaceful  nations. 
Boost  mental  hygiene  in  words  of  two 

In  causes  of  death,  hearts  are  trumps. 
Play  the  winning  cards:  Research,  Educa- 
tion and  Care. 

Cancer  falls  more  Americans  than  Hitler. 
Fight  cancer  with  bullets  of  knowledge. 

Public  health  is  purchasable.  Buy  an  up- 
to-date  health  department  for  everybody 

Good  medical  care  should  be  available  to 
everyone  according  to  need  and  regardless 
of  ability  to  pay.  Let's  legislate  national 
health  insurance. 

All  these  slogans  are  still  very  much  alive 
but,  one  might  say,  the  later  the  live-r.  The 
younger  the  hotter.  There  is  a  change  in 
political  climate  as  well  as  a  lapse  in  years 
between  "Fight  Tuberculosis"  and  "Health 
Security";  between  Dr.  Herman  M.  Biggs' 
"Public  Health  Is  Purchasable"  and  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's  "Adequate  Medical  Care 
...  a  Basic  Human  Right."  In  the  per- 
spective of  today,  a  health  department  in 
Survey  Graphic  must  keep  its  sights  on  the 
focal  issue,  which  is  to  extend  medical  care 
— without,  however,  neglecting  the  outer 
circles  of  the  limelight.  Moreover  technical 
interpretation  must  be  infused  with  the  shot- 
in-the-arm  that  brings  muscles  into  action. 

The  Thirties 

A  dozen  years  ago,  the  American  Medical 
Association  fought  a  delaying  action  against 
Blue  Cross  hospital  insurance  plans  as  a 
dangerous  change  from  the  status  quo;  now 
the  AMA  rallies  to  them  as  a  bulwark 
against  presently  feared  changes.  By  the 
late  Thirties,  the  threat  of  public  action 
springing  from  the  National  Health  Con- 
ference (called  at  Washington  by  the  Inter- 
departmental Committee)  stimulated  some 
state  medical  societies  to  a  positive  policy. 
Health  insurance  plans  have  been  set  going 
since  by  about  twenty  of  them;  but  these 
mostly  limit  themselves  to  surgery  and 

obstetrics  for  hospitalized  cases  and  have  in 
most  instances  acquired  only  a  handful  of 

Voluntary  health  insurance  as  responsibly 
proposed  by  the  Committee  on  the  Costs  of 
Medical  Care  was  "socialism  and  commun- 
ism" according  to  Dr.  Morris  Fishbein  in 
1932.  In  the  climate  of  today,  voluntary 
health  insurance  is  the  official  AMA  way  of 
salvation,  blessed  by  the  same  high  priest 
so  long  as  it  is  under  "medical  control" 
and  so  long  as  it  follows  the  traditional 
form  of  individual  practice.  Meanwhile, 
voluntary  health  insurance  with  group 
medical  practice,  dramatized  for  the  nation 
in  Henry  J.  Kaiser's  great  war  plants  on 
the  West  Coast,  offers  complete  medical 
care,  and  follows  a  pattern  which  has  been 
successful  in  other  industries  and  a  few 
cooperative  ventures,  but  which  is  still  op- 
posed by  "organized  medicine." 

The  Forties 

With  the  Forties,  the  progressive  front 
has  advanced  and  widened.  1944  saw  liberal 
physicians  aligning  their  professional 
knowledge  with  the  political  weight  of 
organized  labor.  1945  is  seeing  a  revised 
Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  in  Congress, 
going  beyond  the  earlier  draft  in  provisions 
to  promote  the  quality  of  medical  care, 
assist  research,  advance  hospitalization  and 
health  services  in  rural  areas,  and  make 
decentralized  administration  more  explicit. 

In  1944,  the  Health  Program  Conference 
of  physicians  and  laymen  issued  its  report 
on  these  matters.  [Survey  Graphic,  Decem- 
ber 1944,  page  491.]  In  that  same  year  the 
American  Public  Health  Association 
adopted  a  progressive  national  Medical  Care 
Program.  [American  Journal  of  Public 
Health,  December  1944,  page  1252.]  When 
an  editorial  in  the  fournal  of  the  American 
Medical  Association  [October  14,  1944, 
page  434]  testily  called  the  Public  Health 
Association  to  account  for  not  consulting 
the  national  medical  body  before  expressing 
views  upon  a  medical  question,  the  public 
health  leaders  held  their  ground,  though 
they  were  too  polite  to  retort:  "Yes,  many 
of  us  are  physicians,  but  we  are  also 

1944  witnessed  an  aggressive  move  by 
organized  medicine  on  another  positive 
policy.  The  National  Physicians'  Com- 
mittee, the  propaganda  arm  of  the  Amer- 
ican Medical  Association,  came  out  for 
health  insurance  run  by  private  insurance 
companies,  and  staged  two  lush  meetings 
at  the  Waldorf-Astoria  in  New  York  to 
hold  out  bait  to  the  insurance  companies 
of  a  half-billion  dollars  or  so  of  new  busi- 
ness and  to  industry  of  "better  labor  re- 

Barney  Stein 
MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS,  Associate  Editor 

The  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Re- 
search in  Medical  Economics  will,  from 
now  on,  write  regularly  for  Survey  Graphic 
in  these  times 

— when  Health  has  become  a  prime  factor 
in  war — and  postwar — developments; 
— when  conservation  of  the  armed  forces 
has  become  part  of  modern  strategy, 
spurring  both  scientific  discovery  and 
advances  in  preventive  and  curative 

— when  selective  service  examinations 
again  have  dramatized  the  extent  of 
uncared  for  disease  and  defect; 
— when  physical  and  mental  rehabilita- 
tion of  discharged  servicemen  and  war 
workers  is  a  mounting  charge  on  the 
medical  professions,  on  educators  and 
social  workers,  industries  and  com- 
munities; and 

— when,  as  pointed  out  in  this  initial  can- 
vass, the  Extension  of  Medical  Care 
has  become  a  focal  issue  in  public 

Thoroughly  conversant  in  these  fields. 
Dr. "Davis  is  a  ranking  lay  consultant  on 
the  organization  of  medical  care. 

As  director  for  medical  services  of  the 
Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  he  was  one  of  the 
initiators  in  the  late  '20s  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  Costs  of  Medical  Care  which, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Dr.  Ray  Lyman 
Wilbur  (then  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in 
the  Hoover  Administration),  canvassed  the 
whole  terrain. 

His  most  recent  contribution  was  as 
chairman  of  the  Health  Program  Confer- 
ence, made  up  of  physicians  and  lay  ex- 
perts, which  has  presented  "Principles  of  a 
Nation-Wide  Health  Program."  These  he 
interpreted  in  Survey  Graphic  for  Decem- 

Our  association  with  him,  however,  goes 
back  to  1927-28,  when  we  brought  out  a 
series  of  articles  in  which  he  broke  original 
ground  as  director  of  the  Committee  on 
Dispensary  Development,  New  York. 

His  monthly  department  will  review 
events  and  point  up  issues  as  he  sees  them, 
whether  embedded  in  old  mind-sets  and 
time  worn  neglect  or  revealed  in  plans  for 
voluntary  agencies  and  proposals  for  legis- 
lation. More,  it  will  be  his  province,  in 
collaboration  with  the  staff  of  Survey 
Associates,  to  develop  for  new  times  our 
coverage  of  Health — Today  and  Tomorrow. 



lations"  (especially  less  unionism).  The 
meetings  were  just  as  frank  as  that. 

In  1944,  the  committee  seems  to  have 
raised  about  $300,000,  about  half  from 
physicians  and  medical  organizations,  the 
remainder  mostly  from  the  drug  business.  It 
now  appeals  for  $500,000  a  year  for  three 
years  for  its  double-barreled  campaign — to 
push  its  favored  brands  of  health  insurance 
on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  side  to 
fight  the  Wagner-Murray-Dingell  bill  with 
such  slogans  as 

"Political  Medicine" 

"The  Socialization  of  Medical  Practice  in 
the  United  States." 

Thus  has  this  issue  of  the  1940's  been 
shrewdly  misconstrued  in  fifteen  million 
copies  of  one  pamphlet,  in  weekly  releases 
to  12,000  publications,  in  uncounted  meet- 
ings and  broadcasts,  and  in  the  well-im- 
pelled personal  propaganda  of  individual 
physicians  to  their  patients  and  their  con- 
gressmen. So  far,  this  campaign  proceeds 
without  blushing  or  concealment. 

California — As  a  Test  Tube 

"I  am  a  student  nurse,"  said  a  letter 
coming  to  me  the  first  working  day  of 
1945,  "and  in  my  social  problem  class,  I 
was  asked  to  find  out  the  present  status 
of  socialized  medicine.  Please  tell  me  what 
it  is." 

An  answer  to  this  maiden's  prayer  came 
on  the  same  date — a  December  29  copy  of 
the  San  Francisco  News,  headlined  across 
the  front  page: 



"I  am  not  for  socialized  medicine,"  the 
governor  declared,  "where  doctors  are  put 
on  the  public  payrolls  and  care  is  paid  for 
from  government  funds.  I  don't  believe  in 
that  system.  ...  I  do  want  to  spread  the 
costs  of  medical  care  by  compulsory  con- 
tributions of  workers  and  industry,  both 
of  whom  would  be  beneficiaries." 

During  the  past  six  months  I  have  been 
asked  at  least  a  dozen  times  to  debate 
"socialized  medicine."  Most  often  the  re- 
quests are  from  a  woman's  club  or  a  student 
society  that  is  as  naive  on  the  subject  as 
the  young  nurse  and  her  "social  problem" 
teacher.  Sometimes  the  invitation  is  from 
a  group  that  would  like  to  put  the  liberal 
side  into  a  false  position.  Governor  Warren 
defines  socialized  medicine  for  what  it  is — 
an  issue  of  no  importance  in  the  United 
States  because,  like  sin  in  Calvin  Coolidge's 
philosophy,  everybody's  against  it.  To  those 
who  see  pink  in  any  fresh  green  landscape 
and  who  find  facts  difficult  weapons, 
"socialized  medicine"  is  a  useful  bludgeon, 
knobbed  with  epithets  and  stuffed  with 

Why  does  the  Republican  governor  of 
California  corne  out  now  for  compulsory 
health  insurance,  about  which  the  American 
Medical  Association  continues  to  say  hard 

For  the  past  twenty  years  and  more,  this 
state  of  contrasts  and  surprises  has  had 
fuller  experience  than  any  state  with  varied 
plans  of  voluntary  health  insurance,  and 
has  had  plenty  of  controversy  to  dramatize 
them.  In  California  as  elsewhere,  it  is  likely 

that  for  every  member  a  voluntary  health 
insurance  plan  enrolls,  at  least  one  or  two 
converts  are  made  for  the  idea  of  health 
insurance  in  general — converts  who  can't 
or  won't  join  the  voluntary  plan.  Com- 
pulsory health  insurance  bills  have  been 
hardy  perennials  in  the  California  legisla- 
ture, blossoming  every  few  years  but  thus 
far  always  nipped  before  fruiting  by  the 
California  Medical  Association  and  its  allies. 
Four  years  ago  this  state  medical  society 
set  up  the  California  Physicians  Service,  a 
non-profit,  wholly  owned  subsidiary  which 
has  enrolled  about  one  percent  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  state  for  very  limited  medical 
and  surgical  services.  Also,  through  a  restive 
partnership  with  government,  it  has  en- 
rolled a  lately  decreasing  number  in  some 
war  housing  projects.  Last  winter  a  public 
opinion  poll,  sponsored  by  the  state  society, 
found  (in  the  words  of  its  official  reporter): 

-"that  50  percent  of  the  citizens  (of 
California)  are  definitely  in  favor  of  federal 

-"that  34  percent  are  against  it;  and 
— "that  16  percent  haven't  as  yet  made 
up  their  minds." 

Organized  labor  makes  its  first  choice  a 
national  plan,  but  will  push  a  state  plan  if 
Congress  delays.  Shocked  by  its  own  survey, 
the  embattled  California  doctors  put  forth 
a  conference  committee,  meeting  with  labor, 
in  the  attempt  to  work  out  a  mutually 
acceptable  plan.  What  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  Society?  If  compulsory  health  in- 
surance has  to  be,  let  it  be  a  plan  which  the 
doctors  would  run  through  their  California 
Physicians  Service.  The  price  of  medical 
acquiescence  in  "compulsion"  would  be 
medical  control  over  administration. 

A  meeting  of  the  Society's  House  of 
Delegates  on  January  5  condemned  com- 
pulsory health  insurance.  But  the  governor 
had  already  spoken. 

However,  it  may  be  inferred  that  Gov- 
ernor Warren  saw  an  opportunity  to  make 
political  capital  by  coming  out  earlier  for 
a  public  measure  which  will  certainly  have 
large  popular  support.  Labor  will  be  behind 
it  in  principle,  and  the  medical  society 
will  doubtless  work  with  Governor  War- 
ren on  the  details  of  a  bill.  Meanwhile, 
labor  is  introducing  its  own  bill.  So  the 
pot  will  boil! 

Other  states,  and  especially  New  York, 
present  suggestive  though  as  yet  obscured 
parallels.  In  New  York,  organized  labor 
is  politically  influential  and  wants  com- 
pulsory health  insurance.  The  state  medical 
society  is  well  organized,  well  financed, 
fearful,  shrewdly  led,  and  in  every  way  but 
in  official  commitment  supported  Governor 
Dewey  and  fought  Roosevelt  and  Senator 
Wagner  in  the  last  election.  The  governor 
•has  appointed  a  State  Medical  Care  Com- 
mission having  a  broad  mandate  and  due 
to  report  in  1946.  In  that  year,  the  governor 
and  most  of  the  legislature  will  face  a  state 
election.  By  1945,  assuming  no  national 
health  program  supervenes,  it  remains  to 
be  seen  what  medical-labor-political  align- 
ments in  New  York  will  give  most  to 

California's  experience  especially  supports 
n  generalization  based  on  much  other  evi- 

dence. Ihe  policy  ot  the  medical 
that  have  been  active  in  medical-economic 
matters,  has  developed  in  three  stages.  Flat 
opposition  has  been  the  first.  Delaying 
action  is  the  second.  The  third  stage  is 
represented  by  the  well-tested  American 
adage,  "If  you  can't  lick  'em,  join  "em." 
The  third  stage  is  infiltration  into  admin- 

In  national  affairs,  as  well  as  in  Cali- 
fornia, the  signs  are  already  up  that  the 
third  stage  is  upon  us.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  many  physicians  disapprove 
policies  of  obstruction,  delay,  and  intrigue. 
In  the  past,  few  have  expressed  themselves 
openly,  but  the  Physicians  Forum  and  the 
Committee  of  Physicians  for  the  Improve- 
ment of  Medical  Care  have  shown  the  way. 

Wartime  Needs  and  Moves 

The  triumphs  of  military  medicine  in 
this  war,  with  unprecedented  records  of  con- 
trolling disease  and  rehabilitating  the 
wounded,  have  made  as  profound  an  im- 
pression on  the  public  mind,  on  the  one 
side,  as  the  rejection  of  over  four  million 
young  men  for  diseases  and  defects  has 
made  on  the  other.  It  is  anybody's  guess 
what  effect  these  experiences  will  have  upon 
popular — and  particularly  veterans' — atti- 
tudes toward  medical  care  in  postwar  years. 

The  critical  shortage  of  doctors  in  many 
war  areas  and  the  sharp  increase  in  the 
long  standing  rural  shortage,  have  found 
us  as  yet  unready  to  take  effective  action. 
Any  considerable  action  would  be  difficult 
anyway  until  medical  demobilization  from 
the  armed  forces  begins.  Unless  plans  are 
ready  for  attracting  doctors  to  the  places 
that  need  them  at  that  time,  most  of  the 
young  doctors  will  seek  opportunity  in  the 
cities  which  already  have  the  largest  ratio 
of  physicians  in  proportion  to  population. 

Wartime  has  witnessed  an  "efficiency 
reorganization"  of  the  U.  S.  Public  Health 
Service  which  should  help  it  carry  growing 
responsibilities.  A  major  forward  step  was 
the  formation  of  a  Tuberculosis  Division 
within  the  Service,  with  money  enough  to 
help  states  and  localities  establish  needed 
sanatoria  and  other  services.  The  National 
Tuberculosis  Association  and  its  branches 
supported  this  bill  in  Congress.  As  the 
national  program  gets  into  action,  the  vol- 
untary tuberculosis  agencies  will  need  to 
adjust  their  own  educational  and  service 
programs  to  it. 

During  1945  it  is  estimated  that  about  a 
half  million  wives  and  babies  of  enlisted 
men  will  be  cared  for  under  the  national 
"Emergency  Maternity  and  Infant  Care 
Program."  The  Children's  Bureau  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor,  which  ad- 
ministers it,  has  weathered  a  series  of  medi- 
cal attacks  and  held  congressional  support. 

A  vast  expansion  of  medical  care  and 
rehabilitation  for  servicemen  is  certainly 
ahead,  throwing  responsibilities  upon  the 
Veterans  Administrations'  hospitals  and 
clinics  such  as  will  justify  every  effort  to 
test  and  improve  the  quality  of  these  serv- 
ices. A  national  program  of  physical  re- 
habilitation of  handicapped  civilians  has 
been  started,  with  federal  grants  to  state 
agencies.  Medical  rehabilitation  of  4-F's  at 
national  expense  may  be  undertaken  if  the 



war  and  the  manpower  shortage  last  long 
enough.  The  extreme  shortage  of  psychi- 
atrists and  psychiatric  social  workers  for 
military  and  civilian  service  has  been 
brought  out  by  experts,  but  has  not  yet 
been  translated  into  terms  appreciable  by 
the  general  public. 

The  Blue  Cross  hospital  insurance  plans 
have  reached  their  year  of  largest  growth — 
over  three  million  additional  members  in 
1944 — bringing  their  total  in  the  United 
States  to  over  sixteen  million  beneficiaries. 
Sharing  the  fears  of  the  medical  societies 
as  to  encroachment  by  government  action. 
Blue  Cross  seeks  further  expansion  more 
militantly  than  ever. 

The  American  Hospital  Association 
sponsors  Blue  Cross,  opposes  compulsory 
insurance  by  government  action,  but  would 
like  government  funds  (local,  state,  and 
federal)  to  pay  hospitals  for  the  care  of 
indigent  persons.  The  association  has  set 
up  a  national  Commission  on  Hospital 
Care,  an  independent  body  with  funds  from 
several  foundations,  which  is  now  begin- 
ning a  two-year  study  of  hospital  needs  and 
ways  of  meeting  them  throughout  the 
United  States.  This  year  the  association 
sponsors  a  bill  in  Congress  to  aid  local 
areas,  through  the  states,  to  construct  or 
improve  hospitals  after  careful  state  studies 
have  determined  the  places  of  need.  Thus 
the  hospital  bodies  are  now  furthering  sev- 
eral positive  programs  of  both  voluntary 
and  governmental  action. 

Across  the  Atlantic  and  Back 

Overseas,  Great  Britain  moves  with  de- 
liberation and  assurance  toward  a  National 
Health  Service.  "Our  policy,"  declared 
Winston  Churchill  almost  a  year  ago,  "is 
to  create  a  National  Health  Service  in  order 
to  ensure  that  everybody  in  the  country, 
irrespective  of  means,  age,  sex  or  occupa- 
tion, shall  have  equal  opportunities  to  bene- 
fit from  the  best  and  most  up-to-date 
medical  and  allied  services  available." 

The  objections  raised  at  the  British 
Medical  Association's  meeting  in  December 
to  the  Government's  White  Paper  are  less 
to  principles  than  to  methods  of  administra- 
tion and  are  to  be  interpreted,  in  large  part, 
as  preparing  the  best  bargaining  position 
in  forthcoming  negotiations  with  the  gov- 

A  not  inconsiderable  section  of  British 
medical  men  favor  a  completely  salaried 
state  service.  This  minority  is  vocal  because, 
unlike  the  Journal  of  the  American  Medical 
Association,  the  British  Medical  Journal 
opens  its  columns  to  dissenting  views  and 
every  week  publishes  opinions  of  all  shades. 
The  contrasting  practice  in  the  United 
States  has  been  criticized  by  Dr.  Allen 
Butler  of  Harvard  Medical  School  in  these 

"...  the  societies  representing  so-called 
organized  medicine  permit  the  public  ex- 
pression of  no  minority  opinion.  The 
majority  opinion  is  considered  the  unani- 
mous opinion.  Unfortunately  this  restriction 
of  minority  opinion  inhibits  considered  dis- 
cussion and  the  development  of  sound 
progressive  thought." 

On  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  Canada's 
national  health  insurance  bill,  introduced 
by  the  government  and  approved  in  prin- 
ciple by  the  Canadian  Medical  Association, 
was  reported  out  of  committee  last  fall  after 
elaborate  hearings.  Delay  in  action  is  likely 
because  of  war  conditions.  Meanwhile,  sev- 
eral of  the  provinces  are  working  on  their 
own  bills.  In  Canada,  compulsory  health 
insurance  is  not  called  socialized  medicine. 
The  differences  of  opinion  about  the  bill 
are  not  basic  political  cleavages  as  with  us, 
but  concern  such  matters  as  coverage,  ad- 
ministration, the  amount  and  allocation  of 

Perhaps  it  is  because  of  exposure  to  the 
Gulf  Stream  of  progressive  British  influence 
that  our  northern  neighbor  has  a  more 
temperate  medical  climate  than  ours. 

Here  in  the  USA 

What  way  of  getting  and  paying  for 
medical  care  do  the  American  people  want? 
Public  opinion  polls  are  beginning  to  probe 
the  question.  Such  a  poll  by  the  National 
Opinion  Research  Center  of  Denver,  publi- 
cized last  October,  told  us: 

that  68  percent  of  the  people  "think  it 
would  be  a  good  idea  for  social  security  to 
cover  doctor  and  hospital  care";  and 

that  "58  percent  still  think  it  a  good  idea 
if  2l/2  percent  were  taken  out  of  people's 
pay  checks  instead  of  the  present  one  per- 

In  contrast,  the  National  Physicians'  Com- 
mittee's own  poll,  six  months  earlier,  came 
out  with  nearly  opposite  findings  and  a 
mass  of  prejudicial  questions  and  comment. 
But  the  California  poll  tends  to  support 
that  of  the  Denver  agency,  as  did  much 
earlier  polls  by  Fortune  and  others.  Several 
state  medical  societies  now  have  polls  in 
progress.  Thus  far,  we  have  learned  that  at 
least  with  a  subject  as  complex,  technical, 
and  emotionalized  as  medical  care,  the  way 
you  bait  your  questions  has  a  lot  to  do  with 
the  kind  of  fish  you  catch. 

One  story  the  polls  surely  tell:  The  issues 
of  medical  care  have  become  public  issues. 
In  the  past  twenty  years  they  have  moved 
from  the  library  to  the  committee  room, 
from  the  committee  room  to  the  forum, 
from  the  forum  to  legislative  chambers.  On 
all  these  levels  today,  in  all  sorts  of  private 
and  public  agencies  all  over  the  land,  action 
is  taking  place,  experience  accumulating, 
patterns  evolving. 

As  to  prognosis,  it  may  be  that  the  acts 
and  expressions  of  experienced  public  men, 
whose  political  fortunes  are  at  stake,  will 
supply  a  better  index  than  polls  as  to  the 
trend  of  populer  sentiment  and  the  balance 
of  conflicting  forces.  Watch  California,  New 
York,  and  the  two  focal  points  on  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue  in  the  Nation's  Capital. 






New  York  City  Department  of  Health  poster,  the  first  on  venereal  diseases  to  be  accepted  for 
use  in  the  city's  street  cars  and  buses.  A  familiar    comic    strip    figure    conveys    the    message 



Volunteers,  working  in  two  shifts,  got  seven  and  a  half  million  ration  books  to  California  citizens  in  record  time 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot 

He  is  4-F  because  he  made  a  mistake.  Just  the  same,  behind  bars  at  San 
Quentin  he  is  fighting  his  country's  battles  with  everything  he's  got. 

graced that,  long  ago,  and  he  is  only  a 
number  now,  one  of  some  3,500  inmates 
of  the  overcrowded  California  State  Prison 
at  San  Quentin. 

But  Joe  Doakes  is  something  else  besides 
a  burglar,  a  pickpocket,  a  confidence  man, 
or  what  have  you  in  the  criminal  line.  He 
is  also  an  American.  He  can't  get  out  and 
fight.  He  earns  practically  nothing.  Yet  here 
is  just  a  part  of  what  he  and  the  others  in 
this  prison  have  done  since  Pearl  Harbor: 

Woven  by  hand,  with  speed  and  com- 
petency far  ahead  of  civilian  units,  hun- 
dreds of  huge  anti-submarine  nets;  braided 
scores  of  rope  ship  fenders,  a  highly  skilled 
process;  reconditioned  and  assembled 
flanges,  valves,  and  other  machinery  for 
naval  vessels;  manufactured  thousands  of 
mattress  covers  and  pillow  cases  for  the 
army  and  navy;  reclaimed  hundreds  of 
tons  of  rubber  and  metal  covered  copper 
wire  and  cable  salvaged  from  damaged 
warships;  produced  thousands  of  steel  com- 
partment feeding  trays  for  the  navy;  trim- 
med thirty  Christmas  trees  for  Hamilton 
Field  General  Hospital;  made  hundreds  of 
model  planes  for  pre-flight  training  of  army 
and  navy  pilots;  produced  a  multitude  of 
splints,  stretchers,  and  other  supplies  for 
the  Red  Cross.  In  all,  they  have  manufac- 
tured war  materials  to  the  value  of  $2,550,- 
000.  Thirty  inmates  have  received  National 
Service  Emblems  from  the  government. 
The  WPB  has  named  San  Quentin  as  the 
No.  1  prison  in  volume  of  war  production. 

There  are   stories   attached   to   some   of 


these  activities.  For  example:  the  jute  mill, 
which  used  to  make  burlap  grain  bags  for 
farmers,  was  considered  a  hell-hole  by  the 
men.  All  "fish" — newcomers — had  to  serve 
at  least  a  year  in  it- — hard  work,  noisy  ma- 
chines, air  full  of  lint.  It  was  a  great  day 
when  a  man  was  transferred  to  another 
shop,  a  punishment  to  be  sent  back.  But 
when  the  WPB  allowed  the  prison  to  take 
on  a  contract  for  rovings  and  string  to  be 
•made  into  rope  for  war  use,  and  an  appeal 
was  made  for  400  men  to  volunteer  to 
man  the  jute  mill  to  capacity,  600  asked 
to  be  assigned  to  this  toughest  spot  in  the 

Hundreds  of  men  have  been  paroled  to 
shipyards  and  other  war  industries  and  to 
the  merchant  marine,  sailing  into  combat 
zones.  Hundreds  more  are  now  training  at 
San  Quentin  in  welding,  shipfitting,  marine 
electrical  installation,  and  marine  cooking 
and  baking,  to  prepare  them  for  war  work 
after  parole.  Recently,  by  an  arrangement 
with  the  International  Association  of  Ma- 

— By  a  well  known  journalist  and  author, 
a  former  Philadelphian  who  for  some 
years  has  made  her  home  in  San  Fran- 
cisco. Miss  deFord  (in  private  life  Mrs. 
Maynard  Shipley)  contributes  articles, 
stories,  and  verse  to  current  magazines, 
and  is  the  author  of  several  books,  in- 
cluding "They  Were  San  Franciscans," 
a  volume  of  biographical  sketches,  and 
"Who  Was  When?  A  Dictionary  of 

chinists  (AFL),  men  trained  as  machinists 
for  war  plants  will  be  paroled  or  released 
as  full-fledged  journeymen. 

Five  hundred  men  helped  harvest  Cali- 
fornia's vital  food  crops  in  1943;  350  more 
fought  forest  fires  at  risk  of  their  lives.  This 
past  year — on  urgent  request  of  farmers 
and  forest  wardens — both  harvest  and  for- 
estry camps  were  reopened  and  again  fully 
manned.  Many  of  these  men  had  never 
left  the  prison  since  they  entered  it,  years 
before,  and  escape  would  have  been  easy 
— but  no  one  tried  to  escape.  Once  an  emer- 
gency call  came  at  night.  A  hundred  men 
volunteered  to  go  300  miles  by  bus  to  fight 
a  raging  forest  fire. 

Every  Literate  Man  Pitches  In 

The  most  spectacular  job  Joe  Doakes 
and  his  fellow-inmates  have  done  thus  far 
was  putting  out  War  Radon  Book  No.  3 
to  every  citizen  of  California. 

Seven  and  a  half  million  ration  books, 
worth  $2,400,000,000,  came  to  San  Quentin 
under  armed  guard,  with  a  motorcycle  po- 
lice escort.  There  they  were  turned  over  to 
convicted  forgers,  thieves,  and  highway 
robbers.  The  OPA  had  allowed  3  percent 
for  errors;  the  errors  made  were  exactly 
1/2,000  of  one  percent.  Once  a  single  book 
was  mislaid.  The  men  worked  all  night 
until  it  was  found,  wrongly  filed. 

The  OPA  allowed  58  days  for  the  job.  It 

took  just  43.  An  inmate  director  and  his 

inmate  assistant  worked  out  an  entirely  new 

way  of  handling  the  job,  and   proved   it 

(Continued  on  page  46) 


Making  bunks  for  the  navy 


Weaving  huge  anti-submarine  nets 

Building  assault  boats  for  the  armed  forces 

How  San  Quentin  earned  the  title  of 
No.  1  prison  in  volume  of  war  pro- 
duction and  turned  out  essential  ma- 
terials valued  at  £2,550,000. 

Printing  emergency  signs 

Braiding  rope  fenders  for  ships 

far  superior  to  the  one  the  OPA  had  estab- 
lished. No  wonder  the  OPA  cited  them. 

Practically  every  literate  man  in  San 
Quentin  was  used  on  this  giant  unpaid 
task — every  one  a  volunteer.  In  many  cases 
men  worked  a  day  shift  on  the  ration  books 
and  then  volunteered  to  do  a  swing  shift 
also.  The  inmate  workers  in  the  prison 
offices,  trained  office  workers,  volunteered 
for  work  on  the  night  shift,  carrying  on 
their  regular  jobs  all  day  then  working  on 
the  radon  books  from  6  P.M.  to  midnight. 
The  end  result  was  a  record  for  the  entire 

One  human  interest  story  that  came  out 
of  the  ration  book  servicing  is  too  remark- 
able not  to  be  told.  Here  it  is  in  the  words 
of  the  prisoners'  own  paper. 

"A  man  on  a  prolonged  drunken  spree 
found,  when  he  finally  became  sober,  that 
his  wife  and  two  children  had  left  him — 
and  he  was  in  jail  for  cashing  worthless 
checks.  Sentenced  to  prison,  the  first  year 
dragged  by.  He  was  unable  to  locate  his 
family — finally  gave  up  trying. 

"When  the  OPA  ration  book  project 
began  here,  he  was  one  of  the  first  to  vol- 
unteer. He  worked  faithfully,  and  for  long 
hours,  each  day.  He  had  been  working 
over  a  month,  when,  one  day,  on  top  of  a 
pile  of  applications  on  his  table  was  an 
envelope  addressed  in  familiar  handwrit- 
ing. He  stared,  unbelieving — then  tore  open 
the  envelope. 

"The  signature  on  the  application  was 
that  of  his  wife;  the  dependents'  names, 
those  of  his  children. 

"He  wrote  to  his  wife,  begged  forgive- 
ness. It  was  given.  Today  he  is  a  parolee, 
reunited  with  his  loved  ones,  making  good." 

The  Best  They  Can  Do 

Up  to  date,  Joe  and  the  rest  of  the  San 
Quentin  men  have  bought  more  than  $525,- 
000  worth  of  war  bonds  and  stamps.  In 
every  drive  they  have  doubled  the  quota 
set  for  them.  Only  the  men  in  the  camps 
earn  money,  and  all  they  get  is  50  cents  a 
day  above  living  expenses.  All  the  money 
men  within  the  prison  walls  have  is  from 
the  sale  of  small  objects  through  their 
Hobby  Shop,  or  what  is  sent  them  by  rela- 
tives or  friends  to  buy  tobacco,  candy,  and 
such  small  luxuries. 

Those  who  cannot  buy  bonds  or  stamps 
pledge  a  pint  of  blood  to  the  mobile  unit 
of  the  Red  Cross  Blood  Bank  which  visits 
the   prison   regularly.   Here   is   the   pledge 
form  they  use: 
"A  Wounded  Soldier 
Any  Front 
Dear  Soldier: 

Separately,  in  care  of  the  American  Red 
Cross,  I  am  sending  you  a  pint  of  my  blood. 

I  would  like  to  be  fighting  beside  you, 
but  I  am  a  4-F  so  this  is  the  best  I  can  do 
for  you. 

The  4-F  is  because  I  made  a  mistake,  but 
my  mind  and  body  are  sound  and  my  heart 
and  blood  are  definitely  1-A. 

I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  come  home 
soon — home  to  all  of  us  who  admire  and 
respect  you. 

Until  then,  I'll  send  you  my  blood  every 
time  I  have  a  chance. 

Name  No.    " 

Up  to  the  time  of  writing,  some  1,500 
inmates  have  given  nearly  3,000  pints  of 
blood.  Many  of  them  donate  regularly  every 
eight  weeks.  Several  men  already  belong 
to  the  "gallon  club"— eight  pints.  The  Red 
Cross  has  awarded  San  Quentin  a  certificate 
of  appreciation. 

Besides  war  bonds  and  stamps,  San 
Quentin  men  paid  for  260,000  cigarettes  in 
the  "Smokes  for  the  Yanks"  drive — paid, 
in  most  cases,  by  going  without  cigarettes 
themselves.  They  bought  a  station  wagon 
for  the  San  Rafael  Chapter  of  the  Red 
Cross  and  they  subscribed  nearly  $600  to 
the  last  March  of  Dimes.  "Give  up  seven 
ice  cream  bars,  or  two  jars  of  peanut  butter, 
or  a  couple  of  packs  of  cigs,"  pleaded  the 
prison  paper,  The  San  Quentin  News.  So 
they  did. 

Men  who  had  no  relatives  to  name  as 
beneficiaries  on  bonds,  for  the  most  part 

Warden  Duffy,  whom  prisoners  applaud 

named  the  Army  and  Navy  Relief  Society 
or  the  Shriners'  Hospital  for  Crippled  Chil- 
dren. Several  named  Alcoholics  Anony- 
mous, which  has  a  flourishing  branch  at 
San  Quentin.  A  Chinese  inmate  chose  Mme. 
Chiang  Kai-shek.  Jim,  who  is  serving  a 
lot  of  time  for  multiple  bigamy,  bought 
four  $25  bonds,  and  named  a  different 
wife  as  beneficiary  of  each! 

But  the  pay-off  in  bond  beneficiaries  may 
be  credited  to  Charles,  who  is  in  San  Quen- 
tin because  he  passed  a  $50  rubber  check 
on  a  Los  Angeles  barkeep.  Came  the  war 
— and  this  same  saloonkeeper  found  him- 
self convicted  of  subversive  activities,  given 
a  stiff  prison  sentence,  and  ordered  to  be 
deported  to  his  native  Germany  after  the 
war.  So  Charles  decided  to  repay  his  debt. 
He  bought  a  $50  bond  and  sent  it  to  the 
seditionist,  with  an  accompanying  note: 
"When  you  arrive  in  Berlin  there  will  be 
plenty  of  Americans  there  who  will  gladly 
cash  this  for  you." 

One  elderly  inmate,  an  Italian  by  birth, 
put  his  entire  life's  savings  of  $4,500  into 
war  bonds;  and  it  was  honest  money, 
earned  by  hard  work  before  he  went  wrong. 
He  has  two  sons  in  the  service,  one  per- 
manently injured  at  Pearl  Harbor.  Many 
of  these  men  who  have  bought  bonds  to 
the  limit  of  their  capacity,  who  are  work- 

ing their  heads  off  on  camouflage  nets  or 
assault  boats  or  rope  cargo  slings,  who 
respond  instantly  to  every  appeal  for  vol- 
unteers for  the  hardest,  dirtiest,  most  dan- 
gerous tasks,  have  sons  or  brothers  now 
serving  overseas. 

But  even  those  who  have  not,  know  bet- 
ter than  most  men  what  freedom  means. 
They  are  eager  to  work  for  it,  to  have  a 
chance  to  fight  and  die  for  it.  They  may 
not  always  have  been  good  citizens.  But 
today  they  are  good  Americans. 

Changing  "the  Joint" 

One  man  has  changed  San  Quentin  from 
one  of  the  worst  prisons  in  America  to 
one  of  the  very  best.  He  is  the  warden, 
Clinton  T.  Duffy.  Mr.  Duffy  is  the  son  of 
a  prison  guard,  brought  up  in  San  Quentin 
and  familiar  with  it  from  childhood.  The 
men  feel  sincerely  that  he  is  their  friend; 
recently,  when  he  returned  from  a  session 
of  the  National  Prison  Congress,  there  was 
spontaneous  applause  when  he  appeared  in 
the  yard.  His  weekly  column  in  the  well- 
edited  prison  paper,  The  San  Quentin  News, 
is  a  model  of  man-to-man  frankness  and 
fairness.  Under  his  administration,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  prison  has  altered. 

Here  is  a  sample:  A  Negro  boy,  sudden- 
ly taken  ill,  collapsed  in  the  line  of  in- 
mates waiting  in  heavy  rain  to  go  to  the 
mess  hall.  Instantly  the  man  next  him,  a 
total  stranger,  whipped  off  his  raincoat  and 
threw  it  over  the  boy  until  he  was  taken 
to  the  hospital.  An  old  timer,  watching  the 
scene,  said  to  no  one  in  particular,  "This 
joint  has  sure  changed!" 

In  the  four  years  since  Mr.  Duffy  became 
warden,  the  dungeon  and  the  notorious 
"spot"  in  the  solitary  confinement  section 
have  been  abolished,  and  all  corporal  pun- 
ishment went  with  them.  An  Inmates'  De- 
partmental Representative  Committee  has 
been  established,  which  encourages  initia- 
tive and  suggestions  by  inmates;  a  recent 
contest  (with  prizes  in  canteen  cards)  for 
the  best  suggestions  for  use  of  the  war 
bonds  bought  by  the  men  brought  forth 
hundreds  of  letters.  Motion  pictures  are 
shown  weekly,  and  radio  headphones  have 
been  installed  in  inmates'  quarters.  There 
are  regular  programs,  including  question- 
answering  by  the  warden,  over  this  "Grey 
Network."  The  inmates'  own  weekly  radio 
program  of  music  and  information  is  about 
to  start  its  sixth  series  over  the  Mutual 
Network,  on  a  national  hook-up. 

All  this  is  in  addition  to  the  war  mate- 
rial contracts,  the  establishment  of  the  har- 
vest and  forestry  camps,  the  expansion  of 
educational,  athletic,  health,  and  religious 
activities,  the  building  up  of  the  weekly 
News  and  the  immense  improvement  in 
the  meals,  once  a  prime  source  of  trouble. 
Whether  it  is  in  the  rehabilitation  of  a 
discouraged  man  by  means  of  plastic  sur- 
gery, the  fostering  of  an  active  branch  of 
Alcoholics  Anonymous,  or  the  encourage- 
ment of  a  flourishing  Hobby  Shop  where 
men  may  sell  the  things  they  make  in 
spare  hours,  the  influence  of  Warden  Duffy 
is  felt  everywhere  in  San  Quentin.  But 
surely  he  has  done  no  greater  thing  than 
to  help  Joe  Doakes  to  realize  himself  as  a 
patriotic  American. 



On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Consciences 

The  promise — and  the  pitfalls — we  confront  in  drafting  anti-discriminatory 
legislation  that  will  square  with  principles  we  have  held  aloft  in  the  war. 


of  the  new  Congress  but  of  the  grist  of 
legislatures  meeting  this  year,  is  the  call  for 
measures  to  outlaw  discrimination  — 
whether  in  employment  or  in  union  mem- 
bership— on  account  of  race,  color,  creed 
or  national  origin. 

Creative  proposals  to  establish  such  a 
legal  basis  for  carrying  over  into  industrial 
relations  the  standards  acclaimed  in  our 
Bill  of  Rights  failed  of  enactment  in  1944. 
This  was  true  under  both  a  Democratic 
administration  at  Washington  and  a  Re- 
publican administration  at  Albany. 

In  New  York,  the  passage  of  such  a  law 
now  appears  certain  in  1945.  In  his  mes- 
sage in  January,  Gov.  Thomas  E.  Dewey 
heralded  the  legislation  which  has  since 
been  submitted  by  the  Temporary  State 
Commission  Against  Discrimination.  "The 
need  for  action  in  this  field  of  human  rela- 
tions," he  declared,  "is  imperative." 
Whether  other  states — Pennsylvania  and 
Illinois  are  examples — will  follow  suit  de- 
pends, to  a  large  extent,  upon  the  coordi- 
nated efforts  of  their  minority  groups — 
church,  liberal,  and  labor. 

Federal  enactment  in  1945  hangs,  in 
turn,  on  active  interest  among  these  same 
groups  the  country  over.  Representative 
Charles  La  Follette  (R.  Ind.)  introduced  in 
the  House  on  January  3  a  bill  to  make  the 
Fair  Employment  Practice  Committee  a 
permanent  agency.  While  Director  of  War 
Mobilization  James  F.  Byrnes  failed  to  men- 
tion the  necessity  for  such  an  agency  in 
his  New  Year's  Day  statement  on  man- 
power, PM's  Washington  bureau  later  told 
of  a  conference  between  the  President  and 
Chairman  Malcolm  Ross  of  the  FEPC  in 
which  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  reported  to  have 
held  that  the  passage  of  this  bill  is  "impera- 

On  the  congressional  stage,  however,  the 
prospect  is  clouded  by  bitter  opposition 
among  not  a  few  representatives  of  south- 
ern states  and  by  likely  recourse  to  filibuster 
in  the  Senate. 

This  drive  for  legislation  registers  mount- 
ing American  concern  to  reconcile  a  deep 
spiritual  conflict  between  our  ideals  and 
our  practices.  It  confronts,  also,  practical 
obstacles  in  attempting  to  secure  adequate 
machinery  for  coping  with  a  complex  eco- 
nomic situation. 

Americans  Face  Our  Dilemma 

Under  the  impact  of  war  and  resistance 
to  the  Nazi  creed  of  racial  superiority,  we 
have  come  to  recognize  the  existence  of 
what  Gunnar  Myrdal  has  described  as  "An 
American  Dilemma."  That  is  the  title  of 
his  own  concluding  volume,  crystallizing 
the  comprehensive  survey  of  "The  Negro 
in  American  Life"  carried  out  under  the 


— By  a  justice  of  the  Domestic  Relations 
Court  of  New  York.  Judge  Justine  Wise 
Polier  saw  earlier  service  as  counsel  to 
the  City's  Emergency  Relief  Bureau  and 
as  referee  in  the  Workmen's  Compensa- 
tion Division  of  the  State  Department  of 
Labor.  And 

— By  a  specialist  in  administrative  law, 
who  has  recently  returned  to  private 
practice  from  federal  service  as  director 
of  enforcement  of  the  Fuel,  Automotive 
and  Consumer  Durable  Goods  Division, 
Office  of  Price  Administration. 

In  this  article,  the  authors — who  in 
private  life  are  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Shad 
Polier — focus  their  insight  and  experi- 
ence on  a  momentous  and  developing 
field  in  applied  democracy. 

sponsorship  of  the  Carnegie  Corporation. 

This  distinguished  Swedish  scholar, 
chosen  as  director  of  the  study  for  the 
very  detachment  of  his  approach,  exposes 
the  root  problem  in  our  treatment  of  all 
minority  groups.  We  shall  never  again  be 
unmindful  that,  as  he  puts  it,  this  is  "a 
problem  in  the  heart  of  the  American.  It 
is  there  the  decisive  struggle  goes  on." 

Mr.  Myrdal  drives  home  that  the  Amer- 
ican dilemma  is  the  ever-raging  conflict  be- 
tween our  American  creed  of  liberty  and 
equality,  of  justice  and  fair  opportunity  for 
everybody — and  our  everyday  conduct  and 
feelings.  In  varying  degrees,  in  different 
communities,  he  found  this  conflict  raging 
within  Americans,  no  less  tfyan  between 
Americans.  It  does  not  concern  the  Negro 
alone.  All  minority  groups  are  involved: 
here  Jews;  there  Catholics;  elsewhere 
Mexicans;  and  so  on. 

The  war  has  sharpened  our  sense  of  this 
conflict.  We  have  seen  on  a  worldwide 
screen  how  hatred  and  war  are  bred  by  the 
destruction,  subjugation  or  humiliation  of 
human  beings  by  reason  of  race  or  color, 
creed  or  national  origin;  how  they  threaten 
the  well-being  of  people  everywhere.  Our 
sense  of  guilt  is  deepened  because  in  fight- 
ing the  war  our  country  had  need  for  all 
Americans;  has  called  to  them;  and  has 
received  their  vigor  and  skills  in  industry, 
their  valor  on  the  battlefront.  We  realize 
that  in  mustering  and  waging  war  we  have 
given  our  promise,  implicit  if  not  explicit, 
that  the  United  States  means  to  live  up  to 
its  creed. 

New  York  a  Testing  Ground 

While  by  no  means  entirely  typical  of 
the  situation  elsewhere,  significance  is  to  be 
found  in  considering  the  attitudes  of  the 
people  of  New  York  State  and  efforts  there 
to  ban  discrimination.  To  be  found,  also, 
in  scanning  alternative  bills  offered  for  their 

consideration  in  1944  and  in  1945  and  the 
reception  accorded  these.  At  the  same 
time,  analyses  of  recent  public  opinion  polls 
throw  light  nationally  on  the  attitudes  of 
white  Americans  toward  Negroes;  and 
light,  also,  on  the  old  controversy  as  to  the 
relative  merits  of  education  vs.  legislation 
as  means  for  bringing  improvement  about. 

There  is  increasing  evidence  that  public 
opinion  in  New  York  today  is  determined 
that  the  problem  of  discrimination  shall  be 
dealt  with  firmly.  The  ghosts  of  riots  in 
Harlem  have  never  been  laid.  Nor  have 
sensational  newspaper  accounts  obscured 
the  fact  that  at  the  bottom  of  such  clashes 
lie  disparities  in  economic  opportunity. 

New  York  City  itself,  like  several  other 
large  urban  communities,  might  almost  be 
said  to  be  made  up  of  minority  groups, 
each  having  a  vital  stake  in  eliminating 
discrimination.  Whatever  their  competitive 
drives  for  self-preferment,  they  have  come 
to  recognize  their  common  helplessness 
without  the  intervention  of  government. 

These  conditions  are  not  new.  Over  the 
years,  piecemeal  laws  have  been  enacted  by 
the  New  York  legislature  prohibiting  dis- 
crimination in  state  and  municipal  employ- 
ment. More  recently  public  utilities  have 
been  placed  in  the  same  category.  Dis- 
crimination has  been  "outlawed"  in  hotels, 
theaters,  stores,  and  other  establishments 
which  hold  themselves  out  to  serve  the 

In  a  few  instances,  individuals  have 
been  aggressive  enough  to  press  these  rights 
by  suits  at  law  only  to  be  awarded  amounts 
so  small  as  to  rob  them  of  even  token  sig- 
nificance. Violations  of  legislatively  de- 
clared civil  rights  have  gone  unchecked 
because  of  an  utter  lack  of  machinery  to 
cope  with  them.  Violators  of  these  rights 
have  regarded  the  laws  as  a  nuisance,  the 
risk  of  prosecution  or  suit  as  simply  an- 
other expense  of  doing  business.  Mean- 
while, there  has  been  resort  to  subterfuges 
which  achieve  the  appearance  of  non-dis- 
crimination while  still  accomplishing  the 
opposite  result. 

First  Drafts — As  Yardsticks 

Against  this  background,  two  bills  were 
prepared  by  a  distinguished  committee  of 
citizens  appointed  by  Governor  Dewey  un- 
der the  chairmanship  of  Alvin  Johnson, 
director  of  The  New  School.  Last  spring, 
one  bill  proposed  establishment  of  a  bureau 
in  the  office  of  the  State  Attorney  General, 
to  investigate  violations  of  the  anti-discrim- 
ination statutes  already  in  existence,  to  hold 
public  hearings  and  to  prosecute  violators. 

Coming  to  grips  with  fundamentals,  a 
second  bill  was  drawn  so  as  to 

— declare  the  opportunity  to  obtain  em- 
ployment, without  discrimination  because 

FEBRUARY   1945 


of  race,  color,  creed  or  national  origin,  to 
be  a  civil  right; 

— declare  illegal  any  discrimination  in 
employment  or  union  membership  on  such 

• — prohibit  employment  agencies  from 
participating  in  such  illegal  practices; 

— establish  a  commission  to  administer 
these  newly  declared  civil  rights. 

This  bill  was  grounded  on  the  precedents 
established  in  federal  and  state  Labor  Re- 
lations Acts  which  provide  for  protection  of 
wage  earners  in  their  right  to  organize  and 
bargain  collectively.  Let  us  look  at  the 
pattern.  Under  it,  the  commission  would 
have  been  empowered  not  only  to  hold 
hearings  upon  complaints  of  discrimination 
but,  if  it  found  the  charges  sustained,  to 
issue  remedial  orders  enforceable  in  the 
courts.  To  that  end  the  commission  would 
have  been  authorized  to  require  both  the 
cessation  of  the  discriminatory  conduct  and 
the  correction  of  the  injury  already  done. 
Persons  denied  employment,  discharged,  or 
refused  promotion  could  be  ordered  hired, 
reinstated,  or  advanced — and  given  wages 
lost  as  a  result  of  their  employers'  -illegal 

Similarly,  the  commission  would  have 
been  empowered  to  order  a  union  to  cease 
refusing  membership  because  of  a  worker's 
race,  color,  creed  or  national  origin,  and 
could  require  the  elimination  of  Jim  Crow 
locals.  Failure  to  obey  the  order  of  the 
commission,  when  backed  by  a  court  de- 

cree, was  to  be  made  a  contempt  and,  there- 
fore, punishable  by  fine  or  imprisonment. 

To  the  disappointment  of  many  citizens, 
Governor  Dewey  declined  to  support  the 
bills  without  further  study.  Resignations 
from  the  committee  followed  and,  with 
legislative  sanction,  he  appointed  a  Tem- 
porary State  Commission  Against  Discrim- 
ination under  the  chairmanship  of  Irving 
M.  Ives,  majority  leader  of  the  Assembly, 
who  for  seven  years  has  been  chairman  of 
the  New  York  State  Joint  Legislative  Com- 
mittee on  Industrial  and  Labor  Relations.* 

The  Second  Drafts 

At  a  series  of  committee  hearings  held 
by  the  new  Temporary  Commission,  be- 
ginning in  December,  the  public  was  given 
an  opportunity  to  criticize  or  endorse  drafts 
of  "tentative  proposals"  for  legislation. 

The  two  proposals  followed  in  general 
the  lines  laid  down  by  the  governor's  earlier 
committee.  Certain  variations,  however, 
introduced  serious  administrative  defects. 

Thus,  in  what  might  be  termed  the  At- 
torney General  Bill,  the  provision  for  a 
separate  bureau  in  his  office  was  eliminated. 
This  would  avoid  budgetary  responsibility 
and  no  staff  of  specialists  would  be  created 
who  could  truly  make  the  enforcement  of 
these  civil  rights  a  state  no  less  than  a 
county  concern.  Moreover,  the  right  of  the 

*Sec  "Blazing  New   Legislative  Trails,"  by   Phillips 
Bradley   Survey    Graphic,    May   1944. 


The  National  Urban  League  has  established  a  new  award  to  be  bestowed  periodically  upon  in- 
dividuals who  have  made  outstanding  contributions  in  promoting  interracial  good  will.  The 
award  will  be  in  the  form  of  a  portrait  medal  of  L.  Hollingsworth  Wood  and  Eugene  Kinckle 
Jones — a  tribute  to  the  long  and  productive  association  of  these  two  men,  one  white,  the  other 
Negro,  in  the  league's  work. 

The  photograph  shows  the  president  of  the  league,  William  H.  Baldwin,  holding  the  mas- 
ter medal;  and,  left  to  right,  the  Negro  sculptor,  Richmond  Barthe,  who  made  the  design, 
Mr.  Wood  and  Mr.  Jones. 

Attorney  General  to  prosecute  was  made 
conditional  upon  his  finding  that  a  local 
district  attorney  had  refused  or  was  un- 
able to  institute  criminal  proceedings.  This 
would  basically  weaken  enforcement.  To 
provide  that  an  Attorney  General  must  first 
supersede  local  authorities  might  well,  as  a 
matter  of  practical  politics,  mean  that  he 
would  seldom  act  at  all. 

In  what  might  be  termed  the  Unfair 
Employment  Practice  Bill  (far  the  more 
important  of  the  two  drafts)  the  oppor- 
tunity to  obtain  employment  without  dis- 
crimination because  of  race,  creed,  color,  or 
national  origin  was  recognized  as  a  civil 
right  and  declared  to  be  such. 

The  draft  forbade  discriminatory  employ- 
ment practices  based  on  race,  color,  creed 
or  national  origin  on  the  part  of  private 
employers,  employment  agencies,  and  labor 
unions.  (Unfortunately,  exempted  from 
this  prohibition  were  social  clubs,  fraternal, 
charitable,  educational,  and  religious  asso- 
ciations or  corporations  not  organized  for 
private  profit,  farmers  not  employing  more 
than  three  employes  and  employers  of 

A  State  Commission  Against  Discrimina- 
tion was  provided  for  to  receive,  investigate, 
and  pass  on  complaints  alleging  such  dis- 
crimination. It  was  also  authorized  to  create 
citizen  advisory  agencies  and  conciliation 
councils  local  or  otherwise;  these  to  be  com- 
posed of  citizens  serving  without  pay  to  aid 
in  effectuating  the  purpose  of  the  proposed 
legislation.  The  commission  might  empower 
such  bodies  to  study  the  problems  of  dis- 
crimination •  in  all  or  specific  fields  of 
human  relations  and  to  foster  through  com- 
munity effort  good  will  between  various 
groups  in  the  population. 

To  the  extent  that  this  constituted  a  rec- 
ognition of  the  need  for  education  and  citi- 
zen action  at  the  local  level  it  was  sound. 
However,  the  permissive  note  and  vague 
language  employed  as  to  the  powers  of  such 
councils  left  much  to  be  desired  even  by 
those  who  believe  that  education  and  action 
in  communities  should  be  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  permanent  Commission  Against 

Among  the  unfair  employment  practices 
forbidden  to  employers  or  employment 
agencies  were  discriminations  in  any  aspect 
of  the  employment  relationships — question- 
ing job  applicants  about  their  race,  color, 
creed  or  national  origin,  publishing  dis- 
criminatory help-wanted  ads — or  discrimi- 
nating because  any  person  has  opposed  any 
unlawful  employment  practice  or  has  as- 
sisted in  any  proceeding  under  the  Act. 

Labor  organizations  were  forbidden  to 
exclude  or  expel  from  membership,  or  to 
discriminate  in  any  way  against  any  of  their 
members  because  of  their  race,  creed,  color 
or  national  origin. 

Some  Flaws 

In  its  proposed  form  the  draft,  however, 
included  administrative  provisions  that 
seriously  threaten  the  effectiveness  of  the 
proposed  legislation.  The  following  are  the 
most  significant: 

1.   Both    National    and    New    York   State 
(Continued  on  page  78) 





Lee  for  FSA 

Men  gather  at  the  neighborhood  bar  for  sociability,  for  "a  quick  one,"  sometimes  linger  to  "have  another,"  and  another — 

Roads  to  Alcoholism 

A  psychiatrist  tells  what  alcoholism  is,   and  what  social  pressures  —  of  sex, 
background,  occupation,  personality — cause  a  human  being  to  drink  to  excess. 

separation,  they  do  not  celebrate,  as  they 
reminisce  nostalgically,  by  drinking  some 
chloral  together.  There  is  no  song  which 
honors  in  a  lusty  chorus  the  stimulating 
charms  of  strychnine.  Men  do  not  brag 
of  the  amount  of  aspirin  they  can  take  with- 
out reeling  around  the  room  or  stuporously 
slipping  under  the  table.  No  one  tells  his 
friends  with  pride  that  he  was  slightly  sick, 
in  fact  somewhat  "stinko,"  the  night  before 
because  he  swallowed  too  many  pheno- 
barbitals.  Ships  are  not  launched  by  break- 
ing bottles  of  chloroform  upon  their  bows; 
nor  are  the  kings,  presidents,  and  rulers  of 
great  countries  toasted  by  groups  of  men 
who  spring  to  their  feet,  clink  together 
glasses  filled  with  paraldehyde  and  drink 
the  contents  down  to  demonstrate  the  mo- 
mentary unity  and  mutual  love  of  their  re- 
spective nations. 

The  Incidence  of  Alcoholism 

This  emphasizes  what  I  have  stated  many 
times,  that  the  main  differences  between  al- 
coholism and  other  drug  addictions  are  first, 
the  singular  effects  of  alcohol  and,  second, 
the  consequent  social  pressure  put  on  hu- 
man beings  in  our  Western  civilization  to 
drink  and  to  drink  to  excess.  When  we 


study  the  cultural  and  biologic  distribution 
of  alcoholism,  we  discover  two  primary  and 
directing  facts. 

First,  there  is  a  predominant  sexual  dis- 
tribution— males  are  addicted  to  alcohol- 
ism about  seven  times  as  frequently  as  are 
females,  although  there  is  about  the  same 
distribution  of  neurosis  and  psychosis  in 
males  and  females.  In  fact,  there  are  some- 
what more  depressions  and  more  states  of 
anxiety  and  inferiority  in  the  female  than 
in  the  male,  so  that  if  the  addiction  to  al- 
cohol rested  primarily  on  a  neurotic  or 
psychotic  basis,  the  facts  of  its  sexual  distri- 
bution would  be  entirely  mystifying  and  in- 
comprehensible. But  if  we  think  of  alcohol 

— By  the  clinical  professor  of  psychiatry 
in  the  Harvard  Medical  School,  who  is 
also  director  of  research  in  the  Boston 
State  Hospital  and  a  member  of  the 
Massachusetts  State  Committee  on  Re- 
search in  Mental  Health. 

Dr.  Myerson's  searching  article  on  the 
drug  addiction  we  call  alcoholism  is 
based  on  the  paper  he  presented  at  the 
Symposium  on  Alcoholism  conducted  by 
the  Research  Council  on  Problems  of 
Alcohol  in  Cleveland  in  the  fall. 

addiction  as  having  one  of  its  main  roots 
in  social  pressure  and  in  social  tradition, 
with  urging  and  forbidding  as  twin  and 
ambivalent  factors,  the  explanation  of  the 
lesser  addiction  among  females  is  under- 
standable, since  alcoholism  in  .women  is 
looked  upon  with  more  abhorrence  and 
less  smiling  tolerance,  and  there  is  far  less 
pressure  put  on  the  female  to  drink  than 
on  the  male. 

Second,  as  has  been  pointed  out  else- 
where, there  is  an  even  more  important 
racial-social  distribution.  Thus  it  has  been 
noted  for  many  years  that  the  Jews  have 
little  or  no  alcoholism.  Though  most  Jews 
drink  somewhat  and  some  drink  to  excess, 
yet  the  records  of  arrest,  admissions  to  hos- 
pitals for  alcoholism,  and  the  incidence  of 
alcoholic  psychoses  everywhere  show  a 
marked  and  extraordinary  immunity  of  the 
Jew  from  alcohol  addiction  However,  a 
study  of  the  men  who  come  before  the  se- 
lective service  induction  boards  shows  a 
racial-social  distribution  which  makes  the 
singularity  of  the  Jew  less  impressive. 

There  are  few  alcoholics  among  the 
Italian-Americans,  although  Italians  have 
been  busily  engaged  in  the  process  of  man- 
ufacturing and  distributing  alcohol  for  a 
long  time;  and  further,  few  of  the  de- 

FEBRUARY   1945 


scendants  of  the  peoples  who  come  from 
the  Mediterranean  littoral  are  alcoholics. 
It  is  as  we  press  upward  and  northward 
to  the  British  Isles  and  to  Scandinavia  that 
we  find  a  heavy  incidence  of  alcoholism  in 
the  descendants  of  the  people  who  come 
from  these  countries.  Throughout  the 
United  States  the  incidence  of  alcoholism 
and  the  alcoholic  psychoses  is  greatest 
among  the  people  who  come  from  the 
British  Isles  and  especially  among  the  Irish- 
Americans,  with  a  liberal  sprinkling  of 
alcoholism  among  people  from  Norway, 
Denmark,  and  the  Slavic  countries,  as  well 
as  from  parts  of  Germany.  Yet  no  one,  I 
think,  will  maintain  that  the  Irish  have  a 
greater  incidence  of  nervous  and  mental 
disturbance  than  have  the  Jews.  They  cer- 
tainly do  not  suffer  more  from  anxiety  or 
inferiority  feelings.  They  do  not  have  more 
anguish  of  spirit  from  which  they  long  to 
escape.  (It  may  be  stated  that  to  be  a 
Jew  is  not  only  to  have  an  anxiety  neuro- 
sis but  almost  to  be  one.) 

It  is  relevant  to  point  out  that  it  is  un- 
der the  tremendous  change  in  social  psy- 
chological pressure  which  takes  place  when 
primitive  peoples  become  enmeshed  in  and 
enslaved  by  Western  civilization  that  alco- 
holism sometimes  becomes  almost  universal. 
Ruth  Bunzel  paints  a  moving  and  shame- 
ful picture  of  the  lot  of  the  Central  Ameri- 
can Indians  when  they  became  helots  on 
the  plantations  and  in  the  mines  of  their 
Spanish  masters,  and  a  deliberate  and 
planned  alcoholism  was  foisted  on  the  en- 
slaved population  to  perpetuate  their  deg- 
radation and  thus  maintain  their  subordina- 

Furthermore,  certain  clinical  facts  which 
are  of  importance  bear  on  the  problem  of 
the  relationship  of  the  neuroses  and  psy- 
choses to  alcoholism.  It  is  stated  that 
people  who  are  depressed  drink  excessively; 
yet  it  is  a  common  occurrence  that  when  a 
man  who  has  been  a  heavy  drinker  de- 
velops a  depression,  he  may  remain  entirely 
sober  because  for  the  first  time  he  gets  no 
pleasure,  no  kick,  no  thrill  from  alcohol. 
He  is  only  made  sick  by  drinking  and 
without  any  compensating  mental  state.  I 
think  there  are  more  depressed  people  who 
stop  drinking  than  people  who  drink  to 
excess  because  of  depression. 

What  Alcoholism  Is 

If  one  considers  alcohol  addiction  as  a 
final  goal  to  which  many  roads  lead,  a 
classification  of  alcoholism  must  be  made 
so  as  to  orient  thinking  and  differentiate 
the  treatment  of  the  individual  alcoholic. 

Alcoholism  is  somewhat  like  murder  in 
this  respect:  A  man  may  commit  murder 
as  a  social  right  because  his  community  re- 
gards the  avenging  of  a  private  wrong  by 
personal  punishment  as  laudable.  In  the 
early  history  of  mankind,  killing  in  this 
way  was  no  crime.  And,  in  many  extant 
communities,  to  kill  because  one  must  be 
one's  own  agent  for  vengeance  is  still 
praised  and  so  has  the  urgent  potency  of 
the  mores  behind  it.  Thus  we  have  a  so- 
cial-cultural background  for  murder.  A 
man  may  kill  through  emotional  disturb- 
ance and  in  the  heat  of  individual  battle. 
This  is  the  most  familiar  type  of  killing. 


Another  may  take  life  in  pursuance  of 
some  other  criminal  act  such  as  robbery. 
His  intent  may  not  be  to  murder  at  all, 
but  the  murder  flows  out  of  the  situation 
and  is  incidental  to  the  crime  motivation 
as  a  whole.  A  man  may  commit  murder 
because  he  is  deluded,  has  ideas  of  perse- 
cution, dementia  praecox,  general  paresis  or 
some  other  mental  disease.  And  finally,  a 
man  may  commit  murder  because  he  is 
so  low  in  the  intellectual  scale  that  he  does 
not  know  the  difference  between  right  and 
wrong  and  has  not  been  able  to  assimilate 
the  cultural  ideology  in  this  respect.  The 
same  act — killing — may  thus  be  approached, 
so  far  as  motivation  and  psychological 
causation  is  concerned,  by  many  roads.  And 
many  roads  lead  to  alcoholism. 

The  escape  motivation  of  alcoholic  in- 
dulgence has  been  worked  to  death  and 
has  become  a  psychiatric  and  social  cliche. 
Men  drink  to  celebrate  a  past,  present  or 
coming  event.  Some  seek  the  good  will 
and  esteem  of  others  in  a  combination  of 
social  propitiation  and  self-glorification  or 
exhibitionism;  thus  vanity  is  one  of  the 
great  sources  of  the  motives  for  drinking. 
Others  drink  to  alleviate  fear,  sorrow,  fa- 
tigue, and  boredom — the  Four  Horsemen 
of  the  Weary  Spirit;  a  few  to  dissolve  the 
shackles  of  the  Brooding  Self;  and  finally 
most,  because  it  is  the  inexorably  pressing 
"thing  to  do."  Out  of  the  primary  social, 
racial,  sexual  predilection  and  pressure, 
without  which  there  is  no  alcoholism,  some 
find  their  way  to  addiction. 

Social  Pressures 

Again,  what  are  these  roads  to  alcohol- 
ism P  There  is,  first  of  all,  a  cultural  pat- 
tern which  does  not  frown  effectively  on 
the  most  important  road  to  alcoholism — 
heavy  drinking — and  which  even  tends  to 
encourage  it.  At  the  same  time,  another 
cultural  pattern  disavows  heavy  drinking, 
punishes  it,  regards  it  as  evil,  unhygienic, 
and  so  on.  This  conflict  of  social  attitudes 
I  have  described  elsewhere  as  the  social 
ambivalence  towards  alcoholism.  In  some 
racial-social  groups  there  is  very  little  am- 
bivalence. The  group  is  very  definitely 
against  alcoholism.  This  is  the  case  of  the 

In  other  groups  the  pressure  towards 
heavy  drinking  is  strongly  based  socially 
and  has  a  long  history.  This,  in  my  opin- 
ion, is  the  case  among  the  people  of  north- 
ern Europe.  It  is  noteworthy  that  the  only 
groups  which  included  drunkenness  and 
fighting  in  their  concept  of  paradise  were 
the  Germanic  peoples.  In  Valhalla  the 
heroes  fought  all  day,  then  were  carried 
back  by  the  Valkyrie  to  Valhalla,  were 
miraculously  cured  of  their  wounds  and 
spent  the  night  in  an  orgy  of  drinking. 
Nothing  is  said  about  what  happened  to 
the  Valkyrie.  Thus,  among  the  northern 
peoples,  to  drink  heavily  was  considered  a 
sign  of  manhood,  and  the  capacity  to  carry 
alcohol  so  well  as  to  drink  the  other  con- 
testant under  the  table  is  enshrined  in 
legends,  sayings,  and  injunctions  as  the 
mark  of  the  gentleman. 

There  is  therefore  a  social  pressure  in 
many  communities  and  racial-social  groups 
which  favors  heavy  drinking,  which  makes 

it  a  proof  of  virility,  which  gives  it  the 
sanction  of  ceremony,  and  finally  establishes 
it  by  the  greatest  of  social  powers — cus- 
tom. This  social  pressure  does  not  operate 
equally  on  all  persons,  just  as  the  trend 
towards  learning  and  the  praise  of  war  do 
not  operate  equally  to  make  scholars  and 
soldiers  of  the  various  members  of  the 
population.  Nevertheless,  social  pressure 
must  never  be  forgotten  as  a  factor  in  the 
development  of  heavy  drinking,  which  in 
its  turn  becomes  the  main  road  to  alcohol- 

It  must  be  asserted  that  most  "heavy 
drinkers"  remain  relatively  normal,  how- 
ever foolish  and  deplorable  it  may  be  to 
drink  too  frequently  and  too  much.  So 
long  as  a  man  drinks  socially,  does  not 
damage  his  physical  health,  does  not  lose 
much  time  from  his  work,  does  not  sink 
from  the  social  and  economic  position  to 
which  he  has  risen,  does  not  loosen  the 
ties  which  bind  him  to  friends  and  family, 
he  is  not  yet  a  true  alcoholic. 

Put  more  psychologically  and  somati- 
cally,  alcoholism  appears  mainly  as  the  out- 
growth of  heavy  drinking.  Here  I  use 
some  of  the  criteria  which  Robert  Seliger, 
the  Johns  Hopkins  psychiatrist,  uses  to 
mark  the  transition  from  drinking  to  al- 
coholism: when  the  morning  after  finds 
the  drinker  so  tremulous  and  disorganized 
that  he  feels  an  urgent  need  for  the  all  too 
transiently  steadying  drink;  when  he  must 
use  alcohol  for  a  prop  in  the  pressing  daily 
occasions  when  doubt,  frustration,  fatigue, 
and  monotony  assail  him — in  short,  when 
pleasure  is  supplanted  by  craving,  and  de- 
privation brings  out  the  zestless  restless- 
ness of  the  drug  addict.  The  sensible 
drinker  seeks  a  mild  euphoria  and  an  easier 
access  to  other  pleasures;  the  alcoholic  has 
lost  other  roads  to  euphoria  and  seeks 
anesthesia  as  the  Good  of  his  existence. 

Who  Becomes  an  Addict? 

Within  the  ever  present  framework  of 
the  social  pressure  as  manifested  by  sex, 
racial-social  status,  as  well  as  by  occupa- 
tion, who  becomes  the  heavy  drinker  is  a 
relevant  question.  My  impression  is  that 
the  man  with  the  delusive  gift  of  a  metab- 
olism that  withstands  alcohol  well,  who 
does  not  easily  become  sick  or  adversely 
affected,  and  who  in 'the  earlier  periods  of 
his  life  quickly  builds  up  a  tolerance  for 
increasing  doses  of  this  drug,  is  in  danger 
of  alcohol  addiction  through  the  road  of 
heavy  drinking.  Conversely,  the  man  who 
becomes  dull,  dazed,  dizzy  by  a  drink  or 
two,  whose  metabolism  is  such  that  he 
"gets  nothing  out  of  it"  but  the  unpleasant, 
and  who  finds  on  repeated  experience  and 
experiment  that  he  cannot  build  up  a  real 
tolerance,  does  not  become  a  heavy  drink- 

This  is  not  different  from  the  mental 
and  physical  reactions  to  other  drugs.  Some 
people  are  adversely  excited  by  morphine; 
for  some  the  usual  euphoria  of  benzedrine 
is  replaced  by  an  agitated  depression;  and 
the  chemical  idiosyncrasy  of  the  finer  and 
hidden  structures  of  people  produce  either 
allergy  or  tolerance  to  everything  chemical 
from  the  barbiturates  to  strawberries. 

When    we    come    down    to    immediate 


factors  in  the  creation  of  addiction,  it  seems 
to  me  we  may  state  the  case  somewhat  as 
follows:     It  is  difficult  to  isolate  the  per- 
sonality types  who  become  alcoholic,  yet  it 
is  probable  that  certain  personality  types  do 
1  become    alcoholic    more    frequently    than 
1  others.     I   think   the   "unorganized   extro- 
I  vert"   becomes    an    alcoholic    very    readily. 
|  This  is  the  individual  who  remains  on  a 
I  frank  level  of  hedonism   without  the   de- 
ll velopment  of  sentiment,  whose  energies  are 
I  expended  without  engrossing  and  fixed  pur- 
!•:  pose,   who  drifts  in  the  present  moment, 
I  not  governed  by  the  past  or  directed  by  a 
I  future. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  hobo,  the  com- 
\   plete  example  of  this  type,  is  a  hobo  be- 
cause of  his  addiction  to  alcohol.    I  think 
his  addiction  to  alcohol  is  part  of  the  same 
I   general  trend  which  has  led  to  his  becom- 
i   ing  a  hobo.     He  has  not  built  up  an  or- 
I   ganized  self.    He  has  no  fixed  attachment 
!,  to  a  woman,  so  he  does  not  marry.    He  has 
no  loyalty  to  a  locale,  so  he  migrates  from 
place  to  place.    He  has  no  developed  skill, 
j  because  he  is  not  industrious  and  follows 
j  itinerant  occupations  merely  to  get  enough 
;j  to  sustain  life  and  to  obtain  alcohol  in  any 
form.    He  drinks  to  excess  because  he  has 
.;  nothing  to  keep  him  sober.     There  is  no 
inner   inhibition    against    alcoholism.      He 
i    does  not  belong  to  any  social  or  religious 
:   group  which  is  against  alcoholism,  because 
I  he  is  not  a  joiner  or  a  church-goer.     The 
I  positive  social  pressure  towards  alcohol  in- 
i   dulgence  operates  without  let  or  hindrance. 
The    unorganized    extroverts,   of   whom 
the  hobo  is  merely  the  extreme  example, 
become  the  "sot"  drinkers,  who  drink  with- 
j   out  fastidiousness  or  ceremony,  who  gather 
together  in  alleyways,  in  lonely  cabins  along 
the  river  or  in  the  woods,  and   pass  the 
j   bottle  around.     But  the  sot  needs  no  com- 
j   panionship   for   his   drinking,   and   in   his 
;    case  John  Barleycorn  has  nothing  to  fear 
j    from  Venus.    All  other  hedonistic  striving 
I    becomes   stilled   when   alcoholism   becomes 

A  second  type  of  alcoholic  is  by  his  in- 
trinsic nature  the  opposite  of  the  unor- 
ganized extrovert.  Here  we  encounter  the 
unfortunate  who  has  what  I  call  the  "so- 
cial anxiety  neurosis."  Meeting  with  his 
fellow  men  fills  him  with  dread.  He  can- 
not face  their  scrutiny  without  stammer- 
ing, inner  tremor,  or  somatic  disturbance 
of  one  type  or  another.  Yet  he  yearns  ar- 
dently to  be  one  with  his  fellows  and  to  be 
at  ease  in  social  relationship.  Except  un- 
der the  influence  of  alcohol  he  finds  this 
impossible  to  do.  Without  alcohol  he  gets 
shoved  into  a  corner,  lonely  and  miserable. 
With  alcohol  his  fear  is  assuaged.  His 
obsessive  self-consciousness  disappears,  and 
the  alcohol  either  releases  a  latent  self-con- 
fidence or  paralyzes  the  paralyzing  inhibi- 
tions. So  he  becomes  bold  and  feels  him- 
self capable  of  holding  up  his  end  with  his 
fellows.  His  tongue  becomes  loosened,  and 
thus  relieves  him  of  one  of  his  main  diffi- 
culties, which  is  that  he  can  find  nothing 
to  talk  about.  Alcohol  makes  him  voluble 
by  releasing  his  repressed  loquacity.  He 
becomes  friendly,  sociable,  and  free. 

Since  the  social  anxiety  neurosis  is  usu- 
ally a  chronic  mental  state,  it  is  easy  to  see 


that  in  some  cases — those  who  belong  to 
racial-cultural  groups  which  do  not  frown 
on  alcoholism  and,  in  addition,  who  toler- 
ate alcohol  fairly  well — alcohol  addiction 
readily  develops  as  a  final  phase  of  a  social 

Three  Types  of  Spree  Drinking 

There  are  three  types  of  spree  drinking 
of  interest  and  importance.  In  all  spree 
drinking  there  is  usually  prior  heavy  drink- 
ing, then  complete  or  comparative  sobriety, 
and  then  a  debauch  starts  which  goes  on 
day  and  night  until  the  hospital,  the  jail, 
or  occasionally  death  ends  the  frenzied 

One  type  seems  linked  either  to  a  re- 
curring depression  or  the  beginning  of  a 
manic  attack,  and  is  thus  not  so  much  true 
alcoholism  as  symptomatic  of  manic-de- 
pressive psychosis  leading  either  to  a  mental 
anguish  for  which  anesthesia  is  sought,  or 
else  to  an  extreme  recklessness  and  flam- 
boyance of  spirit  which  use  the  medium  of 
alcohol  for  a  fantastic  exhibitionistic  cele- 

The  second  variety  is  the  "reaction  to 
trouble  and  frustration"  spree.  This  is  not 
merely  getting  drunk  to  forget  or  escape; 
it  is  a  cycle  of  increasing  tempo  and  can 
only  be  stopped  forcibly  by  outer  power  or 
by  delirium  tremens,  or  neuritis,  or  pneu- 
monia, to  cite  a  few  of  the  effective  red 
lights.  As  a  rule,  this  kind  of  spree  drink- 
er is  ordinarily  a  restrained  drinker — one 
who  has  to  keep  himself  in  check  to  remain 
reasonably  sober.  Then  comes  what  one  of 
them  designated  as  the  pu;«h-over,  "the 
to-hell-with-it"  event  and  the  spree  is  on. 

The  third  type  is  entirely  baffling  in  its 
stark  periodic  alcoholism.  There  is  no 
mental  disease,  and  there  is  no  trouble. 
Fear,  worry,  fatigue,  boredom,  none  of  these 
is  evident  either  to  the  man  himself  or  to 
those  about  him.  Between  sprees  he  drinks 
not  at  all  and  refuses  the  ever-recurring 
invitation,  "What  will  you  have,"  firmly, 
good-naturedly,  and  without  any  feeling  of 
temptation.  Suddenly  and  after  a  brief 
inner  battle,  he  takes  the  fatal  first  drink, 
and  then  there  is  set  going  by  an  inexorable 
mechanism  a  feverish  debauch  in  barrooms 
and  hotel  rooms,  with  a  finale  in  hospital, 
jail  or  morgue.  Usually  this  dipsomaniac, 
as  the  older  literature  termed  him,  has 
been  a  heavy  drinker  who  finally  reaches 
abstinence,  but  thereafter  remains  on  a 
pharmacological  all-or-none  principle. 

Jobs  and  Alcohol 

One  of  the  roads  to  alcoholism  is  through 
occupation.  That  the  job  selects  the  man 
is  a  phase  of  economics  not  sufficiently 
stressed  by  economists  and  social  scientists. 
There  are  certain  occupations  which  de- 
mand "high  pressure"  of  those  who  engage 
in  them.  The  worker  has  to  be  quick, 
aggressive,  enthusiastic;  he  has  to  over- 
cqme  resistance  by  a  forcible  front;  he  has 
to  match  wits  and  ply  argument;  and  espe- 
cially he  has  to  entertain  the  customer. 
So  alcohol  is  used  as  a  means  of  entertain- 
ment, social  union,  and  to  bring  about  that 
affability  by  which  deals  are  made. 

I  cite  merely  one  occupation  of  many 
in  which  heavy  drinking  is  almost  de- 


manded  and  so  is  common,  thus  readily 
becoming  metamorphized  into  alcohol  ad- 
diction. The  big  city  salesman  or  agent  in 
a  competitive  business  entertains  his  cus- 
tomers and  especially  those  who  come  from 
rural  districts  and  small  towns  to  combine 
business  with  free  pleasure.  And  drinking 
permeates  all  such  entertainment.  To  the 
customer  the  debauch  becomes  a  pleasant 
or  regretful  episode;  to  the  salesman  it  is 
part  of  a  dangerous  career.  Dangerous, 
that  is,  to  men  of  some  races  and  not  to 
others,  to  men  who  lack  the  full  natural 
vitality  and  to  whom  alcohol  furnishes  the 
fuel  for  an  artificial  and  dangerous  pres- 
sure. Wherever  "personality"  is  demanded 
as  part  of  the  selling  process,  in  the  profes- 
sions as  well  as  in  business,  and  wherever 
entertainment  is  a  part  or  the  whole  of 
the  transaction — in  short,  where  personality 
or  sociability  become  unduly  emphasized, 
alcohol  addiction  becomes  the  lot  of  a  dis- 
proportionate number  of  men  and  women. 
It  is  very  easy  to  classify  the  alcoholic  as 
a  constitutional  psychopathic  inferior,  and 
to  commit  the  logical  error  of  circular 
reasoning,  namely,  the  alcoholic  is  a  con- 
stitutional psychopathic  inferior  because  he 
drinks  to  excess,  and  he  drinks  to  excess 
because  he  is  a  constitutional  psychopathic 
inferior.  The  evidence  of  abnormal  per- 
sonality among  prohibitionists  needs  to  be 
studied  as  a  counterbalance  to  the  study  of 
the  personality  of  alcoholics.  In  the  one 
case,  the  negative  social  pressure  in  respect 
to  drinking  has  won  the  day;  whereas,  in 
the  case  of  the  alcoholic,  the  positive  social 
pressure  has  become  victorious. 


The  roads  to  alcoholism  are  many,  but 
they  are  always  offshoots  of  the  highway  of 
social-racial  custom  and  tradition.  The 
treatment  of  the  individual  case  has  at  this 
time  some  twenty  varieties,  ranging  from 
Alcoholics  Anonymous  and  frank  religious 
exhortation  to  spinal  fluid  drainage,  benze- 
drine sulfate  and  the  conditioned  reflex,  not 
forgetting  psychoanalysis,  psychothera- 
peutics,  and  shock  therapy. 

Whoever  wishes  ardently  to  prevent  al- 
coholism will  need  the  heart  of  a  lion,  the 
wiliness  of  the  serpent,  and  the  guileless- 
ness  of  the  dove.  He  will  meet  head  on 
not  only  the  terrific  power  of  tradition  and 
custom,  but  also  the  power  of  great  indus- 
tries as  they  fight  for  the  sale  of  a  danger- 
ous product — a  drug — by  advertising  cam- 
paigns and  the  corruption  of  legislatures. 
Not  only  all  this,  but  he  who  seeks  to 
bring  about  a  reasonably  drinking  society 
will  sooner  or  later  find  that  he  has  to 
deal  with  the  structure  of  a  somewhat 
crazy  society — a  society  riddled  with  the  in- 
justices of  bad  working  conditions,  miser- 
able slums,  the  twin  evils  of  poverty  and  of 
unearned  wealth,  of  insecurity  and  unem- 
ployment, and  the  hectic  atmosphere  of  en- 
hanced sensuality  and  luxury-seeking.  In 
short,  in  order  to  prevent  men  and  women 
from  the  false  euphoria  and  the  unquiet 
anesthesia  of  alcohol  addiction,  he  must 
become  more  than  physician  and  psychia- 
trist; he  must  take  on  the  task  of  the  so- 
cial reformer. 


"An  Ordinary  American 

The  Japanese  Americans  in  the  U.  S.  army  have  a  living  symbol 
of  Uncle  Sam — he's  a  youngish  Mississippian  named  Earl  Finch. 

entage,  who  had  lost  a  leg  in  Italy,  lay  in 
the  army's  Walter  Reed  Hospital  longing 
for  his  family  and  friends  in  Hawaii.  Sud- 
denly he  saw  approach  his  bedside  a  pleas- 
ant faced  man  wearing  a  pineapple  printed 
Hawaiian  shirt.  "That  shirt  looked  won- 
derful," he  now  relates,  "but  when  the 
man  told  me  his  name,  I  was  so  excited 
I  nearly  jumped  out  of  bed  without  my 

The  soldier  had  never  seen  Earl  Finch 
before,  but  he  had  heard  hundreds  of 
stories  about  him.  To  meet  him  in  person 
was  like  receiving  a  visitor  from  home. 

For,  Earl  M.  Finch,  soft-spoken,  reticent, 
southern  businessman  and  farmer,  is  the 
hero  of  American  soldiers  of  Japanese  an- 
cestry. His  name  is  revered  by  the  several 
thousands  of  them  now  fighting  in  Italy 
and  France,  by  the  hundreds  lying  wound- 
ed in  army  hospitals  in  this  country,  and 
by  their  families,  many  of  whom  are  still 
in  relocation  centers.  This  hero  worship 
has  resulted  from  only  one  cause — friend- 
ship. It  has  spread  like  a  flame  in  the  year 
and  a  half  since  the  quiet  southerner  began 
to  spend  most  of  his  time  and  much  of 
his  money  befriending  people,  particularly 
soldiers,  who  are  members  of  what  has 
been  called  the  loneliest  minority  group  in 

They  Were  Lonely  Boys 

The  object  of  this  mass  affection  is  a 
slight  man,  somewhere  in  his  middle  thir- 
ties, who  lives  in  Hattiesburg,  Miss.,  with 
his  father  and  invalid  mother.  He  owns  a 
second-hand  furniture  establishment,  and  a 
combination  bowling-alley  and  army  goods 
store,  as  well  as  a  stock  farm  outside  the 
town,  and  he  prefers  to  be  known  as  a 
farmer  rather  than  a  businessman. 

Earl  Finch  has  a  hero,  too.  This  is  his 
kid  brother,  now  in  combat  duty  in  the 
Pacific.  When  Earl  found  he  was  unable 
to  get  into  the  army  himself,  he  decided  to 
spend  the  proceeds  of  his  businesses  extend- 
ing hospitality  to  servicemen — the  kind  of 
hospitality  he  would  like  to  have  strangers 
offer  his  brother. 

He  began  by  introducing  himself  to 
British  and  French  seamen  in  New  Orleans 
and  taking  them  on  short  trips  to  sur- 
rounding points  of  interest  or  to  night 
clubs.  He  picked  out  foreign  servicemen 
because  he  felt  that  they  were  the  ones 
who  needed  friendship  most. 

Then  one  day  in  the  summer  of  1943 
as  he  was  walking  down  Hattiesburg's 
main  street,  he  noticed  in  front  of  him  a 
very  small  man  in  an  American  army  uni- 
form much  too  big  for  him.  The  soldier 
lingered  at  a  shop  window  and  Mr.  Finch 
saw  an  Oriental  face  reflected  in  the  glass. 
"The  little  man  looked  so  forlorn,"  said 


— Constant  reader  of  the  Pacific  Citizen, 
lively  weekly  publication  of  the  Japanese 
American  Citizens  League,  is  our  asso- 
ciate editor,  Kathryn  Close.  And  when 
she  found  in  its  pages  frequent  items 
about  Earl  Finch,  she  felt  she  must  know 
more  about  him.  This  story  of  friend- 
ship is  the  result. 

he  when  pressed  for  the  story,  "that  I 
invited  him  home  to  supper." 

The  soldier  came  armed  with  a  big 
bunch  of  American  Beauty  roses  for  Mr. 
Finch's  mother.  After  supper,  he  spent 
hours  in  pleasant  conversation  with  her. 
"Then  I  knew  I  liked  him,"  says  her  son. 

That  was  the  beginning  of  an  interest 
in  Japanese  Americans  that  has  gradually 
absorbed  more  and  more  of  Earl  Finch's 
time.  The  soldier  he  had  entertained  was 
a  member  of  a  large  group  of  volunteers 
of  Japanese  ancestry  then  stationed  at  Camp 
Shelby.  They  were  lonely  boys.  Their  ad- 
vent to  the  state  had  met  with  a  blast  from 
a  prominent  politician  that  was  hardly  con- 
ducive to  self-assurance  in  young  men  who 
since  Pearl  Harbor  had  felt  themselves 
suspect  wherever  they  went.  They  shied 
away  from  the  USO  clubs  after  a  few  ex- 
periences of  finding  themselves  standing 
apart  as  self-conscious  onlookers.  They 
avoided  the  dances  at  the  service  clubs  in 
the  camps,  for  there  were  no  girls  for  them. 

Mr.  Finch  began  to  take  small  groups 
of  these  boys  to  his  home.  When  he  be- 
came familiar  with  their  needs,  he  decided 
to  entertain  them  in  larger  numbers.  He 
invited  600  to  a  picnic  at  his  farm,  where 
he  staged  a  rodeo,  complete  with  cow- 
punchers,  unbroken  horses,  and  all  the 
trimmings.  At  another  time,  he  took  out 
300  for  a  watermelon  picnic.  When  Christ- 
inas came,  he  bought  up  all  the  cigars  in 
Hattiesburg  and  sent  them  to  the  boys  at 
the  camp  along  with  truckloads  of  fruit — 
"mangoes  and  bananas  and  things  we 
hadn't  seen  for  a  long  time,"  says  one  boy 
trom  Hawaii  who  is  still  talking  about  it. 

The  Numbers  Increase 

But  the  hospitable  southerner  was  not 
satisfied  with  what  entertainment  he  could 
offer  the  soldiers  himself.  Nearly  300  miles 
from  Hattiesburg,  at  Rohwer,  Ark.,  stands 
one  of  the  War  Relocation  Authority's 
temporary  relocation  centers,  where  there 
are  several  thousand  of  the  Japanese  and 
Americans  of  Japanese  descent  who  were 
evacuated  from  their  West  Coast  homes  in 
the  early  months  of  the  war.  To  Mr.  Finch 
its  proximity  represented  an  opportunity. 
He  got  in  touch  with  army  service  officers 
and  arranged  for  buses  to  be  sent  to  the 
center  (and  also  to  Jerome,  Ark.,  where 
there  was  another  center  which  has  since 

closed)  to  bring  girls  for  his  soldier  friends 
to  the  camp  dances.  The  boys  themselves 
paid  the  expenses  and  about  sixty  girls 
came.  The  experiment  was  so  successful 
that  it  has  been  repeated  at  intervals  of  two 
or  three  months  ever  since. 

He  also  helped  persuade  the  local  United 
Service  Organizations  council,  of  which  he 
is  a  member,  to  cooperate  with  USO  repre- 
sentatives in  the  establishment  in  Hatties 
burg  of  a  special  club  for  these  soldiers 
where  they  could  feel  at  home — the  nov 
popular  Aloha  USO  Club. 

He  put  up  trophies  for  athletic  contest 
on  the  post  and  made  it  possible  for  the 
boys   to   go   on   athletic   trips   outside   the 
camp,  sometimes  to  meet  with  professionals. 

He  arranged  for  publication,  at  his  own 
expense,  of  the  battle  song  "Go  for  Broke," 
(Hawaiian  slang  for  shoot  the  worlds)  writ- 
ten by  Pfc.  Harry  Hamada  of  the  442nd 
Combat  Team  and  adopted  as  its  official 

With  all  his  efforts  to  extend  opportuni- 
ties for  recreation  to  as  many  soldiers  as 
possible,  Earl  Finch  never  lost  personal 
touch  with  the  boys.  He  arranged  hotel 
space  in  New  Orleans  for  those  who  were 
fortunate  enough  to  have  a  three-day  pass. 
Occasionally  he  entertained  a  group  by  tak- 
ing them  to  the  city.  He  drove  them  to 
the  relocation  centers  to  see  their  families 
or  friends. 

When  the  volunteers  moved  on  to  Eu- 
ropean battlefronts  and  were  replaced  by 
draftees,  also  of  Japanese  ancestry,  he  kept 
in  touch  with  the  old  crowd  by  mail  and 
made  friends  with  the  new.  He  takes  them 
to  ball  games,  giving  them  parties  in  his 
home  and  on  his  farm,  shows  them  a  gay 
time  in  the  city,  and  does  the  innumerable 
little  things  that  only  a  person  with  a  gift 
for  friendship  can  think  up.  Said  a  home- 
sick draftee  from  Hawaii  recently:  "Earl 
Finch  is  the  only  thing  that  makes  spare 
time  bearable." 

He  seems  to  have  a  knack  of  knowing 
just  what  the  boys  need  to  boost  their 
morale.  After  the  announcement  of  the 
atrocities  perpetrated  against  American 
prisoners  of  war  in  the  Philippines,  the 
Japanese  American  soldiers  at  Shelby  found 
themselves  restricted  to  the  post.  They  were 
engulfed  in  gloom  until  Mr.  Finch  and 
the  USO  arranged  for  a  Philippine  or- 
chestra from  New  Orleans  to  go  to  the 
camp  and  entertain  them  with  Hawaiian 
music.  The  very  fact  that  the  Filipinos 
were  willing  to  play  for  them  made  the 
boys  feel  better. 

Their  Families  and  Friends 

The  glimpses  he  caught  of  the  relocation 
centers  through  visits  "home"  with  the  boys 
aroused  Mr.  Finch's  interest  in  the  people 
living  in  those  drab  surroundings.  Last 



Mr.  Finch  at  Camp  Shelby,  Miss.,  distributing  trophies  to  the  winning  baseball  team  of  the  442nd  Combat  unit  of  Nisei  volunteers — 

spring  as  Easter  approached,  he  suggested 
to  the  Japanese  Americans  at  Camp  Shelby 
that  they  do  something  for  the  children  in 
the  Rohwer  center,  saying  he  himself  would 
put  up  $300  for  candy  Easter  eggs.  Re- 
sponding eagerly  to  the  idea,  the  men 
raised  $2,300.  On  Easter  day,  Mr.  Finch 
and  some  of  his  friends  went  out  to  the 
center  with  10,000  Easter  eggs,  a  ton  of 
candy,  2,000  pints  of  ice  cream,  and  "doz- 
ens and  dozens"  of  Easter  rabbits.  They 
took  furniture  for  a  camp  USO  and  equip- 
ment for  a  children's  playground. 

This  past  Christmas  he  again  stimulated 
a  children's  party  at  the  center  and  within 
a  week  had  received  over  1,200  letters  of 
appreciation  from  the  children.  In  this 
party  he  was  aided  by  the  men  of  the  171st 
Infantry  Battalion,  and  their  special  con- 
tribution was  furniture  for  the  living  room 
of  the  center's  old  men's  home. 

From  the  extension  of  personal  hospital- 
ity to  neighboring  soldiers  and  their  fam- 
ilies, Mr.  Finch's  interest  in  Japanese 
American  servicemen  has  turned  into  a 
full  time  job.  He  has  traveled  32,000  miles 
in  the  last  year,  visiting  other  camps  and 
army  hospitals.  Last  fall  he  invited  200 
boys  from  Camp  Fannin,  Tex.,  to  be  his 
guests  at  a  football  game  in  nearby  Tyler. 
He  took  a  Japanese  Hawaiian  orchestra, 
composed  of  boys  on  furlough  from  Camp 
Shelby,  on  a  trip  to  several  hospitals  around 
the  country  to  entertain  men  of  every  race, 
wounded  in  France  and  Italy.  Only  a  few 
days  ago  he  gave  a  party  in  a  New  York 
hotel  for  150  men — Japanese,  Chinese, 
Hawaiian — all  American  soldiers  on  fur- 
lough in  the  city. 

His    main    concern    now    is    with    the 


wounded— with  all  wounded  soldiers  but 
especially  those  of  Japanese  descent.  Re- 
cently he  invited  five  Japanese  Americans, 
on  furlough  from  the  Walter  Reed  Hos- 
pital in  Washington,  to  accompany  him  to 
New  York  for  a  "good  time."  One  had 
lost  a  leg,  one  an  arm,  two  had  lost  eyes, 
one  was  recovering  from  bullet  wounds 
(he  holds  a  Distinguished  Service  Cross), 
but  they  all  were  in  high  spirits  as  they 
"did  the  town"  with  their  friend. 

There    is    one    responsibility    that    Mr. 

Finch  has  taken  upon  himself  that  he  finds 
very  difficult.  This  is  visiting  the  relocation 
centers  to  see  families  of  men  who  have 
been  killed  in  battle. 

"Can  you  imagine  what  it's  like  to  call 
on  men  and  women  who  are  behind  barbed 
wire  and  try  to  help  them  find  comfort  in 
the  fact  that  their  son  died  for  his  coun- 
try?" he  asks.  But  whenever  he  hears  of  a 
Japanese  American  boy's  death — and  there 
have  been  many — he  makes  it  a  point  to 
get  in  touch  with  the  soldier's  family. 

— and  as  joint  host  with  Japanese  American  soldiers  at  a  Relocation  Center  party 


There  is  an  air  of  earnestness  about  Earl 
Finch  that  sometimes  seems  almost  tense, 
but  again  is  relieved  by  a  twinkle  of  fun. 
It  is  as  though  he  were  being  driven  by 
some  moral  urge  into  more  and  more 
feverish  activity,  but  with  it  all  was  enjoy- 
ing himself  tremendously.  His  manner  is 
somewhat  nervous — one  is  never  sure  when 
he  is  going  to  hop  up  and  move  about  the 
room,  or  even  walk  out  in  the  midst  of  a 

In  appearance  there  is  little  that  would 
make  him  stand  out  in  a  crowd.  He  is 
slim,  pale,  baldish,  with  blue  eyes  and  a 
pleasant  smile.  Somehow  he  combines  a 
provincial  simplicity  with  the  assurance  of 
a  man  of  the  world.  New  Orleans,  Wash- 
ington, New  York  are  as  familiar  to  him  as 
his  native  Hattiesburg.  Yet  there  is  a 
genuine  shyness  about  him — and  a  tendency 
to  blush. 

They  "Go  for  Broke" 

Anyone  interviewing  him  finds  it  hard 
to  learn  much  about  Earl  Finch.  But  one 
learns  a  lot  about  American  soldiers  of 
Japanese  ancestry,  for  Mr.  Finch  manages 
repeatedly  to  turn  the  subject  to  "our  boys." 

He  tells  of  their  heroic  exploits — indi- 
vidually and  as  a  group — and  of  the  kind 
of  people  they  are.  He  tells  of  the  100th 
Infantry  Battalion,  composed  entirely  of 

Hawaiians  of  Japanese  descent,  and  how 
they  participated  in  the  landings  at  Salerno 
and  in  every  major  action  in  Italy  since; 
of  the  1,000  Purple  Hearts  among  the 
original  1,300  men  of  this  group;  of  the 
numerous  citations  won  by  individuals  of 
the  battalion — by  July  there  were  eleven 
Distinguished  Service  Crosses,  forty-four 
Silver  Stars,  thirty-one  Bronze  Stars,  and 
three  Legion  of  Merit  decorations,  and  there 
have  been  many  since.  (The  group  has 
been  called  "one  of  the  most  decorated 
units  of  its  size  in  American  military  his- 
tory.") He  tells  of  the  442nd  Combat 
Team,  formed  when  the  army  called  for 
4,500  Japanese  American  volunteers  from 
Hawaii  and  the  mainland  "and  got  10,000"; 
of  how  last  summer  four  days  after  enter- 
ing the  front  lines  in  Italy,  men  of  this 
group  had  advanced  fifty  miles,  some  of 
them  getting  so  far  ahead  of  supply  lines 
that  they  had  to  go  without  food  for 
twenty-four  hours;  of  how  later  the  same 
men  spearheaded  the  rescue  of  the  "lost 
battalion"  of  Texans  in  the  Vosges  foot- 
hills in  France,  and  of  the  fierce  action 
they  have  been  seeing  with  General  Patch's 
Seventh  Army. 

He  speaks  of  individual  friends:  of  the 
cheerful  letters  he  receives  from  Yoshinao 
("Turtle")  Omiya,  whose  eyes  were  blown 
out  by  a  land  mine  at  the  Volturno  River 


Four  men  of  a  distinguished  battalion,  the  100th  Infantry;  they  were  wounded  in  Italy 

and  who  now  has  a  job  in  a  war  plant;  of 
another  Hawaiian  Japanese  who,  though 
he  lost  an  eye  and  is  still  in  the  hospital, 
keeps  worrying  army  officials  with  his  re- 
quests to  be  sent  back  into  combat  with  his 
comrades  of  the  100th. 

He  talks  of  the  Japanese  Americans  still 
at  Camp  Shelby,  the  boys  of  the  171st  In- 
fantry Battalion  who  seem  fired  with  a 
common  zeal  to  make  good  and  prove  their 
"Americanism";  of  the  men  of  the  442nd 
when  they  were  in  camp,  and  how  they 
raised  $100,000  among  themselves  in  a  war 
bond  drive,  and  contributed  $10,000  to  the 
American  Red  Cross  fund-raising  campaign. 

But  about  himself,  Earl  Finch  will  say 
little  except:  "I  am  just  an  ordinary  Amer- 
ican who  values  the  American  way  of  life." 

America  is  made  up  of  paradoxes,  so 
perhaps  it  is  not  unduly  strange  to  find  a 
dedicated  champion  of  a  minority  group  in 
Mississippi,  a  state  hardly  noted  for  its 
racial  tolerance.  The  way  has  not  always 
been  easy  for  Earl  Finch.  He  does  not 
mention  it,  but  others  bear  witness  to  the 
community  prejudice  he  often  has  been  up 
against  in  extending  his  hospitality. 

"He  is  an  individualist  and  he  does  not 
seem  to  care  whether  he  is  threatened  with 
social  ostracism,"  one  man  said  who  knew 
his  work  at  the  Aloha  USO  club.  But  the 
result  has  been  that  while  some  "influential 
persons"  have  looked  down  their  noses  at 
Mr.  Finch's  activities,  more  and  more  of  the 
townspeople  have  become  interested  in 
what  he  is  doing  and  have  adopted  a 
changed  attitude  to  the  Japanese  American 
soldiers  in  their  midst. 

The  Symbol 

Earl  Finch  does  not  talk  about  himself, 
but  almost  any  American  soldier  of  Jap- 
anese descent — even  one  who  has  never 
seen  him — will  talk  about  him  indefinitely. 
In  the  short  space  of  a  few  months  he  has 
become  almost  legendary.  The  Nisei  will 
tell  you  of  his  fabulous  wealth — "his  ranc 
is  so  big  he  has  to  use  an  airplane  to 
around  on  it,"  the  story  goes — while 
reality  he  is  a  man  of  comfortable  but  me 
est  means.  Men  who  have  been  overseas 
late  that  he  is  a  favorite  topic  of  conve 
sation  among  Japanese  American  bo 
when  they  have  time  to  "chin"  a  whili 
Hundreds  of  Nisei  soldiers  who  ha\ 
never  seen  him  write  to  him.  He 
received  as  many  as  500  letters  in  one 
One  veteran  of  the  442nd  tells  how  the  bo 
in  Italy  planned  to  write  him  a  chain  le 
ter,  for  they  knew  he  could  not  possih 
answer  all  the  individual  mail  he  receive 
But,  adds  the  soldier,  the  442nd  "got  bus 
before  the  letter  was  completed. 

Actually,  to  the  American  soldiers  of 
Japanese  ancestry,  Earl  Finch  represents 
something  more  than  a  friend  or  even  a 
hero.  To  them  he  has  become  a  symbol: 
an  indication  that  democracy  is  not  dead 
so  far  as  they  are  concerned;  that  they  are 
still  welcome  in  their  own  land;  that  the 
fight  for  freedom  has  as  much  meaning  for 
them  as  for  other  Americans.  It  is  known 
among  the  soldiers  that  one  young  Japanese 
American  died  on  an  Italian  battlefield 

"Say  good-bye  to  Mr.  Finch." 



Air  Age  Transportation 

From  the  ground  up  to  the  stratosphere,  postwar  passengers  and  cargo  will  move 
over  new  routes,  at  new  speeds,  by  plane,   helicopter,   railroad,   bus   and   car. 


of  cities  and  increased  our  urban  population 
from  15  to  60  percent.  We  called  it  the 
railroad  era.  Then  came  the  automobile 
which  dispersed  our  urban  population  into 
the  suburbs  and  created  the  metropolitan 
area.  That  was  the  automobile  age.  Now 
comes  the  airplane,  with  its  possibility  of 
creating  "one  world." 

Newspaper  readers,  radio  listeners,  and 
motion  picture  audiences  have  been  told  of 
the  spectacular  achievements  expected  frem 
aviation  after  the  war.  There  is  to  be  a 
Model  T  family  helicopter  landing  on  the 
roof  or  in  the  backyard.  A  helicopter  bus 
will  take  us  from  our  homes  in  the  hills  or 
on  the  beach  to  our  places  of  work  in  the 
city,  250  miles  away.  We  shall  have  dinner 
in  New  York  and  breakfast  in  London. 
No  place  in  the  world  will  be  farther  away 
than  forty-eight  hours.  Two-week  vacations 
will  be  spent  in  China  or  India.  We  are  to 
fly  across  the  North  Pole  to  Peiping  and 
Singapore.  The  Arctic  Ocean  will  be  to  the 
future  civilization  what  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  was  to  ancient  civilizations.  Inland 
cities  will  become  ports  for  planes  from 
foreign  lands. 

In  general,  the  public  has  been  satiated 
with  such  dazzling  stories;  now  it  wants 
to  know  not  what  are  the  possibilities,  but 
what  are  the  probabilities.  People  want  to 
see  the  future  of  aviation  in  its  proper 
perspective  as  it  fits  into  the  transportation 
system  along  with  the  railroads  and  the 

The  First  Postwar  Decade 

What  will  the  coming  century  of  flight 
be  like?  We  cannot,  of  course,  see  a  century 
ahead.  Who  at  the  close  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son's administration  could  have  predicted 
the  prewar  United  States  of  the  1930's? 
But  we  can  have  some  ideas  about  the  years 
immediately  after  World  War  II.  First, 
there  will  be  a  transition  period — perhaps 
two  years.  Then  a  decade  about  which  we 
can  make  some  predictions.  But  uncertain 
factors  blur  the  outline  of  the  second  post- 
war decade,  and  the  years  beyond. 

Technological  developments  are  also  oc- 
curring in  the  railway  and  automobile 
industries;  though,  to  be  sure,  not  so 
dramatically  as  in  aviation.  There  will  be 
changes  in  shipping.  Will  aviation  replace 
the  railroad  and  the  automobile  as  the  auto- 
mobile replaced  the  horse,  and  the  railroad 
the  stage  coach?  Or  will  aviation  be  added 
to  the  existing  system  as  the  automobile 
was  added  to  railroads  and  ships? 

In  1940,  the  total  inter-city  passenger 
travel  in  the  United  States  was  33,700,000,- 
000  passenger  miles,  of  which  1,100,000,000 
were  by  airplane.  Bus  travel  constituted 



— The  first  in  our  1945  series  of  articles 
exploring  war-speeded  developments  in 
science  and  technology  is  by  the  Sewell 
L.  Avery  distinguished  service  professor 
of  sociology  at  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago. Professor  Ogburn  was  director  of 
research  for  the  President's  Committee 
on  Social  Trends  (1930-33)  and  from 
1935  to  1943  was  research  consultant 
and  member  of  the  science  committee  of 
the  National  Resources  Committee.  He 
recently  completed  a  special  University 
of  Chicago,  study  of  aviation. 

10,900,000,000  of  the  total  passenger  miles 
and  the  railroads  19,800,000,000  passenger 
miles,  of  which  8,200,000,000  were  Pullman 
travel.  The  passenger  miles  for  private  auto- 
mobiles in  inter-city  travel  are  estimated  at 
246,000,000,000  but  the  length  of  automobile 
trips  was  much  shorter  than  for  buses. 

Thus  only  about  3  percent  of  the  com- 
mercial passenger  miles  between  cities  in 
our  last  peace  year  was  by  airplane. 
Passengers  traveled  at  a  rate  of  5.1  cents 
per  passenger  air  mile  as  compared  with  4 
to  4.25  cents  per  rail  mile  by  Pullman,  2.2 
to  2.5  cents  by  railway  coach,  and  1.5  to 
2.2  cents  by  bus. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  first  postwar 
decade,  airplane  travel  probably  will  amount 
to  some  7,000,000,000  passenger  miles  at 
around  3.5  or  4  cents  a  passenger  mile — 
if  business  conditions  are  good;  but  if  there 
is  a  fairly  severe  depression  then  four  or 
five  billion  miles  probably  will  be  a  closer 
estimate.  Thus  passenger  miles  by  airplane 
will  almost  equal  the  total  Pullman  traffic 
in  1940,  but  will  be  less  than  one  fifth  of 
the  total  inter-city  passenger  traffic.  How- 
ever, this  does  not  mean  that  the  railroads 
will  lose  all  their  Pullman  trade  to  the  air- 
planes. The  increased  passenger  miles  for 
the  airplane  will  come  partially  from  the 
creation  of  new  traffic. 

Air  Age  Railroads 

Apparently  the  railroads  are  going  to 
make  a  vigorous  effort  to  hold  their  Pull- 
man passengers,  especially  those  who  travel 
more  than  400  miles.  They  will  do  this 
by  improving  the  service  and  lowering  the 
charges.  A  Pullman  car  today  will  carry 
twenty-seven  passengers.  The  Pullman  car 
of  the  future  is  planned  to  carry  forty-five. 
The  price  suggested  is  around  two  dollars 
for  a  berth  (plus  the  regular  coach  fare) 
between  Chicago  and  New  York  City.  The 
theory  is  that  the  price  of  a  berth  should 
be  less  than  a  room  at  a  hotel.  Reclining 
coach  chairs  are  expected  to  be  considerably 
improved  in  comfort  and  to  be  provided 
without  additional  cost  to  the  passenger. 

Even  so,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  rail- 
roads will  have  to  curtail  their  Pullman 
schedules  and  cut  the  number  of  their  sleep- 
ing cars,  because  the  railroads  can  afford  to 
lower  Pullman  charges  only  if  the  cars  are 
filled.  This  may  mean  fewer  Pullman  ac- 

The  railroad  coaches  and  the  buses  are 
expected  to  lose  very  few  passengers  to  the 
airlines  since  most  of  the  travel  on  buses 
and  coaches  is  short  distance  travel.  The 
advantages  of  air  travel  are  greater  for  long 
distances,  in  both  expense  and  speed.  The 
cost  per  mile  on  airlines  increases  if  many 
stops  are  made  at  short  intervals.  The  sav- 
ing of  time  by  plane  also  is  less  if  frequent 
stops  are  made,  since  they  decrease  the  total 
block  speed.  Furthermore,  the  time  gained 
by  the  speed  of  air  travel  is  often  lessened 
by  the  necessity  of  having  to  go  back  and 
forth  to  an  airport. 

For  instance,  from  Peoria  to  Chicago,  the 
time  by  airplane  is  shorter  than  by  rail.  But 
when  the  time  required  to  go  from  the 
home  of  the  traveler  to  the  Peoria  airport 
and  from  the  Chicago  airport  to  the  'Loop 
is  included,  the  saving  in  time  is  wiped 
out.  A  helicopter  bus  will  depart  and  land 
closer  to  the  center  of  the  city,  but  the  rates 
by  helicopter  bus  are  likely  to  be  consider- 
ably higher  than  by  motor  bus,  possibly 
twice  as  much.  Thus  it  is  questionable 
whether  the  airplanes  and  helicopter  buses 
can  offer  as  frequent  schedules  as  the  bus 
and  railroad. 

Nevertheless,  aviation  will  enter  the  field 
of  short  distance  transportation.  Early  in 
1943,  there  were  288  cities  certified  for 
scheduled  air  service.  Counting  people  liv- 
ing within  a  25-mile  radius  of  the  airport 
as  having  air  service,  then  59.7  percent  of 
the  population  in  1943  was  reached  by  air- 
lines. Since  all  the  big  cities  have  airports 
on  scheduled  airlines,  doubling  the  present 
air  route  mileage  of  50,000  miles  would 
penetrate  downward  to  the  small  towns. 
However,  each  additional  thousand  route 
miles  will  serve  smaller  and  smaller  pro- 
portions of  the  population.  The  successful 
extension  of  air  routes  to  smaller  places 
will  depend  upon  the  degree  to  which 
economies  in  air  transportation  can  be 
made.  To  be  self-supporting,  these  local  air 
lines  would  have  to  charge  from  4  to  7 
cents  a  mile.  The  planes  are  likely  to  be 
small  and  the  schedules  infrequent. 

Aviation  at  present  is  used  by  the  higher 
income  groups  in  large  cities.  The  extension 
of  aviation  to  the  smaller  towns  will  be 
furthered  by  government  mail  subsidies, 
just  as  present  airlines  were  aided  by  mail 
subsides  in  the  1930's.  Indeed,  public  de- 
mand is  likely  to  force  delivery  of  first-class 
(Continued  on  page  58) 


The  family  cruiser — the  privately  owned  small  plane 

Photos  courtesy  of  Aftation  News 

Interior  view  of  the  small  commercial  plane  which  could  serve  little  towns 


The  big,  fast  plane  for  long  distance  travel  with  few  stops 

Cabin  comfort  for  distance  and  international  travel 

mail  by  air  to  all  the  places  where  it  can 
be  flown.  Increasingly,  mail  probably  will  be 
handled  at  towns  and  villages  by  passenger 
planes  using  a  device  enabling  them  to  pick 
up  and  drop  mail  sacks  while  traveling  at 
high  speeds.  Mail  also  will  be  carried  by 
helicopter  buses. 

Express  and  Local  Planes 

The  public  will  be  served  by  several 
different  types  of  aircraft.  Probably  most 
of  the  travel  between  large  cities  will  be 
in  planes  seating  from  forty  to  sixty  persons, 
or  two  and  three  times  greater  than  the 
capacity  of  the  famous  DC-3,  now  the 
standard  type  of  inter-city  service.  In  the 
first  decade  after  the  war,  block  speeds 
will  average  around  200  to  250  miles  an 
hour.  Most  of  these  planes  will  carry  some 
express.  There  will  be  bigger  planes  seating 
over  one  hundred  passengers  for  long  dis- 
tance travel  with  few  stops.  Planes  with 
pressurized  cabins  will  travel  above  10,000 
feet,  with  block  speeds  of  250  miles  or  more 
an  hour.  These  planes  will  go  from  coast 
to  coast  in  a  day  or  a  night  with  two  to 
four  stops  en  route,  and  at  a  cost  below 
that  of  Pullman  travel  today.  Smaller  cities 
will  be  served  by  planes  seating  twenty  or 
twenty-five  persons,  and  the  very  small 
places  by  slower  planes  carrying  a  dozen  or 

In  the  first  postwar  decade  hundreds, 
rather  than  thousands,  of  planes  will  be  re- 
quired to  handle  the  expected  domestic 
traffic — not  enough  to  keep  many  mass 
production  airplane  factories  busy.  In 
1942,  176  planes  averaged  8,400,000  pas- 
senger miles  per  plane  a  year.  The  plane  is 
a  very  efficient  carrier  because  of  its  speed. 
But  the  plane  is  more  suitable  for  frequent 
service  with  small  loads  than  for  large  loads 
and  less  frequent  schedules.  Where  the 
traffic  is  heavy,  as  between  New  York  and 
Washington,  planes  may  leave  every  few 

The  estimate  of  7,000,000,000  passenger 
air  miles  by  the  latter  part  of  the  first  post- 
war decade  is  an  estimate  based  upon  the 
projection  of  trends.  Actually  the  number 
will  be  above  or  below  7,000,000,000,  de- 
pending on  the  state  of  the  business  cycle. 
There  undoubtedly  will  be  business  de- 
pressions following  World  War  II.  De- 
pressions followed  the  first  World  War,  the 
Civil  War,  the  Napoleonic  wars.  We  cer- 
tainly do  not  yet  know  how  to  prevent 
depressions  under  our  existing  system 
without  resorting  to  war.  The  first  postwar 
decade  after  World  War  I  was  one  of 
growth  of  income  of  about  3  percent  a  year. 
These  were  prosperous  years,  but  the  second 
decade  witnessed  no  growth  of  income  at 
all.  Instead,  there  were  the  depressions  of 
the  1930's.  It  may  very  well  be  that  the 
growth  of  aviation  will  be  slowed  up  mark- 
edly by  a  business  depression  somewhere 
along  the  line  in  the  first  two  postwar 
decades.  But  aviation  should  continue  to 
grow  for  a  half  century  at  least.  The  rail- 
roads grew  in  number  of  passengers  car- 
ried for  three  quarters  of  a  century.  After 
sixty  years  of  growth,  telephone  expansion 
has  not  ceased,  nor  automobile  expansion 
after  forty  years. 
During  this  future  period  of  aviation  de- 

velopment and  growth,  the  costs  should 
work  downward.  How  far  down  they  may 
go  is  the  question.  Many  observers  think  3 
cents  a  mile  (in  money  of  present  purchas- 
ing power)  may  be  reached  within  a 
decade,  or  shortly  thereafter.  It  seems 
doubtful  whether  the  cost  will  go  as  low  as 
2.5  cents  a  mile.  It  does  not  appear  that 
aviation  will  ever  be  as  cheap  as  bus  trans- 
portation, though,  of  course,  such  a  sweep- 
ing prediction  is  unsafe  in  view  of  the  un- 
known technological  future.  With  rates  of 
3  or  2.5  cents  a  mile,  the  total  annual 
passenger  miles  might  reach  15,000,000,000. 
However,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
twenty-five  years  after  World  War  II  ends, 
our  population  will  have  stopped  increas- 
ing, unless  we  take  down  the  bars  to  im- 
migration or  do  what  no  nation  ever  yet 
has  done — reverse  a  declining  birthrate. 

These  estimates  of  lowered  costs  are 
made  on  the  expectation  of  technological 
improvements  in  engines,  propellers,  body 
design,  fuels,  and  assisted  take-offs.  Jet  pro- 
pulsion may  be  used  by  or  before  the 
second  postwar  decade  for  flights  of  suffi- 
cient distance  for  high  altitude  travel,  possi- 
bly in  combination  with  propellers. 

Cargo  Carriers 

.  It  is  more  difficult  to  predict  the  future 
transportation  of  cargo.  The  obstacle  is 
solely  one  of  price,  for  the  war  has  demon- 
strated that  there  are  no  mechanical  bar- 
riers. At  present,  the  rate  for  cargo  is  nearly 
the  same  as  the  passenger  rate — assuming 
200  pounds  per  passenger  and  baggage. 
Although  this  rate  includes  ground  han- 
dling charges,  it  is  a  very  high  rate  for 
general  cargo.  Yet  the  airlines  were  not 
making  money  up  until  World  War  II,  but 
were  aided  by  the  government. 

The  rates  for  cargo  from  door  to  door 
are  expected  to  drop  to  50  and  then  to  30 
cents  a  ton-mile  when  cargo  is  carried  on 
the  same  planes  with  passengers.  In  all- 
cargo  planes,  the  rates  should  be  several 
cents  lower.  But  even  at  these  expected 
rates,  competition  with  the  railroads  is  not 
likely  to  be  very  successful.  The  rail  express 
rate  is  about  10  to  11  cents  a  mile  for  long 
hauls.  Rail  freight  rates  are  about  1.5  or 
2  cents  a  ton-mile.  But  even  at  the  present 
high  rates,  air  cargo  has  had  a  rapid  ex- 
pansion. This  has  been  due  mainly  to  the 
phenomenon  of  emergency  orders.  In  addi- 
tion there  will  be  increasing  use  of  air 
transport  for  some  goods  with  a  high  value 
per  pound,  even  without  the  emergency 
factor — jewels,  motion  picture  films,  furs, 
luxury  clothing,  for  example.  And  in  parts 
of  South  America  and  Africa  which  lack 
railroad  and  highway  facilities,  the  cargo 
plane  has  shown  vast  possibilities  as  a  com- 
mon carrier  in  such  regions. 

Aviation  leaders  realize  the  great  poten- 
tialities in  air  cargo.  It  is  freight  that  sup- 
ports the  railroads.  But  the  great  volumes 
of  possible  cargo  will  not  be  transferred 
to  the  air  unless  the  rates  can  be  brought 
down  very  low.  Many  studies  have  been 
made  by  various  sources  attempting  to  find 
out  how  low  future  air  cargo  rates  may 
fall.  Not  many  have  been  able  to  predict 
rates  as  low  as  15  cents  a  ton-mile  from 
airport  to  airport.  Yet  there  are  some  stu- 

dents who  profess  to  see  a  rate  of  5  cents. 
Contract  rates  and  large  volumes  of  cargo 
may  bring  large  reductions.  In  the  foresee- 
able future,  air  cargo  is  expected  to  be 
confined  mainly  to  express  shipments,  ex- 
cept in  cases  of  emergency.  One  prospect 
is  that  perishable  fruits  and  vegetables  will 
be  shipped  by  air  from  the  Pacific  Coast 
to  eastern  markets. 

International  Travel 

The  future  of  international  air  passenger 
travel  is  quite  bright,  but  not  for  foreign 
air  cargo.  The  airplane  saves  a  great  amount 
of  time  on  the  long  distances  from  the 
United  States  to  Europe,  to  South  America 
and  the  Orient,  as  compared  to  water  travel. 
It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  passenger  rates 
in  the  postwar  decade  can  be  on  a  sound 
economic  basis  under  5  cents  a  mile.  Yet 
Pan  American  Airways  is  advertising  future 
trips  to  Hawaii  at  4  cents  a  mile  and  to 
South  America  at  3.5  cents.  Of  course,  other 
factors  than  costs  affect  prices.  Under  con- 
ditions of  cut-throat  competition  among 
the  railroads,  the  orice  charged  at  one  time 
for  travel  from  New  York  to  Chicago  by 
rail  was  $1  for  the  whole  journey.  With 
governmental  ownership  and  "favored  in- 
struments," national  rivalries  may  mean 
very  low  priced,  subsidized  travel. 

Transatlantic  passenger  travel  is  the 
largest  international  market  for  American 
airlines.  With  the  cessation  of  immigration, 
however,  the  volume  of  transatlantic  travel 
is  not  as  large  as  once  it  was.  There  were 
500,000  to  600,000  first  and  second-class 
tourist  and  cabin  passengers  a  year  before 
the  war  in  this  zone.  This  was  some  10,000 
a  week  and  could  be  carried  by  a  dozen  or 
so  of  the  projected  DC-7's  with  a  seating 
capacity  of  108  apiece,  making  the  trip 
across  in  fifteen  hours.  With  this  business 
divided  among  aviation  companies  of  the 
United  States,  France,  Britain  and  other 
countries,  the  amount  of  traffic  for  any  one 
nation  would  be  comparatively  small. 

But  international  travel  is  expected  to  in- 
crease in  volume  because  of  the  shortened 
time  necessary  for  the  trip.  A  journey  to 
Europe  by  ocean  liner  and  back  takes  ten 
or  eleven  days.  By  air,  less  than  two  days 
is  required.  Here  we  see  aviation's  greatest 
asset,  speed  and  saving  of  time.  Traveling 
by  air,  one  can  spend  eleven  or  twelve  days 
of  a  two-week  vacation  in  Europe.  Buyers 
and  sellers  and  other  business  executives 
can  go  to  foreign  areas  without  too  much 
loss  of  time  from  their  offices  at  home. 
Aviation  will  create  perhaps  as  much  traf- 
fic as  it  will  take  away  from  ships  by  the 
end  of  the  first  decade,  assuming  good 
business  conditions. 

If  a  million  passengers  a  year  were  car- 
ried on  international  routes,  that  would  be 
only  about  one  quarter  of  the  passengers 
carried  in  the  'United  States  in  1942  by 
domestic  airlines.  The  travel  across  the 
North  Atlantic  has  been  more  than  half  of 
the  total  transoceanic  travel  between  the 
United  States  and  other  nations.  Greater 
expansion  rates  are  expected  for  air  travel 
to  Latin  America  and  to  the  Orient  in  the 
postwar  decades.  However,  there  are  few 
data  on  which  to  make  quantitative  esti- 
mates. The  speed  and  time-saving  make 



aviation  companies  quite  optimistic  about 
the  future  volume  of  international  air  travel. 
But  it  should  be  recalled  that  a  vacation 
trip  to  Europe  still  will  require  several 
hundred  more  dollars  than  most  persons 
now  spend  on  their  vacations  in  this  coun- 

The  airplane  is  free  from  the  barriers  of 
water  and  land  and  can  follow  the  great 
circle  routes  which  give  the  shortest  dis- 
tance between  any  two  cities.  Since  we  are 
accustomed  to  thinking  in  terms  of  land 
and  water  travel,  some  of  the  great  circle 
routes  are  startling  to  us.  For  instance,  in 
traveling  from  this  country  to  Moscow  we 
save  time  by  going  across  the  Arctic  near 
the  North  Pole.  The  shortest  route  to 
Shanghai  takes  us  across  Alaska.  Since  air- 
lines need  passengers,  they  are  more  likely 
to  fly  over  areas  where  the  population  is 
dense  rather  than  follow  the  great  circle 
routes.  We  shall  probably  go  to  the  Philip- 
pines via  Alaska  and  the  shores  of  Japan 
and  China,  not  only  because  it  is  shorter 
than  going  across  the  ocean  but  also  be- 
cause there  will  be  more  passengers  along 
the  rim  of  North  America  and  Eastern 
Asia  than  across  the  great  stretches  of  the 

The  ocean  steamship  companies  are  in 
danger  of  losing  a  very  large  part  of  their 
first  and  second  class  passengers;  and,  if 
air  rates  are  3.5  cents  a  mile,  of  losing  their 
third  class  passengers  also.  It  is  difficult  to 
see  how  the  ships  can  retain  these  pas- 
sengers. The  appeal  of  their  services  reached 
its  zenith  in  the  floating  hotels  such  as  the 
"Queen  Mary."  But  these  ships  were  ex- 
pensive and  they  were  said  to  have  lost 
money  on  every  voyage  when  depreciation 
is  taken  into  consideration.  It  is  question- 
able whether  any  more  such  huge  luxury 
liners  will  be  built. 

There  will  be  some  travelers  who  will 
prefer  the  leisure  of  an  ocean  voyage, 
especially  if  the  cost  is  less  than  by  air. 
Such  voyages  are  likely  to  be  on  ships 
smaller-  than  the  luxury  liners  and  less 
speedy.  Development  of  a  fast,  medium- 
sized  vessel  that  would  carry  passengers 
more  cheaply  than  the  planes,  would  help 
retain  passengers  for  water-borne  craft.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  does  not  seem  probable 
that  the  airplane  will  take  much  cargo 
traffic  away  from  steamships,  and  at  only 
about  a  cent  a  ton-mile,  this  is  the  most 
profitable  end  of  the  shipping  business. 

Family  Planes  and  Helicopters 

The  greatest  non-military  use  of  the  air- 
plane up  to  the  present  has  been  to  trans- 
port passengers.  Most  observers,  however, 
expect  that  after  the  war  there  will  be  many 
private  planes,  carrying  from  two  to  six 
persons  as  does  the  private  automobile.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  there  were  25,000 
small  planes  owned  by  private  individuals. 
How  many  private  planes  will  there  be 
in  the  first  postwar  decade  and  beyond? 

The  most  common  predictions  are  that 
there  will  be  several  hundred  thousand 
privately  owned  small  planes  within  a  very 
few  years  after  the  war.  Many  returning 
soldiers  will  want  to  fly.  A  large  market 
for  small  planes  would  give  jobs  to  veterans. 

Photos  courtesy  Aviation  News 

Cargo  carrying  planes  of  today.  Above,  loading  army  equipment  for  transportation 
by   air;    below,   unloading  the   first  cargo   of   fruit  to   be   flown  from   coast  to   coast 

The  number  purchased  may  be  three  or 
four  hundred  thousand;  but,  if  so,  it  is 
possible  that  not  more  than  fifty  to  one 
hundred  thousand  will  find  much  use.  In 
other  words,  there  seems  likely  to  be  a 
boom  and  a  collapse. 

This  unpopular  viewpoint  is  based  upon 
several  factors.  The  market  for  the  small 
plane  will  be  largely  among  those  who  can 
buy  both  a  plane  and  an  automobile,  a  rela- 
tively small  group  in  the  high  income  class. 
The  costs  of  flying  are  around  five  to  ten 
dollars  an  hour,  with  limited  flying  time 
and  high  insurance  rates.  Another  draw- 
back is  the  scarcity  of  landing  fields  and 
their  distance  from  ultimate  destinations. 
Even  if  many  thousands  of  landing  places 

were  constructed  and  planes  developed 
which  could  land  and  take-off  in  a  few 
hundred  feet,  there  still  would  not  be 
enough  landing  places  to  reduce  satisfac- 
torily the  inconveniences. 

The  future  of  private  flying  is 'expected 
to  lie  with  the  helicopter  rather  than  with 
the  plane.  Technically,  the  plane  is  suited 
to  wide-open,  flat  spaces.  Yet  it  is  where 
people  live  that  the  demand  exists.  The 
helicopter  is  much  better  adapted  to  densely 
populated  areas,  since  it  can  descend  and 
ascend  vertically,  except  in  high  altitudes. 
But  the  helicopter,  as  a  usable  invention,  is 
only  six  years  old,  and  it  takes  a  long  time 
to  develop  a  complex  invention  for  general 
(Continued  on  page  76) 

FEBRUARY   '.945 


Postwar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment 

With  the  nation  tax-conscious  as  never  before,  there  is  widespread 
interest  in  proposed  programs  for  government  financing  after  the  war. 


popular  pastime  in  the  United  States.  New 
suggestions  turn  up  in  the  newspapers  al- 
most daily;  and  many  easy-to-read  pam- 
phlets, in  gay  covers  to  attract  the  layman, 
offer  comprehensive  tax  programs. 

The  reason  for  this  new  interest  and  ac- 
tivity is  clear.  The  war  tax  burden  has 
reached  unprecedented  levels.  During  the 
first  World  War  tax  rates  went  almost  as 
high  as  rates  today;  but  the  exemptions  also 
were  high.  In  consequence,  four  fifths  of 
our  families  paid  no  income  tax.  Today, 
fewer  than  one  fifth  escape  taxation.  In  the 
peak  year  of  the  first  World  War,  total 
yields  of  all  federal  taxes  did  not  reach 
$6,000,000,000.  In  1944,  they  came  to  $44,- 
000,000,000.  Thus  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  nation  has  become  tax  conscious,  as 
never  before. 

Despite  colossal  war  taxes,  the  larger 
part  of  war  costs  are  being  met  from  bor- 
rowed funds.  Even  at  current  levels,  tax 
revenues  have  not  covered  half  of  our  pres- 
ent expenditures.  But  since  approximately 
nine  tenths  of  federal  expenditures  are  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  they  will  fall 
sharply  when  the  war  is  ended.  We  shall 
not  need  to  equal  current  yields  to  balance 
postwar  budgets. 

After  the  first  World  War  we  enjoyed 
successive  tax  reductions.  Owing  to  greatly 
curtailed  spending  and  a  rising  national  in- 
come, we  were  able  not  only  to  balance 
budgets  but  to  make  substantial  reductions 
in  the  national  debt.  In  some  years,  tax  re- 
ductions were  actually  accompanied  by  ris- 
ing yields.  Many  tax  authorities  anticipate 
that  this  experience  may  be  repeated. 

Before  attempting  to  weigh  the  merits  of 
definite  proposals  which  have  been  made 
for  tax  reduction,  it  is  important  te  con- 
sider postwar  aims.  Taxes  are  levied  pri- 
marily to  meet  government  costs.  But 
should  we  attempt  merely  to  balance  war 
budgets,  or  should  we  provide  in  addition 
for  systematic  reduction  of  war  debts?  To 
answer  this  question  wisely,  the  effect  of 
debt  reduction  on  the  one  hand,  and  deficits 
on  the  other,  must  be  weighed.  Obviously, 
national  financing  on  present  or  any  pre- 
dictable future  levels  will  have  a  profound 
effect  on  the  entire  economy.  The  ideal  of 
an  earlier  generation  of  economists  —  the 
"neutral"  tax  system  which  does  not  inter- 
fere with  business  activity  or  the  distribu- 
tion of  wealth — is  clearly  not  attainable. 

To  be  realistic  it  is  important  to  recog- 
nize that  the  tax  system  has  become  an  im- 
portant instrument  for  stabilizing — or  dis- 
turbing— the  national  economy.  If  the  ac- 
cepted goal  of  full  employment  and  a  stable 
and  expanding  economy  is  to  be  attained, 
taxes  must  be  shaped  to  that  end.  If,  in 
addition,  we  wish  to  establish  a  minimum 


— Chairman  of  the  department  of  eco- 
nomics at  Vassar  College,  U.  S.  State 
Department  representative  at  the  recent 
conference  at  Bretton  Woods,  Mabel 
Newcomer  for  years  has  been  an  author- 
ity on  taxation.  She  has  served  on  many 
state  committees  on  fiscal  policies,  and 
in  1941-42  worked  with  the  U.  S. 
Treasury  Department.  Miss  Newcomer 
has  written  many  articles  and  books  on 
tax  problems. 

acceptable  standard  of  living  for  all,  that 
too  must  be  taken  into  account. 

New  Levels  of  Spending 

An  estimate  of  government  costs  is  the 
foundation  of  any  specific  program.  Ex- 
penditures in  the  late  nineteen-thirties,  re- 
garded at  the  time  as  extravagantly  high, 
ranged  from  seven  to  eight  billion  dollars. 
A  substantial  part  of  these  costs  was  for 
work  relief — an  expense  we  hope  to  escape 
after  this  war  through  high  levels  of  em- 
ployment. But,  even  so,  we  shall  be  faced 
with  other  new  high  costs.  In  spite  of  our 
success  in  keeping  interest  rates  low,  after 
the  war  the  total  interest  charges  on  the 
debt  alone  will  be  almost  as  great  as  was 
the  entire  cost  of  the  national  government 
in  prewar  years.  Then,  too,  there  will  cer- 
tainly be  an  enlarged  military  establishment 
to  maintain  along  with  unprecedented  ex- 
penditures for  the  assistance  of  war  vet- 
erans. As  experience  after  previous  wars 
has  shown,  these  and  other  factors  will  pre- 
vent national  expenditures  from  returning 
to  prewar  levels.  Usually  the  postwar  mini- 
mum has  been  three  or  four  times  the  pre- 
war standard. 

Postwar  tax  plans  offered  to  date  estimate 
government  costs  varying  from  $12  to  $38 
billions,  excluding  debt  retirement  and 
social  security  payments.  The  minimum 
estimate  is  clearly  unrealistic,  since  it  pro- 
vides for  no  expansion  over  prewar  (1938) 
expenditures,  except  the  necessarily  greater 
interest  charge  on  the  debt.  The  larg- 
est estimate  is  made  only  for  the  im- 
mediate postwar  years,  with  their  continu- 
ing high  military  costs,  rather  than  for  the 
normal  period. 

Tax  Cuts  and  Debts 

The  more  carefully  formulated  plans 
have  much  in  common.  All  emphasize  the 
importance  of  high  levels  of  income  and 
employment;  all  outline  a  federal  tax  system 
that  will  yield  from  three  to  five  times  as 
much  as  that  in  the  prewar  period;  but  all 
provide  for  more  drastic  tax  cuts  than  are 
consistent  with  any  systematic  reduction  of 
the  debt. 

In  none  is  debt  reduction  regarded  as  an 

end  in  itself.  Any  substantial  reduction  of 
the  debt,  resulting  from  an  excess  of  tax 
collections  over  current  government  ex- 
penditures, would  tend  to  decrease  purchas- 
ing power.  And  while  such  action  is  urged 
by  some  tax  planners  as  a  healthy  check  on 
too  rapid  business  expansion  and  inflation, 
it  is  assumed  that  periods  of  excess  revenue 
will  alternate  with  deficits.  For  with  any 
slackening  in  business  activity  it  is  im- 
portant, according  to  the  same  theory,  that 
government  spending  should  exceed  tax  col- 
lections. Most  of  the  plans  assume  a  bal- 
anced budget  only  at  a  high  level  of  em- 
ployment; and  since  we  shall  probably  fall 
short  of  this  level  more  often  than  we 
shall  exceed  it,  there  is  a  tacit  assumption 
that  there  will  be  a  long  time  upward  trend 
in  debts,  rather  than  a  reduction. 

An  extensive  public  works  program  is 
not  included  in  any  of  the  various  postwar 
tax  plans.  The  assumption  is  that  such  a 
program  will  be  needed  only  in  periods  of 
extensive  unemployment,  and  that  then  it 
is  important  to  expand  purchasing  power 
through  deficit  spending.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  not  all  of  the  tax  planners  subscribe  to 
the  principle  of  deficit  spending  for  public 
works,  though  those  most  opposed  are  even 
more  disturbed  by  high  taxes.  While  they 
favor  drastic  cuts  in  future  government 
spending,  they  are  unable  to  face  the  tax 
bill  required  for  a  genuine  program  of  debt 

Four  Programs 

So  much  for  generalizations  regarding 
the  approach  of  the  tax  planners.  What 
are  some  of  the  postwar  tax  plans  which 
are  receiving  the  widest  publicity  and  most 
serious  consideration?  There  is  the  so-called 
Twin  Cities  plan,  put  forward  by  the  Twin 
Cities  (St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis)  Research 
Bureau  under  the  title  of  "Postwar  Taxes: 
a  Realistic  Approach  to  the  Problem  of  Fed- 
eral Taxation."  There  is  the  plan  offered 
by  the  Committee  for  Economic  Develop- 
ment— "A  Postwar  Federal  Tax  Plan  for 
High  Employment."  There  is  the  proposal 
by  Beardsley  Ruml  and  H.  C.  Sonne,  "Fis- 
cal and  Monetary  Policy,"  sponsored  by  the 
National  Planning  Association.  And  there 
is  the  plan  of  Prof.  Alvin  H.  Hansen  and 
his  associate,  Harvey  S.  Perloff,  "State  and 
Local  Finance  in  the  National  Economy." 

In  these  four  plans,  estimates  of  postwar 
expenditures  range  from  $16  to  $23  billions 
— again  excluding  social  security  costs  and 
debt  retirement.  Such  estimates  mean  that, 
if  budgets  are  to  be  balanced  in  the  postwar 
period,  the  federal  tax  system  must  produce 
from  three  to  five  times  as  much  as  in  the 
prewar  period,  though  perhaps  not  more 
than  half  of  what  it  yields  at  present.  If 
we  were  to  maintain  current  tax  rates  and 


current  levels  of  income,  we  could  effect  a 
substantial  reduction  of  the  debt.  But,  while 
all  these  tax  plans  emphasize  the  impor- 
tance of  maintaining  high  levels  of  income 
and  employment,  they  provide  for  drastic 
immediate  tax  reductions  rather  than  any 
systematic  reduction  of  the  debt. 

In  all  four  programs,  advocates  and  op- 
ponents of  deficit  spending  alike  consider 
that  the  primary  objective  of  the  tax  system 
in  the  immediate  postwar  period  should  be 
to  promote  high  levels  of  employment  or  at 
least  to  restrict  industry  as  little  as  possible. 
All  are  agreed  that  this  approach  would  re- 
sult in  substantial  tax  reduction.  There  is 
further  agreement  that  tax  revenue  should 
be  adequate,  and  that  adequacy  means  pro- 
tection of  government  credit  rather  than 
regularly  balanced  budgets. 

However,  there  is  wide  difference  of 
opinion  among  proponents  of  the  four  plans 
when  they  come  to  the  question  as  to  which 
taxes  to  reduce  to  achieve  their  objectives. 
Today,  the  personal  income  tax  provides 
$18  of  the  |44  billions  of  federal  tax  reve- 
nues. In  all  four  plans  this  amount  would 
be  substantially  reduced,  although,  except 
in  the  Twin  Cities  program,  the  personal 
income  tax  is  retained  as  the  principal 
source  of  revenue  in  accordance  with  the 
stated  objective  that  taxes  should  meet  the 
test  of  ability  to  pay. 

Twin  Cities  Plan:  The  Twin  Cities  com- 
mittee urges  long  time  planning  for  debt 
reduction  and  at  the  same  time  offers  a  tax 
program  that  would  cut  current  yields  more 
than  half.  The  committee  places  the  en- 
couragement of  "venture  capital"  first  in  its 
list  of  tax  objectives,  and  argues  that  "to  a 
large  extent,  venture  capital  comes  from  the 

Major  Postwar 
Tax  Plans 

Area  of  agreement:  Drastic  tax  reduc- 
tion, including  repeal  of  excess  profits 

Twin  Cities  Plan:  Retention  of  corpora- 
tion income  tax  of  40  percent.  Drastic 
reduction  in  personal  income  tax.  Intro- 
duction of  5  percent  retail  sales  tax. 

CED  Plan:  Reduction  of  corporation 
income  tax  to  16  to  20  percent  and 
crediting  of  such  taxes  to  stockholders' 
personal  income  taxes.  Moderate  reduc- 
tion of  personal  income  tax.  Repeal  of 
all  consumption  taxes  except  those  on 
liquor,  tobacco,  and  gasoline. 

Ruml-Sonne  Plan:  Reduction  of  cor- 
poration income  tax  to  5  percent  of 
distributed  income  and  16  percent  of 
undistributed  income.  Moderate  reduc- 
tion of  personal  income  tax.  Repeal  of 
all  consumption  taxes  except  those  on 
liquor,  tobacco,  and  gasoline. 

Hamen-Perloff  Plan:  Alternative  plans 
for  corporation  income  tax  providing 
only  moderate  reduction.  Moderate  re- 
duction of  personal  income  tax  with  in- 
creased rates  in  periods  of  boom  and 
decreased  rates  in  periods  of  slump. 
Reduction  of  liquor  and  tobacco  taxes 
and  repeal  of  all  other  excises. 

individual  with  a  surplus."  From  this  it 
follows  that  reduction  of  income  taxes, 
through  increased  exemptions  —  and  par- 
ticularly through  reduced  surtax  rates — is 
necessary.  Therefore,  in  contrast  to  other 
plans,  the  committee  proposes  to  reduce  per- 
sonal income  taxes  more  than  corporation 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  recent  years  much 
of  the  saving  that  has  gone  directly  into 
industrial  expansion  has  been  done  by  cor- 
porations. Private  individuals  with  large  in- 
comes have  invested  increasingly  in  tax- 
exempt  state  and  local  bonds.  It  is  possible 
that  they  could  be  lured  back  to  private  in- 
vestment channels  if  there  were  drastic  tax 
reductions.  A  more  direct  approach  to  end- 
ing discrimination  against  industrial  invest- 
ment would  be  to  abolish  tax  exemption  for 
government  bonds;  this  would  put  competi- 
tion between  the  two  kinds  of  investment 
on  a  more  equitable  basis.  The  Twin  Cities 
group  does  not  propose  this  obvious 
measure — urged  in  most  of  the  other  tax 
plans — although  it  alone  has  placed  the  en- 
couragement of  .venture  capital  first  on  its 
list  of  objectives.  In  this  plan,  as  in  the 
others,  the  corporation  income  tax  remains 
at  present  levels.  It  is  proposed  to  repeal 
the  excess  profits  tax.  The  latter  measure 
should  offer  some  encouragement  to  venture 

The  Twin  Cities  committee  does  not 
mention  an  equitable  distribution  of  the 
tax  burden  as  an  important  objective.  Cer- 
tainly its  proposals  would  not  achieve  tax 
justice,  for  any  benefit  that  low  income 
families  might  derive  from  the  proposal  to 
increase  personal  income  tax  exemptions 
would  be  offset  by  the  accompanying  pro- 
posal for  a  5  percent  consumption  tax.  The 
real  beneficiaries  of  such  tax  reduction 
would  be  the  well-to-do.  In  sum,  the  pro- 
posals fall  far  short  of  our  standards  of 
equity,  would,  probably  be  quite  inadequate 
for  postwar  needs,  and  make  little  contribu- 
tion to  the  problem  of  maintaining  high 
levels  of  employment. 

CED  Plan:  The  Committee  for  Economic 
Development  offers  a  more  defensible  pro- 
gram to  achieve  its  stated  objectives — the 
least  possible  restriction  on  production  and 
employment,  fair  distribution  of  the  tax 
burden,  and  adequacy  of  taxes.  The  CED 
proposes  to  repeal  the  excess  profits  tax  and 
to  cut  the  rate  of  the  present  corporation 
income  tax  of  40  percent  in  half.  It  would 
permit  individuals  to  deduct  their  propor- 
tionate share  of  the  corporation  tax  from 
the  normal  tax  on  dividend  income,  thus 
doing  away  with  the  double  taxation  now 
existing.  It  would  provide  moderate  reduc- 
tions in  both  the  personal  income  tax  and 
in  consumption  taxes.  And  it  would  sub- 
ject the  interest  from  state  and  municipal 
bonds  to  taxation  like  other  income. 

This  plan  as  a  whole  achieves  substantial 
equity,  first  by  equalizing  the  taxes  on  in- 
come from  private  and  government  se- 
curities, and  second  by  depending  on  a 
highly  progressive  personal  income  tax  for 
more  than  half  of  the  federal  revenues.  It 
encourages  continued  business  activity,  prin- 
cipally through  substantial  reductions  in 
business  and  consumption  taxes. 

Ruml-Sonne  Plan:  The  primary  objective 
of  the  Ruml-Sonne  plan  is  "high  employ- 
ment under  private  enterprise."  It  assumes 
that  the  budget  will  be  balanced  at  a  high 
level  of  employment,  estimated  to  be  55,- 
000,000  workers  regularly  employed,  and  a 
national  income  of  |140  billions.  When 
employment  and  income  rise  above  this 
level,  it  is  assumed  that  the  tax  system  will 
yield  a  surplus  which  can  be  applied  to  re- 
duction of  the  debt.  When  income  and  em- 
ployment fall  below  this  level,  deficit  fi- 
nancing will  be  resorted  to  rather  than  new 

While  the  Ruml-Sonne  plan  is  similar  to 
that  of  the  CED,  it  makes  an  even  more 
drastic  reduction  in  corporation  taxes.  In 
addition  to  abolishing  the  excess  profits  tax, 
it  proposes  to  reduce  the  corporation  in- 
come tax  to  5  percent  of  distributed  income, 
as  compared  with  the  present  40  percent. 
Unlike  the  CED  plan,  it  does  not  provide 
for  deduction  of  this  sum  from  personal  in- 
come taxes.  The  retention  of  earnings  by 
corporations  would  be  penalized  through  a 
tax  of  16  percent  on  undistributed  profits. 

Hansen-Perloff  Plan:  The  Hansen-Perloff 
plan  goes  even  farther  than  the  Ruml- 
Sonne  plan  in  relating  taxes  and  employ- 
ment. It  provides  for  variable  income  tax 
rate  scales — the  rates  to  be  increased  in  pe- 
riods of  boom  and  decreased  in  periods  of 
depression.  It  also  makes  greater  reductions 
in  consumption  and  personal  income  taxes 
than  do  the  other  plans,  but  leaves  the  cor- 
poration income  tax  relatively  high.  It  is 
designed,  more  than  the  others,  to  use  the 
tax  system  as  an  instrument  for  controlling 
business  fluctuations. 

In  addition  to  these  four  major  plans 
there  are  several  others  that  should  be  men- 
tioned. The  recommendations  offered  by 
Prof.  Harold  M.  Groves  of  the  University 
of  Wisconsin  do  not  differ  greatly  from 
those  of  the  CED.  The  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce of  the  United  States,  in  its  "referen- 
dum No.  79  of  Organization  Members  on 
Proposed  Declaration  of  Policy,"  urges  "a 
balanced  budget  providing  for  debt  retire- 
ment .  .  .  ,"  but  accompanies  this  with 
the  statement  that  "high  rates  of  tax  .  .  . 
cannot  be  continued  in  the  postwar  transi- 
tion or  in  time  of  peace  without  disastrous 
effects  upon  the  national  economy." 

Two  other  planners  who  propose  the 
lowest  postwar  budgets  of  all — Prof.  Fred 
Rogers  Fairchild  of  Yale  with  a  $13  bil- 
lion budget  and  Prof.  Harley  Leist  Lutz  of 
Princeton  with  a  $14  billion  budget — allow 
one  billion  dollars  a  year  for  debt  reduction. 
But  with  a  probable  debt  of  $300  billions 
such  suggestions  can  hardly  be  considered  a 
serious  effort  to  cope  with  the  debt  problem. 
Any  realistic  attempt  to  pay  off  the  debt 
would  demand  that  taxes  of  wartime  mag- 
nitude be  retained  for  some  years  to  come. 

Weighing  These  Proposals 

Judging  from  these  plans  and  others 
which  have  been  suggested,  it  seems  prob- 
able that  the  federal  tax  system  will  be  re- 
vised in  the  immediate  postwar  period  so  as 
to  cut  tax  yields  by  at  least  one  half.  The 
postwar  level  of  yields,  however,  will  pre- 
sumably be  at  least  double  what  it  was  in 



the  prewar  years.  On  two  other  points 
there  seems  to  be  complete  agreement 
among  these  tax  planners — that  the  excess 
profits  tax  should  be  abolished  and  that 
personal  income  tax  rates  should  be  dras- 
tically reduced  from  high  war  levels.  There 
is  considerable  divergence  as  to  how  the 
proposed  reductions  should  be  made.  Some 
planners  would  make  the  more  drastic  cuts 
in  the  personal  income  tax,  others  in  cor- 
poration taxes,  and  still  others  in  consump- 
tion taxes. 

Weighing  the  proposals,  there  is  evidence 
that  the  suggested  reductions  are  too  large 
rather  than  too  small.  We  have  no  assur- 
ance that  the  high  levels  of  employment 
and  income  assumed  for  balancing  budgets 
will  be  attained.  Those  who  would  use 
deficit  spending  as  a  device  for  stimulating 
employment  are  consistent  in  this.  They 
doubtless  expect  a  gradually  rising  debt, 
although  they  have  not  all  made  this  ex- 
pectation clear.  Those  who  are  not  con- 
vinced that  deficit  spending  will  prove  a 
broad  highway  to  prosperity  have  been  un- 
willing to  face  the  fact  that  the  only  real 
alternative  is  continued  heavy  taxes.  In- 
stead they  have  indulged  in  wishful  think- 
ing on  the  possibilities  of  reduced  govern- 
ment spending. 

After  the  first  World  War  we  were  able 
to  reduce  taxes  and  debts  at  the  same  time, 
thanks  to  expanding  business  activity. 
While  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  experience 
may  be  repeated,  taxes  cannot  be  reduced 
to  the  level  of  the  nineteen-twenties.  The 
choice  is  between  taxes  heavy  enough  to 
balance  budgets  or  a  mounting  debt.  If 
the  first  choice  should  prove  a  serious  brake 
on  business  activity,  the  mounting  debt 
might  be  the  lesser  evil. 

It  is  important  for  planners  to  recognize, 
however,  that  it  is  easier  to  check  inflation 
through  heavy  taxes  than  it  is  to  check 
deflation  through  tax  reduction.  The  mere 
lowering  of  business  taxes  in  periods  of 
business  uncertainty  will  not  necessarily 
turn  the  tide.  Merely  to  have  funds  avail- 
able for  investment  will  not  bring  business 
expansion,  if  the  outlook  for  profits  is  poor. 

Incentive  Taxation 

Taxes  can  be  used  as  an  incentive  to  busi- 
ness enterprise  as  well  as  a  damper  to  it. 

The  excess  profits  tax  is  supposed  to  dis- 
courage venture  capital  but  it  may  encour- 
age certain  activities  that  make  new  de- 
velopments possible.  For  instance,  under  a 
90  percent  profits  tax  a  firm  can  afford  to 
expand  research  activities  that  bring  no  im- 
mediate return,  since  such  expenditures  will 
be  more  at  the  expense  of  government  tax 
collections  than  of  stockholders'  profits,  just 
as  under  a  90  percent  personal  income  tax, 
wealthy  individuals  can  afford  to  indulge  in 
extensive  philanthropies  at  little  cost  to 
themselves.  Also,  a  firm  subject  to  high 
profits  taxes  can  afford  to  take  risks.  For 
while  profits  resulting  from  some  new  ven- 
ture go  largely  to  the  government,  so  on  the 
other  hand  potential  losses  may  be  charged 
against  profits  elsewhere  in  the  business. 

The  director  of  War  Mobilization  and 
Reconversion,  James  F.  Byrnes,  in  his  re- 
port to  the  President  and  Congress  on  Janu- 
ary 1,  urges  for  the  period  immediately 
following  the  European  war  several  changes 
in  federal  corporation  taxes,  including  more 
generous  depreciation  allowances,  accelera- 
tion of  the  process  of  postwar  tax  refunds, 
and  an  increase  in  the  specific  exemption 
for  the  excess  profits  tax.  The  purpose  of 
these  changes  is  to  stimulate  business  ex- 
pansion and  employment  in  the  reconver- 
sion period.  They  are  recommended,  that 
is,  as  a  form  of  incentive  taxation. 

Mr.  Byrnes,  like  most  of  those  who  have 
urged  incentive  taxation,  is  talking  in  terms 
of  reduced  rates  and  increased  exemptions. 
True  incentive  taxation,  however,  demands 
positive  action,  and  increasing  and  detailed 
government  direction  of  business  activity. 
Germany  used  incentive  taxation  with  suc- 
cess in  the  middle  Thirties  to  promote  em- 
ployment and  encourage  heavy  war  indus- 
tries. But  in  this  country  this  development 
would  not  be  welcomed  by  the  proponents 
of  free  enterprise;  and  it  is  significant  that 
few  of  the  tax  plans  even  use.  the  phrase. 

Business  Cycle  Control 

Taxation  is  at  best  a  clumsy  device  for 
controlling  the  business  cycle.  Controls  de- 
mand quick  action,  and  tax  bills  go  through 
Congress  slowly.  Moreover,  collections  lag 
behind  legislation.  For  the  tax  system  to 
become  an  effective  instrument  of  control, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  grant  administra- 

Estimated  Yields  of  Proposed  Plans 

Compared  With  Present  Taxes* 

Billions  of  Dollars 







Personal  income 
Corporation,  including  renegotiation 
Estate  and  gift 
Consumption    and   miscellaneous 








40.5           18.0 


and  omitt 
yields  of 


ng  some 
the   four 


of  the  alterna- 
programs  are 

"These  are  estimates  for  normal  years,  excluding  payroll  taxes, 
lives  offered.     If  these  variations   and   omissions  arc  included  the 
from  $16  to  $23  billions. 

tive  officials  wide  discretionary  powers.  The 
Hansen-Perloff  plan  proposes  this — that  per- 
sonal income  tax  rates  be  adjusted  up  and 
down,  with  business  recovery  and  recession. 
And  it  is  possible  that  Congress  would  be 
willing  to  delegate  limited  power  to  ad- 
ministrative officials  for  this  purpose.  Such 
action  has  already  been  taken  with  regard 
to  changes  in  tariff  rates  under  the  Recip- 
rocal Trade  Agreement  Act.  Although 
traditionally  jealous  of  its  tax  powers,  Con- 
gress may  be  glad  to  shift  some  of  the  re- 
sponsibility; but  we  cannot  count  on  it. 

In  the  immediate  postwar  period  the 
greatest  risk  might  lie  in  reducing  taxes  too 
soon,  with  the  possibility  of  inflationary 
rather  than  deflationary  conditions.  War- 
time taxes  which  put  a  curb  on  spending  are 
one  of  the  controls  that  must  be  continued 
as  long  as  the  conditions  warrant.  [See 
"Taxes  Are  Good  for  You"  by  Harvey  S. 
Perloff.  Survey  Graphic,  March  1943.] 

The  present  tax  system  offers  many  forms 
of  assistance  for  reconversion.  The  con- 
cern that  loses  money  is  not  required  to  pay 
either  the  excess  profits  or  the  income  tax. 
Moreover,  there  is  provision  for  rapid 
amortization  of  emergency  facilities.  Ten 
percent  of  the  excess  profits  tax  will  be  re- 
turned for  purposes  of  reconversion.  Under 
the  two-year  carry-back  provision,  as  much 
of  the  taxes  paid  in  the  immediately  preced- 
ing years  will  be  refunded  as  is  necessary  to 
offset  losses  and  provide  normal  returns. 

The  number  and  value  of  these  aids  in 
present  legislation  have  not  always  been 
fully  recognized;  but  the  unprecedented 
size  of  corporate  reserves  today  testifies  to 
the  fact  that  the  tax  laws  have  made  sub- 
stantial allowance  for  the  reconversion  pe- 
riod. If  business  has  the  markets  that  only 
full  employment  can  provide,  even  the  pres- 
ent level  of  taxes  would  not  prove  unduly 

Tax  Justice 

In  our  preoccupation  with  business  cycle 
control  it  is  important  that  we  do  not  for- 
get principles  of  equity.  To  this  end,  we 
should  not  continue  to  tolerate  tax  exemp- 
tion for  interest  on  state  and  local  bonds, 
nor  discrimination,  in  personal  income 
taxes,  against  the  residents  of  "non-com- 
munity property"  states.  Today,  in  states 
with  community  property  laws,  husband 
and  wife  may  make  separate  returns  even 
though  the  income  is  earned  entirely  by 
the  husband.  Thus  a  salary  of  $20,000  must 
be  reported  as  a  $20,000  income  in  New 
York,  a  non-community  property  state,  but 
may  be  reported  as  two  $10,000  incomes  in 
California,  a  community  property  state.  The 
tax  in  the  former  case  is  very  much  higher. 

To  achieve  a  system  based  on  ability  to 
pay,  a  highly  progressive  personal  income 
tax  should  be  retained  as  a  basic  federal  tax, 
and  consumption  taxes  should  be  reduced 
to  a  minimum.  Such  a  tax  system  meets 
the  requirements  of  economic  democracy, 
and  at  the  same  time  it  adjusts  quickly  and 
automatically  to  the  exigencies  of  the  busi- 
ness cycle. 

A  tax  system  based  on  ability  to  pay  will 
inevitably  produce  large  revenues  in  times 
of  rising  incomes,  thus  offering  a  check  on 
(Continued  on  page  79) 




Luis  Munoz  Marin,  the  leader  of  Puerto  Rico's  Popular  Democratic  Party,  speaking  at  a  back  country  rally 

Clean  Sweep  in  Puerto  Rico 

From  this  Caribbean  territory,  following  the  November  election,  come  new  demands 
for  self-government  and  bold  plans  for  economic   progress   and   social   betterment. 


the  United  States,  received  enthusiastic  and 
overwhelming  endorsement  in  the  Puerto 
Rican  election  in  November.  In  the  con- 
tinental press,  Rexford  Tugwell's  presence 
in  the  island  as  governor  explains  the  pres- 
ence of  the  New  Deal  there.  Actually,  how- 
ever, the  program  is  that  of  Luis  Munoz 
Mann  and  the  Popular  Democratic  Party. 
Governor  Tugwell's  contribution  has  been 
chiefly  encouragement  and  advice. 

A  surprisingly  peaceful  election  resulted 
in  victory  for  the  Popular  Democrats  by 
a  majority  which  literally  wiped  out  one 
of  the  three  opposition  parties — the  Liberal 
Party — and  left  the  others  almost  without 
representation  in  the  government.  The 
Popular  Democratic  Party,  which,  lacking 
a  majority  in  the  past  four  years,  depended 
upon  Liberal  Party  support  in  the  insular 
legislature,  now  has  no  opposition  whatever. 
Of  the  19  senate  seats,  it  won  16;  of  the 
39  seats  in  the  lower  house,  it  won  38. 
There  are  77  municipalities  in  Puerto  Rico, 
and  74  of  them  elected  Popular  Demo- 
cratic governments.  Even  San  Juan,  tra- 
ditionally Union  Republican,  went  to  the 
Popular  Democrats. 

In  the  coming  four  years,  too,  the  insu- 
lar government  will  be  represented  in 
Washington  by  a  Popular  Democrat,  Jesus 
Pifiero,  the  newly  elected  resident  com- 
missioner, who  is  one  of  the  most  stable 
and  responsible  men  in  the  party.  Bolivar 
Pagan  who,  as  resident  commissioner  since 
1940  did  everything  possible  to  discredit  the 
insular  government  in  Washington,  suc- 
ceeded in  winning  one  of  the  three  Opposi- 
tion seats  in  the  insular  senate. 

The  Campaign  in  the  Island 

The  campaign  and  election  were  much 
more  orderly  than  anyone  expected.  Al- 

— By  an  associate  professor  of  economics 
at  the  University  of  Puerto  Rico.  For- 
merly with  the  Federal  Housing  Author- 
ity and,  earlier,  the  Farm  Security  Ad- 
ministration in  Washington,  Miss  Clark 
was  for  some  time  consultant  to  the 
Housing  Authority  in  Puerto  Rico. 
Survey  Graphic  readers  will  recall  her 
description  of  war's  impact  on  the  island, 
"Turmoil  in  Puerto  Rico,"  December, 

though  violence  was  generally  predicted, 
"incidents"  throughout  the  campaign  were 
few  and  unimportant.  Threats  of  violence 
were  made,  and  "plots"  discovered  from 
time  to  time,  but  they  came  to  nothing. 

The  system  of  voting  in  Puerto  Rico  is 
unique,  and  seems  fraud-proof.  Voters 
were  required  to  be  in  their  voting  places 
before  one  o'clock  on  November  7.  At 
that  hour  the  doors  were  locked,  and  voting 
began.  Each  voter  was  called  in  alpha- 
betical order,  identified  himself  in  a  rather 
elaborate  fashion,  and  received  his  ballot. 
Specially  named  "governor's  representa- 
tives" were  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  island 
to  answer  questions  and  adjust  disputes. 

In  effect,  voters  could  vote  either  for  or 
against  the  Popular  Democratic  Party, 
which  stood  for  a  continuation  of  its  eco- 
nomic and  social  program  begun  in  1940. 
The  program  of  the  Opposition  parties  was 
the  simple  one  of  opposition.  They  never 
formulated  any  other. 

Any  election  in  Puerto  Rico  must  be  con- 
sidered from  the  point  of  view  of  its  effect 
upon  the  two  great  problems  of  Puerto 
Rico — the  political  problem  of  status,  or 
relationship  to  the  United  States,  and  the 



economic  problem  of  how  the  island  can 
support  its  dense  and  rapidly  increasing 

Munoz  Mann  tried  to  convince  voters 
that  the  election  related  only  to  the  eco- 
nomic issue;  that  the  question  of  political 
status  was  not  involved,  and  that  a  vote 
for  the  Popular  Democratic  Party  was  not 
a  vote  for  independence.  The  opposition 
parties,  on  the  contrary,  insisted  that  a 
Popular  Democratic  victory  would  mean 
an  immediate  move  to  free  Puerto  Rico 
from  the  United  States.  In  large  part  the 
campaign  of  the  Opposition  candidate  for 
resident  commissioner,  for  example,  was 
made  "to  keep  the  American  flag  flying  in 
Puerto  Rico." 

The  500  Acre  Law 

But  the  first  question  raised  by  the  elec- 
tion is  how  the  government  will  act  to 
better  economic  conditions  in  the  island. 
The  main  outlines  of  the  economic  program 
are  clear,  and  are  already  embodied  in  the 
legislation  of  the  past  four  years.  Its  two 
basic  proposals  are  to  increase  and  redis- 
tribute the  income  from  land,  and  to  in- 
dustrialize the  island.  Of  the  two  the  lat- 
ter is  now,  at  least,  much  more  important 
economically,  although  the  land  program 
has  political  appeal  which  makes  it  an 
essential  part  of  any  planning  for  the  fu- 

The  land  program  so  far  has  been 
largely  one  of  redistribution.  Within  the 
near  future,  however,  the  government  pro- 

-  poses  to  establish  an  Agricultural  Develop- 
ment Company  to  encourage  more  efficient 
and  more  diversified  land  use. 

Even  when  Puerto  Rico  became  part  of 
the  United  States  in  1898,  land  ownership 
was  concentrated  in  relatively  few  hands. 
Congress  in  1900  adopted  a  joint  resolu- 
tion— later  known  as  the  500  Acre  Law — 
which  prohibited  any  corporation  from 
owning  or  controlling  more  than  500  acres 
of  land.  Ignored  for  forty  years,  this  law 
was  made  operative  in  1941  when  the  in- 
sular legislature  was  authorized  by  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to 
establish  the  method  by  which  the  joint 
resolution  would  be  put  into  effect.  Three 
methods  of  land  distribution  are  provided 
under  the  Land  Act  of  1941:  outright  gift 
of  one  quarter  of  an  acre  to  any  agricul- 
tural worker  or  agregado  in  the  island; 
sale  or  lease  of  family  sized  farms  (5  to 
25  acres);  lease  of  proportional  benefit 
farms  (100  to  500  acres)  to  agronomists  or 
experienced  farmers.  In  the  last  case,  the 
workers  on  the  farms  share  in  the  profits 
in  addition  to  receiving  wages  at  estab- 
lished rates  during  the  year. 

Up  to  last  October,  10,716  families  of 
agricultural  workers,  representing  close  to 
60,000  persons,  had  been  resettled  on  small 
plots  of  land.  Over  11,000  acres  had  been 
put  into  use  in  proportional  benefit  farms, 
which  form  the  heart  of  the  program.  The 
six  farms  in  operation  this  year  distributed 
slightly  over  $45,000  in  proportional  bene- 
fits to  the  workers  employed,  and  the  Land 

Authority  claims  that  sugar  on  these  farms 
was  grown  at  less  than  average  cost  and 
that  the  yield  was  higher  than  average. 
This  is  extremely  important  since,  with  so 
little  land  in  relation  to  population,  every 
acre  must  be  used  as  fully  and  as  eco- 
nomically as  possible. 

Although  the  program  of  industrial  de- 
velopment has  lagged  somewhat  behind 
the  land  program,  it  is  now  well  under 
way.  The  Puerto  Rico  Development  Com- 
pany was  established  in  1942,  not  only  to 
help  private  industry,  but  to  initiate  and 
carry  on  business  for  the  insular  govern- 
ment. To  make  insular  government  funds 
available  to  the  company  or  to  private  in- 
vestors, the  Puerto  Rico  Development  Bank 
was  created. 

New  Industries — Plans  and  Projects 

As  one  of  its  first  activities,  the  Develop- 
ment Company  initiated  a  thorough-going 
investigation  and  inventory  of  the  island's 
natural  resources.  That  investigation  is 
still  under  way,  but  two  new  industries 
already  have  been  established  by  the  com- 
pany itself.  A  glass  container  factory  is 
now  going  into  operation,  prepared  to  sup- 
ply a  major  portion  of  the  bottles  needed 
in  the  rum  industry.  A  paper  products 
factory  to  make  the  corrugated  paper  in 
which  bottled  rum  is  packed,  is  nearing 
completion.  Both  will  add  very  materially 
to  employment  and  income. 

As  soon  as  war  conditions  permit,  the 
Puerto  Rico  Development  Company  is  pre- 


Under  the  six-year  plan  it  is  believed  that  most  of  the  urban  slums — of  which  this  is  typical — can  be  cleared 


pared  to  build  and  operate  a  textile  mill  to 
spin  and  weave  imported  cotton  (later, 
perhaps,  it  will  use  the  long  staple  cotton 
grown  in  the  island,  which  is  used  only 
for  fine  fabrics  and  requires  very  skilled 
and  experienced  textile  workers);  a  knit- 
ting mill;  a  plant  to  manufacture  vegetable 
fats  and  oils,  primarily  from  local  coconuts; 
a  wallboard  factory,  using  bagasse  (sugar 
cane  from  which  the  juice  has  been  extrac- 
ted); and  four  plants  to  make  synthetic, 
edible  yeast,  to  improve  the  diet  of  the 
people.  In  addition,  semi-mechanized  or 
handicraft  industries  are  starting,  and  the 
Development  Company  already  has  put  on 
the  market  pottery  of  various  kinds,  and 

So  far,  the  emphasis  in  industrial  devel- 
opment is  clearly  on  government  controlled 
and  operated  industry.  This  is  due  in  part 
to  the  fact  that  speed  is  so  essential,  for 
both  political  and  economic  reasons;  in 
part  to  the  management  of  the  Develop- 
ment Company  itself;  and  in  part  to  the 
definite  leaning  of  the  entire  insular  ad- 
ministration toward  government  control 
of  the  economic  life  of  the  island. 

Businessmen  are  asking  whether  all  in- 
dustry is  to  be  socialized;  whether  taxes 
are  to  be  greatly  increased;  what  restric- 
tions upon  business  and  industry  may  be 
imposed;  into  what  kinds  of  industrial 
activity  the  government  means  to  go. 
Mufioz  Marin  has  said  that  he  wants  in- 
creased taxes  on  corporations,  probably 
some  kind  of  excess  profits  tax.  It  is  taken 
for  granted  that  existing  wage  and  hour 
laws  will  be  liberalized  to  give  workers  a 
greater  share  in  income.  If  private  capital 
is  to  be  utilized  in  any  significant  degree 
in  the'  future  industrial  development  of 
Puerto  Rico,  the  government  will  have 
either  to  define  much  more  clearly  the 
fields  into  which  it  means  to  go,  or  to 
work  out  some  method  by  which  both 
government  and  private  investors  can  unite 
in  industrial  enterprises,  with  private  in- 
vestors given  some  responsibility  in  man- 

Private  capital,  however,  has  been  notori- 
ously slow  to  invest  in  the  island  except  in 
sugar  and,  more  recently,  in  the  manufac- 
ture of  rum. 

Even  if  the  newly  elected  government 
were  interested  in  a  change  in  the  attitude 
of  the  private  investor,  it  might  be  im- 
possible to  attract  to  industry  any  appreci- 
able amount  of  private  capital  until  the 
question  of  political  status  is  settled. 

The  fact  that  public  utilities  are  already 
in  large  part  government  owned  makes 
the  industrial  program  easier.  The  Water 
Resources  Authority,  an  insular  government 
agency,  supplies  all  power  used  in  Puerto 
Rico.  The  Transportation  Authority,  an- 
other insular  agency,  owns  and  operates 
the  principal  bus  system  in  the  San  Juan 
metropolitan  area  and  plans  island-wide 
transportation  as  soon  as  equipment  is 
available.  It  expects  to  build  within  the 
_next  six  years  not  only  an  airport  for  in- 
ternational air  service,  but  local  airports 
as  well.  The  Communications  Authority 
now  controls  the  telegraph  system  and  is 
about  to  take  over  the  telephone  system. 

In  the  past  four  years,  the  government 

The  Popular  Democratic  Party  invests  #20,000  in  war  bonds.  Jesus  T.  Pinero,  Resi- 
dent Commissioner  in  Washington  (left),  hands  the  check  to  a  U.S.  Treasury  official 

has  quite  frankly  tried  to  establish  its  eco- 
nomic program  before  it  faces  the  enor- 
mous social  problems  of  Puerto  Rico.  In 
some  part  this  attitude  may  have  been  due 
to  war  restrictions,  which  made  building 
impossible,  but  in  larger  part  it  was  the 
conviction  that  Puerto  Ricans  can  in  the 
long  run  hope  only  for  those  social  insti- 
tutions which  they  can  support.  Accord- 
ingly, little  has  been  done  since  1940  in 
housing,  education,  sanitation,  or  health. 
Now,  however,  the  government  proposes 
to  go  ahead  as  rapidly  as  possible  with  a 
broad  social  program. 

The  Issue  of  Independence 

Meanwhile,  within  the  Popular  Demo- 
cratic Party  itself  the  issue  of  status  has, 
in  the  weeks  since  the  election,  flared  into 
the  open.  At  least  a  minority  of  the  party 
leaders  want  independence  now,  at  any 
cost,  and  are  already  agitating  for  it. 
Mufioz  Mann  does  not  belong  to  this 
group.  Puerto  Rico  must  wait  for  inde- 
pendence, he  insists,  until  it  can  be  assured 
of  continued  economic  help  from  the 
United  States,  since  political  independence, 
without  economic  help,  would  bring  only 
suffering  and  starvation  to  the  island.  Al- 
though he  has  been  careful  not  to  commit 
himself,  it  appears  that  he  favors  some 
form  of  qualified  or  partial  independence, 
such  as  dominion  or  commonwealth  status, 
which  would  leave  the  island  free  to  legis- 
late for  itself  and  determine  its  own  future, 
but  would  not  break  the  strong  economic 
attachment  to  the  United  States  which  has 
developed  in  the  last  forty-five  years. 

The  issue  of  status  was  of  course  in  the 
minds  of  voters  at  the  November  election. 
Mufioz  Mann  promised  the  people  to  ar- 
range, as  soon  as  possible,  a  vote  on  the 
kind  of  political  status  they  wanted.  Until 
that  time,  he  urged  that  the  issue  rest. 
Nonetheless,  the  election  has  resulted  in 

widespread  "jitters"  on  the  question  of 
status.  Many  remember  the  violence  of 
1936  during  which  the  chief  of  police  lost 
his  life,  and  fear  something  of  the  same 
kind  now.  "They  will  kill  us  in  the 
streets,"  one  woman  cried  when  she  saw 
the  election  returns. 

Among  business  and  professional  men, 
both  in  and  out  of  the  Popular  Demo- 
cratic Party,  there  is  fear  of  the  Jnde- 
pendentistas.  If  any  section  of  the  Puerto 
Rican  people  has  adjusted  to  colonial  sta- 
tus, it  is  this  group,  whose  ties  with  the 
United  States  are  close  and  profitable,  and 
who  intellectually  are  turning  to  the  con- 
tinent as  they  once  turned  to  Spain. 

The  immediate  question  is  whether 
Mufioz  Marin  can  control  the  "independ- 
ence now  at  any  cost"  group  within  the 
party.  The  very  completeness  of  the 
Popular  Democratic  victory  makes  this 
more  difficult,  since  there  is  no  opposition 
from  the  outside  to  hold  the  party  together. 
There  is  also  the  fact  that  for  the  defeated 
parties,  and  the  interests  they  represent — 
chiefly  sugar — dissension  within  the  Popular 
Party  ranks  becomes  extremely  important. 

The  Independentlstas  have  already  shown 
that  they  do  not  mean  to  wait.  They  are 
pressing  for  action  now,  in  a  number  of 
ways.  Rafael  Arjona  Siaca,  newly  elected 
senator  and  extremely  vocal  member  of 
the  Popular  Democratic  Party,  declared  a 
few  days  after  the  election  in  a  widely 
publicized  speech  that  Puerto  Rico  must 
end  at  once  its  humiliating  political  situa- 
tion and  become  independent.  Later,  at  a 
meeting  called  to  hear  two  Cuban  students 
who  came  to  the  university  to  speak  for 
independence,  he  declared  that  Puerto  Rico 
was  even  now  in  "full  revolt"  against  its 
present  colonial  status. 

The  visit  of  the  Cuban  students  has 
assumed  the  character  of  an  international 
(Continued  on  page  77) 



"Dad  is  our  pal."  When  he  doesn't  have  to  work  at  night,  he  spends  his  evenings  with  us 

"I  like  to  watch  myself  grow"  at  the  annual  health  check-up 

"Learning  is  fun  in  our  school  room,"  thanks  to  our  teacher 

These  Make  Up  "My  Happy  Days" 

From  a  book  on  normal  Negro  childhood  by  Jane  Dabney  Shaclcelford.  Photographs  by  Cecil  Vinson 

"What  fun  we  have"  in  the  park  across  the  street  from  school 

These  glimpses  of  the  details  of  wholesome  child  life  are  from  a  book 
of  alternating  photographs  and  simple  text,  "My  Happy  Days" 
(Associated  Publishers,  Inc.,  Washington,  D.  C).  The  book  is  ad- 
dressed to  Negro  parents  as  well  as  to  Negro  children,  but  its  message 
is  for  all  parents  and  children.  "I  hope  it  will  establish  a  pattern  that 
will  be  followed  in  many  homes,"  writes  the  author,  "because  we  all 
realize  that  strengthening  family  life  is  a  bulwark  of  democracy. 

''I  am  proud  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States" 

After  a  good-night  story,  "I  go  to  bed  with  happy  thoughts" 


To  Be  Young,  Poor,  and  Black 


are  subject  to  three  basic  influences:  our 
physical  makeup,  which  provides  the  main- 
spring of  our  activities;  our  homes,  which 
influence  their  direction;  and  the  social 
group,  which  limits  or  extends  them.  It  is 
to  the  credit  of  Richard  Wright,  who  even 
as  a  novelist  protests  racial  discrimination, 
that  he  has  recognized  these  three  factors 
in  his  autobiography  without  becoming 
pedantic.  ("Black  Boy.  A  Record  of  Child- 
hood and  Youth,"  by  Richard  Wright. 
Harper.  $2.50.)  In  this  terrible  picture  of 
life  in  the  United  States,  in  this  personal 
testimony  that,  for  frankness,  makes  Rous- 
seau's "Confessions"  read  like  a  novel  of 
manners,  Mr.  Wright  has  placed  the  blame 
where  it  belongs.  He  has  not  spared  himself 
in  revealing  his  intractable,  unruly  nature 
as  a  little  boy;  he  has  not  recalled  his  par- 
ents in  a  haze  of  sentimental  nostalgia; 
hence  his  account  of  what  made  life  in  the 
South  unbearable  for  a  sensitive  Negro  lad 
is  many  times  more  convincing  than  the 
furtive  development  in  "Native  Son." 

For  Richard  was  tense,  hypersensitive 
from  earliest  childhood,  thus  proving  anew 
that  the  artist  feels  more  deeply  than  his 
fellows  and  is  more  keenly  aware  and  re- 
flective by  his  very  physical  nature.  He 
was  browbeaten  by  Negroes  before  he  was 
intimidated  by  whites,  and  his  protest  was 
the  natural  reaction  of  a  high-spirited  and 
intelligent  youth  against  all  forms  of  in- 
justice. So  this  book  becomes  a  unique 
record,  a  story  of  a  black  boy's  soul  as  well 
as  of  that  ring  of  discrimination  that  keeps 
the  Negroes  cowed  in  the  Deep  South.  It 
is  a  unique  supplement  to  Gunnar  Myr- 
dahl's  comprehensive  study,  "An  Ameri- 
can Dilemma,"  bearing  out  many  of  the 
scientist's  conclusions. 

Since  practically  all  autobiographies  are 
written  when  the  author  has  reached  the 
age  of  reflection,  none  can  escape  a  certain 
amount  of  adult  sophistication.  But  Mr. 
Wright  has  managed  to  make  his  remi- 
niscences seem  fresh  and  new  by  treating 
them  as  episodes,  providing  a  rich  succes- 
sion of  them,  and  only  occasionally  com- 
menting as  an  adult. 

The  Untamable  Spirit 

He  begins  by  showing  what  kind  of 
boy  he  was  temperamentally.  At  the  age  of 
four  in  Natchez,  he  set  the  house  afire  in 
order  to  see  the  curtains  burn,  despite  the 
presence  of  a  sick  grandmother.  He  was 
punished:  "I  was  lashed  so  hard  and  long 
that  I  lost  consciousness."  A  few  years  later, 
in  Jackson,  Miss.,  he  loitered  around  sal- 
oons, picked  up  dirty  words  and  scandal- 
ized his  relatives,  who  reacted  violently. 
He  joined  other  children  in  jeering  at  Jews, 
and  his  intense  curiosity  told  him  much 

(All  booths 


about  sordid  relations  in  shabby  houses.  He 
does  not  spare  himself,  and  we  begin  to 
see  him  as  intensely  nervous,  stubborn,  tor- 
tured in  soul  and  body  but  keenwitted, 
inquisitive,  and  by  no  means  passive. 

The  home  life  Mr.  Wright  reveals  upsets 
the  conventional  belief  that  poor  Negroes 
are  easy-going,  affectionate,  and  gentle  in 
family  relationships.  His  mother  worked 
as  a  laundress  and  wept  and  worried  over 
her  two  boys;  his  father,  a  Beale  Street 
drugstore  porter,  found  himself  another 
woman.  His  grandmother,  white  of  skin 
yet  born  in  slavery,  labored  hard  to  help 
the  handicapped  members  of  her  family, 
but  she  was  a  strict  religionist  and  dis- 
ciplinarian. In  justice  to  her  and  other  rel- 
atives who  browbeat  Richard,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  he  was  a  tough  proposition; 
none  knew  how  to  tame  this  wild  one  ex- 
cept by  blows  and  abuse.  Even  an  aunt, 
on  becoming  his  teacher  in  school,  refused 
to  admit  the  relationship  and  treated  him 
as  a  culprit. 

In  later  years,  Richard  began  to  wonder 
at  this  antagonism  among  his  own.  He 
"used  to  mull  over  the  strange  absence  of 
real  kindness  in  Negroes,  how  unstable 
was  our  tenderness,  how  lacking  in  genuine 
passion  we  were,  how  void  of  great  hope, 
how  timid  our  joy,  how  bare  our  traditions, 
how  hollow  our  memories,  how  lacking 
we  were  in  those  intangible  sentiments  that 
bind  man  to  man  and  how  shallow  was 
even  our  despair." 

For  some  Negroes  the  church  provides 
both  a  tradition  and  a  social  magnet.  Rich- 
ard was  briefly  affected  by  the  religious 
symbols  and  the  hymns.  But  he  thinks 
they  came  too  late  (at  ten  or  eleven  years!) 
in  his  career;  therefore  "full  emotional  and 
intellectual  belief  never  came."  The  lad's 
nature  was  already  too  skeptical,  too  in- 
quiring; he  could  not  accept  beliefs  on 

The  Day-by-Day  Repression 

As  he  grew  older,  he  recognized  the 
fear  that  is  in  the  air  for  the  Negro  in 
the  South.  Here  his  testimony  is  exception- 
ally valuable,  for  while  everyone  is  aware 
of  the  more  obvious  manifestations  of  race 
discrimination,  such  as  Jim  Crow  cars  and 
lynching,  we  are  less  familiar  with  the 
insidious,  day-by-day  repression,  which  is 
implicit  in  the  very  attitude  of  white  peo- 
ple. Richard  was  merely  a  curious  boy 
when  he  first  saw  a  Jim  Crow  car,  but  he 
was  older  when  a  classmate  lamented  the 
loss  of  a  brother  who  had  been  killed  by 
whites  for  "fooling  with  a  white  prostitute." 
He  was  to  discover,  to  his  own  hurt,  what 
other  methods  were  used. 

Young  Richard  learned  that  he  could 
not  reply  to  an  employer  who  corrected 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will 

him;  his  remarks  "indicated  a  consciousness 
on  my  part  that  infuriated  white  people." 
Something  of  this  spirit  may  have  been 
absorbed  by  the  Negro  principal  of  his 
school,  who  considered  it  an  insult  that 
Richard  should  refuse  to  deliver  the  vale- 
dictory address  he  had  written  for  the  boy. 
As  a  bell  boy  in  a  hotel,  Richard  had  to 
run  errands  for  white  prostitutes;  when 
they  walked  about  shamelessly  in  the  nude 
he  was  told:  "Keep  your  eyes  where  they 
belong  if  you  want  to  be  healthy!"  White 
employes  of  a  Memphis  company  used 
devious  methods  to  get  two  Negro  lads  to 
fight  by  assuring  them  separately  that  each 
was  out  to  knife  the  other.  Fortunately 
they  compromised  on  a  fist  fight. 

Richard's  basic  makeup  made  it  impos- 
sible for  him  "to  submit  and  live  the  life 
of  a  genial  slave."  He  resented  the  attitude 
of  the  Negro  elevator  operator  who  al- 
lowed himself  to  be  kicked  for  a  quarter. 
He  heard  Negroes  discuss  the  ways  of 
white  folks  toward  them,  but  it  led  no- 
where. Negroes  grumbled,  cheated,  and 
stole  from  their  employers.  Richard  had  a 
mush  and  gravy  poverty  like  the  rest,  but 
he  had  something  they  lacked — the  ability 
to  develop  mentally  despite  all  handicaps. 

The  Spark 

And  here  credit  goes  to  H.  L.  Mencken 
for  being  the  electric  spark  which  spurred 
Richard  on.  Mencken  was  being  denounced 
in  a  Memphis  newspaper,  probably  for 
one  of  his  periodic  attacks  on  the  South, 
when  Richard  became  aware  of  him.  Un- 
able to  draw  books  from  the  public  library, 
he  asked  an  Irish  Catholic  to  wangle  a  card. 
Then  he  began  reading  "Prejudices"  and 
"A  Book  of  Prefaces,"  and  taking  up  the 
authors  Mencken  discussed.  H.  L.  Mencken 
has  electrified  many  able  spirits  with  his 
writings;  Richard  Wright  is  only  one  of 
the  latest. 

It  is  good  for  us  to  learn  how  a  black 
boy  felt  in  his  growing  years.  It  is  good  to 
know  what  pulled  him  out  of  his  difficult 
situation.  He  went  North — to  Chicago — 
to  become  an  author  with  a  conscience,  a 
spokesman  for  justice.  Although  he  has  not 
told  it  here,  we  know  that  he  did  not  find 
complete  freedom  from  racial  discrimina- 
tion even  in  the  North.  But  his  way  was 
easier  now;  he  had  enough  to  eat;  he  could 
speak  his  mind  and  find  listeners. 

The  book,  full  of  anecdotes  as  it  is,  re- 
vives our  democratic  belief  that  brains  may 
sprout  in  the  humblest  surroundings  and 
that  intellectual  courage  wins  a  way.  This 
personal  testimony  shows  that  even  trivial 
incidents  have  their  bearing  on  individual 
development.  But  without  the  sensitive  na- 
ture that  was  his,  Richard  Wright's  "scald- 
ing experience"  would  have  left  him  like 
be  postpaid) 

many  another  black  boy  of  the  South,  out- 
wardly genial,  inwardly  discontented  and 
oppressed,  unable  to  find  his  way  out  of 
the  atmosphere  that  smothered  him. 


Ruhl  J.  Bartlett.  University  of  North  Caro- 
lina Press.  #2.50. 

the  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  which  was 
formed  shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the 
first  World  War  and  which,  according  to 
former  President  Lowell  of  Harvard,  was 
"killed  and  buried  by  the  Republicans  and 
President  Harding  in  1922."  The  book  is 
a  valuable  contribution  to  today's  study  of 
the  techniques  of  international  coopera- 
tion, why  our  predecessors  failed,  what  we 
must  avoid;  and,  lest  we  miss  our  second 
chance,  it  points  to  what  we  must  achieve 
if  we  are  to  have  peace. 

Fourth  Symposium  of  the  Conference  of  Sci- 
ence, Philosophy,  and  Religion  in  Their 
Relation  to  the  Democratic  Way  of  Life. 
Edited  by  Lyman  Bryson,  Louis  Finkel- 
stein,  and  Robert  Maclver.  Harper.  f5. 

A    MIGHTY    TOME    HAS     BEEN     MADE    OF     THE 

papers  discussed  at  the  Fourth  Conference 
on  Science,  Philosophy,  and  Religion,  held 
in  New  York  City  in  September,  1943. 
Fifty-nine  different  authorities,  representing 
fifty-nine  approaches  to  the  complex  prob- 
lems of  the  present  world  crisis,  have  united 
in  an  effort  to  face  the  very  real  crisis  in 
the  field  of  intelligence  and  ideas.  It  is,  of 
course,  of  primary  value  and  interest  to  the 
scholar,  but  the  layman  would  do  well  to 
catch  some  of  the  objective  and  timeless 
attitudes  brought  to  this  study  by  these 
men  of  the  classical  tradition. 

AN  AMERICAN  PEACE,  by  Neil  MacNeii, 
Scribner.  #2.75. 


terse,  effective 'style,  Mr.  MacNeii  calls  for 
an  American  peace.  But  let  no  one  inter- 
pret that  as  an  insistence  on  nationalism.  It 
is  simply  this:  the  United  States,  having  at 
last  a  military  strength  that  matches  its  re- 
sources in  industry,  having  the  greatest  in- 
ternational authority  it  has  ever  known, 
must  take  its  mature  part  in  building  a  just 
and  flexible  peace.  This  peace  must  be 
based  on  economic  solutions  of  political 
problems,  for  the  basic  problems  are  eco- 
nomic. Just  as  this  country  once  wrote  the 
Bill  of  Rights,  so  it  must  write  an  Eco- 
nomic Bill  of  Rights,  wherein  there  shall 
be  access  to  raw  materials  and  markets  for 
all.  Without  such  an  Economic  Bill  of 
Rights,  Mr.  MacNeii  feels  "there  is  little 
hope  for  a  realistic  peace." 

by  James  P.  Warburg.  Harcourt,  Brace. 

estingly  condensed  history  of  American 
foreign  and  domestic  policy,  showing  that 
the  two  are  closely  interdependent.  With 
this  factual  knowledge  at  hand,  the  Amer- 

"A  clear,  vigorous, 
courageous  book." 

—The  Nation 

Foreign  Policy 
Begins  at  Home 


N.  Y.  HERALD  TRIBUNE:  "Thorough-going  and 
thought-provoking.  To  maintain  and  extend 
democracy,  citizens  must  therefore  exercise  their 
right  to  determine  the  broad  shape  of  the  nation's 
policies;  and,  to  make  those  policies  good,  they 
must  possess  the  information  on  which  to  base 
proper  decisions.  This  book  presents  this  kind  of 
information  with  a  very  large  measure  of  clarity, 
simplicity  and  success." 

MINNEAPOLIS  TRIBUNE:  "Its  wealth  of  factual  in- 
formation and  provocative  ideas  should  stimulate 
independent  thinking  among  Americans  who  used 
to  believe  the  field  of  international  relations  was 
roped  off  for  the  exclusive  pleasure  of  the  'ex- 

MAX  LERNER:  "A  wonderfully  lucid,  admirably  sim- 
ple survey  of  American  foreign  policy  .  .  .  Better 
than  in  any  other  book  I  know,  he  has  captured 
the  basic  truth  that  there  is  an  organic  connection 
between  what  we  do  abroad  and  what  we  do  at 

DALLAS  NEWS:  "The  summaries  of  recent  history 
alone  make  the  book  worth  while  . . .  But  far  more 
important  are  the  guiding  principles,  based  on  a 
specific  examination  of  our  policies  following  the 





383  Madison  Avenue        •        New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


ican  is  brought  face  to  face  with  his  re- 
sponsibility as  a  citizen  in  a  democracy 
and  the  part  his  democracy  must  play  in 
a  world  torn  by  conflicting  ideologies.  It  is 
a  plea  for  the  right  objectives  and  princi- 
ples back  of  the  peace  settlement  to  come. 

William  B.  Ziff.  Macmillan.  #3. 

MR.    ZiFF     FEELS     THAT    THE     MAIN     PROBLEM 

of  the  future  is  one  of  adjusting  the  aging 
political  and  social  forms  of  society  to  its 
new  economic  and  industrial  needs.  He 
offers  precise  plans  for  a  world  territorial 
reorganization,  and  he  seems  to  have 
thought  it  through  to  the  last  minute  detail. 
Assistant  Director 
Woodrow  Wilson  Foundation 

Franklin  Sands  in  collaboration  with  Joseph 
M.  Lalley.  University  of  North  Carolina 
Press.  £2.50. 


foreign  policy,  one  is  happy  to  encounter 
anyone  attempting  to  analyze  the  long  term 
trends  in  this  nation's  conduct  of  foreign 
relations.  Taking  as  a  springboard  his  as- 
signments in  Latin  America  during  the 
heyday  of  American  imperialism,  Mr. 
Sands,  an  excellent  career  diplomat  of  many 
years'  experience  in  the  Far  East  as  well, 
examines  our  foreign  policy  over  the  past 
four  decades  for  an  indication  of  some  co- 
herent purpose — and  finds  it  wanting. 

The  author  likens  our  diplomacy  to  a 
jungle,  where  every  man  must  hack  a  way 
for  himself  through  the  twisted  under- 
growth of  protocol,  intrigue,  and  miscon- 
ception, only  to  gather  the  fruit  of  ag- 
gression and  war.  For  our  capricious  and 
unpredictable  course  in  international  rela- 
tions, motivated  by  power  drives  and  inter- 
preted by  "professions  of  virtue,"  has  pro- 
vided a  pattern,  he  says,  for  other  more 
consistently  expansionist  nations. 

For  his  belief  that  we  in  the  United 
States  have  sowed  the  wind  and  are  now 
reaping  the  whirlwind,  Mr.  Sands  has  cer- 
tain grounds,  of  which  he  occasionally  per- 
mits the  reader  to  catch  a  glimpse.  He  was 
present  at  the  birthing  of  Panama,  wit- 
nessed our  attempts  to  bring  about  peace 
and  prosperity  in  Central  America  by 
bankers'  loans  and  armed  intervention,  ob- 
served our  well-meaning,  if  erratic,  efforts 
to  introduce  democracy  in  Mexico  at  the 
point  of  a  gun.  His  discussion  of  power 
politics  in  Latin  America  is  so  discursive, 
so  interlarded  with  anecdote  and  personal 
experience,  however,  that  one  emerges 
without  a  clear  notion  of  just  what  it  is 
Mr.  Sands  is  trying  to  say. 

The  reader  will  probably  find  much  to 
agree  with  in  the  author's  contention  that 
lack  of  knowledge  abroad  of  this  country's 
intentions  has  proved  in  the  past  far  more 
dangerous  than  any  fear  of  its  concrete 
plans.  But  it  is  speculative  whether  the 
reader  will  be  able  to  concur  in  the  con- 
clusion, for  which  he  has  been  sketchily 
prepared,  that  the  present  war  is  the  result 
of  the  shattering  collision  of  the  imperial- 
ist drives  of  Japan  and  the  United  States, 
and  only  that. 

Mr.  Sands  makes  no  mention  of  the 
German  threat  in  our  Latin  American  pre- 
serves. A  period  of  residence  in  Latin 
America,  even  on  the  Pacific  side,  should 
make  one  all  the  more  aware  that  our 
orientation  in  this  hemisphere,  because  of 
the  lay  of  the  land  and  the  flow  of  the  sea, 
has  always  been  Europe-ward.  Negative  as 
it  is,  the  Monroe  Doctrine — the  only 
American  policy  on  which  a  certain 
amount  of  agreement  has  been  achieved — 
is  aimed  at  Europe.  Not  to  make  this 
clear  is,  in  this  reviewer's  opinion,  to  betray 
a  certain  carelessness  in  the  material's  pre- 

One  wishes  that  the  author  and  his  col- 
laborator, Mr.  Lalley,  had  confined  them- 
selves to  their  very  readable  account  of 
Mr.  Sands'  experiences  in  Central  America 
and  elaborated  the  discussion  of  some  of 
the  social  and  racial  concepts  of  the  Mexi- 
can revolution,  much  of  which  is  ex- 
tremely valid. 

Research  Associate  OLIVE  HOLMES 

Foreign  Policy  Association 

WHAT,  by  Bernard  Shaw.  Dodd,  Mead. 

pher,"  having,  so  far  as  he  can  comprehend 
it,  "the  whole  universe  for  his  workshop," 
the  irrepressible  George  Bernard  Shaw  in 
his  eighty-ninth  year  soliloquizes  and  rem- 
inisces zestfully  with  sturdy  wisdom,  little 
nostalgia,  and  more  tolerance  than  usual. 

Education,  he  maintains,  stems  from  the 
arts  rather  than  from  formalized  rote. 
"Drawing  wrong  conclusions  from  known 
facts"  is,  he  observes,  more  responsible  for 
current  cynicism  than  ignorance  itself.  "The 
honest  artist  does  not  pretend  that  his  fic- 
tions are  facts,  but  he  may  claim,  as  I  do, 
that  it  is  only  through  fiction  that  facts  can 
be  made  instructive  and  intelligible."  He 
stigmatizes  "competitive  examinations"  as 
giving  the  competitors  "an  interest  in  one 
another's  ignorance  and  failure"  and  as 
associating  success  "with  the  notion  of  do- 
ing the  other  fellow  down."  He  looks  more 
favorably  upon  competition  between  teams 
as  uniting  members  "to  share  their  knowl- 
edge and  help  one  another." 

After  watching  the  pageant  of  three 
generations,  Shaw  characterizes  democracies 
as  government  by  "anybodies"  elected  by 
"everybody,"  operating  upon  a  level  which 
is  necessarily  no  higher  than  that  of  "ev- 
erybody." As  for  himself  he  has,  he  says, 
"still  much  to  learn,  even  within  my  own 
limited  capacity."  He  sees  himself,  how- 
ever, as  "realist"  enough  "to  see  through 
more  of  the  romantic  illusions  and  know 
more  of  the  hard  facts  than  Mr.  Every- 
man." His  penetrating  eye  can  still  detect 
the  most  carefully  concealed  skeleton  and 
he  has  lost  none  of  his  capacity  to  discon- 
cert by  dragging  it  ruthlessly  from  the 

Yet  there  is  a  new  mellowness  in  this 
cavalcade  of  Shavian  reflections:  on  his  ex- 
cursions into  Marxist  propaganda;  his  transi- 
tion from  novelist  to  playwright;  the  glee 
in  his  feeling  that  his  critics  and  biogra- 
phers can  find  no  "pigeonhole"  to  fit  him. 
His  spicy  acidity  is  frankly  meant  to  "en- 

tertain" and  he  is  always  conscious  of  the 
indispensability  of  the  surprise  element  to 
put  his  humor  across.  On  his  first  meeting 
with  Anatole  France,  the  latter  had  tardy 
inquired,  "Who  are  you?"  to  which  Shaw 
retorted,  "I,  like  you,  am  a  genius." 

This  is  autobiography  at  its  best,  by  a 
man  who,  whatever  he  may  do  to  others, 
is  as  free  from  self-deception  as  a  human 
can  be.  There  is  one  very  important  cat 
which  he  intentionally  or  unintentionally 
lets  out  of  its  bag.  He  loves  the  world 
with  which  he  has  quarreled  so  eagerly. 

Cornwall,  N.  Y. 

Effects  on  Advanced  Industrial  Countries, 
by  Eugene  Staley.  The  International  Labor 
Office.  #1.75. 

THIS    WORK    BY    ONE    WHO    IS    NO    NEWCOMER 

in  the  field  of  international  trade  relations 
raises  a  basic  problem  that  is  certain  to  be 
a  matter  of  considerable  debate  in  the  post- 
war period.  On  the  assumption  that  there 
will  be  an  increasing  demand  on  the  part 
of  undeveloped  nations  for  rapid  progress 
in  economic  development  after  the  war,  the 
main  purpose  of  the  book  is  to  explore 
"the  effects  —  primarily  the  economic 
effects — which  are  likely  to  be  felt  in  the 
advanced  industrial  countries  of  the  world 
as  a  result  of  economic  development." 

Mr.  Staley 's  answers  are  essentially  op- 
timistic, developing  the  thesis  that  the  situ- 
ation will  present  both  opportunities  and 
dangers,  but  that  it  will  be  possible  by 
policies  of  "mutual  cooperation  and  intelli- 
gent adaptation"  to  make  the  advantages 
outweigh  the  disadvantages. 

He  holds  that  investment  in  the  unde- 
veloped countries  will  prove  to  be  an  outlet 
for  surplus  funds  and  will  contribute  to 
the  maintenance  of  a  balance  between  sav- 
ings and  investment,  a  condition  necessary 
for  full  employment  in  developed  countries. 

Certain  changes  in  trade  relations  will 
be  inevitable  as  a  result  of  increased  indus- 
trial productivity  in  undeveloped  areas. 
The  impact  of  such  changes  may  be  met 
by  "industrial  adaptability,"  by  shifting 
labor  and  capital  into  those  lines  of  produc- 
tion made  more  profitable  by  the  rise  of 
world  income. 

Most  of  the  text  is  devoted  to  the  elabora- 
tion of  these  ideas  and  to  indicating  the 
policies  which  should  be  followed  to  achieve 
the  result.  A  final  section  deals  with  the 
broader  implications  of  economic  develop- 
ment in  the  new  areas — the  effect  on  popu- 
lation, political  alignments,  and  cultural 

From  one  point  of  view,  the  approach 
is  realistic.  Mr.  Staley  starts  his  analysis 
with  the  concept  of  "freedom  from  want," 
but  he  does  not  advocate  "Uncle  Sam's  de- 
livering the  proverbial  quart  of  milk  to  the 
Hottentot."  He  states  with  emphasis  that 
freedom  from  want  will  come  in  various 
parts  of  the  world  only  when  the  popula- 
tions in  those  countries  have  increased  their 
own  productivity. 

He  is  aware,  also,  of  the  delicate  political 
repercussions  of  international,  trade  rela- 
tions. But  he  asserts  that  mutual  coopera- 
tion, sensible  economic  controls,  and  de- 


cisions  based  on  long-run  considerations  or 
benefit  to  both  types  of  countries  will  point 
the  way  to  healthy  economic  development 
and  eliminate  "one-way  imperialism."  In  a 
world  in  which  most  decisions  are  results 
of  pressure  politics  rather  than  of  economic 
literacy,  one  might  question  the  possibility 
of  this  achievement  without  much  more 
drastic  over-all  economic  control  than  Mr. 
Staley  contemplates. 

Considering  the  fact   that   a   large  pro- 
portion of  the  book  deals   with  technical 
economic  data,  the  presentation  is  clear  and 
stimulating.  It  should  be  of  interest  to  the 
non-technical    reader    as    well    as    to    the 
specialist.    Also,   it   might   well   be   on   the 
required  reading  list  for  the  peacemakers. 
Department  of  Economics 
New  Yor^  University 

PUBLIC  INTEREST— A  Summary  of  the 
Results  of  a  Survey  of  the  Relations  Between 
the  Government  and  the  Electric  Power 
Industry.  Twentieth  Century  Fund.  $2. 


an  array  as  he  will  scarcely  find  elsewhere 
of  pros  and  cons  on  the  multitude  of  prob- 
lems and  experiences  that  go  to  make  up 
the  picture  of  the  power  industry  and  its 
relation  to  the  public  interest.  This  evident 
effort  to  present  all  sides  in  a  fair-minded 
marshaling  of  facts  and  opinions  will  not 
satisfy  the  ranter  nor  attract  the  ultra- 

In  reading,  one's  mind  is  constantly  on 
a  seesaw.  Technical,  financial,  and  public 
relation  problems  are  developed  in  quick 
succession,  yet  rarely  left  without  some 
presentation  of  different  points  of  view. 
Generally  technical  matters  are  successfully 
handled,  though  it  is  manifest  the  authors 
felt  most  at  home  in  reviewing  the  powers, 
experience,  and  attitudes  of  the  Federal 
Power  Commission  and  the  Securities  and 
Exchange  Commission. 

The  presentation  of  the  program  and 
development  of  the  TVA  shows  broad 
study  and  considerable  understanding.  A 
point  the  authors  may  not  appreciate  is  that 
the  extraordinarily  high  average  energy 
consumption  (and  a  correspondingly  low, 
average  cost  per  kwh)  is  an  important  re- 
flection of  use  of  electricity  at  an  especially 
low  final  step  in  the  rate  schedule  by  well- 
to-do  citizens  in  house  heating.  The  major- 
ity of  consumers  are  still  satisfied  with  an 
electric  refrigerator  and  the  small  current 
consuming  convenience  equipment. 

Possibly  too  much  emphasis  is  put  on 
the  creation  of  high  capacity  long  distance 
interconnection,  the  cost  of  which  is  high. 
Most  customers  and  consumption,  like  the 
travel  of  automobiles,  are  largely  within 
limited  range  of  centers  of  supply.  How 
much  can  be  afforded  in  excess  capital,  idle 
much  of  the  time,  as  insurance  against  a 
possible  emergency  is  a  matter  for  careful 
weighing.  Of  course,  enormous  water  pow- 
ers set  up  in  the  wilderness  must  have  high 
capacity  transmission  lines  to  reach  ade- 
quate markets. 

No  one  reading  this  book,  if  fair-minded, 
can  fail  to  realize  that  the  problem  is  com- 
plex, that  the  facts  are  ever  changing,  and 


A    Charming   Story   of   Negro   Family   Life 

Author  of  The  Child's  Story  of  the  Negro 


"I  doubt  if  a  better  portrait  has  ever  been  presented  of 
our  healthy  everyday  American  life.  School  days  and  vacation 
times,  fun  at  home,  parties,  trips  to  the  doctor,  marketing 
with  mother,  going  to  Sunday  school — all  the  good  sol  id  things 
we  give  our  children,  the  things  we  are  fighting  for  now  across 
the  world."  -  Phyllis  A.  Whitney,  in  the  Chicago  Sun, 
December  31,  1944. 

"Jane  Dabney  Shackelford  has  done  America  a  favor  in 
giving  it  this  book.  And  American  parents,  white  and  colored 
alike,  will  be  doing  their  children  a  favor  by  giving  them  a 
copy." — M.  Crosby  Rogers,  in  the  Springfield  Union,  January 
3,  1945. 

121  pages 

Beautifully  illustrated 

Price  $2.15 

The  Associated   Publishers,   Inc. 

1538   NINTH   ST.,   N.W.,  WASHINGTON   1,   D.  C. 

there  is  no  easy  solution  of  progressively 
maximum  service  at  lowest  honest  costs  to 
the  public.  The  rapidly  changing  conditions 
of  the  past  three  or  four  years  leave  the 
impression  that  data  based  on  1939-1940 
may  have  become  somewhat  academic. 


Consulting  Engineer,  Washington,  D.  C. 

trait of  TVA.  Text  by  R.  L.  Duffus.  Illus- 
trations by  the  Graphics  Department  of 
TVA,  Charles  Krutch,  chief.  Knopf.  #2.75. 

R.     L.    DUFFUS,     FROM     THE    HILLS     OF     VfiR- 

mont,  wandered  through  the  Tennessee 
Valley  before  TVA  and  from  time  to  time 
since  has  watched  with  sympathetic  under- 
standing the  changes  in  the  lives  of  the 
Valley  people  wrought  by  that  enterprise. 
He  recounts  a  "history  ...  of  beauty, 
waste  and  attempted  redemption  .  .  .  sim- 
ple ideas"  in  the  simple  but  penetrating 
style  with  which  readers  of  Survey  Graphic 
are  familiar. 

He  sees  through  to  the  central  core  of 
TVA:  dams  and  hydropower  are  transient, 
reservoirs  will  silt  up,  new  sources  of  energy 
will  be  found;  only  ideas  are  enduring.  And 
the  idea  of  TVA,  recently  presented  so 
fervently  by  Chairman  David  E.  Lilienthal 
in  his  great  book,  "TVA:  Democracy  on 
the  March,"  is  here  presented  succinctly, 
objectively,  in  homely  pipe-and-tweed  writ- 
ing. It  is  the  use  of  science  and  government 
as  the  tools  of  2,800,000  people  to  achieve 
their  own  creative  self-expression  and  ad- 
vancement. "The  pioneer  stock  .  .  .  still 
has  character  and  virility.  What  is  needed 
was  something  outside  itself  of  which  it 
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had  been  robbed  by  unhappy  circumstances. 
It  needed  hope  for  the  future." 

For  over  a  decade,  Charles  Krutch,  chief 
photographer  for  TVA,  has  pictured  farms, 
fields,  eroded  hillsides,  floodlighted  valleys 
in  which  dams  were  building,  the  stark 
beauty  of  spillways,  penstocks,  generators 
— and  the  people  of  the  Valley.  It  is  hard 
to  say  whether  this  generous  sampling  of 
fine  work  by  him  and  his  staff  illustrates 
the  text  well  or  whether  Mr.  Duffus  has 
written  a  fitting  commentary  on  the  pic- 
tures. The  happy  collaboration  has  pro- 
duced a  satisfying  book. 

National  Housing  Agency 

Finer.  International  Labor  Office.  $2  boards, 
#1.50  paper. 

number  of  statesmen  and  writers  who  have 
raised  their  voices  in  favor  of  a  United 
Nations  or  international  authority  of  some 
kind  to  deal  with  physical  and  economic 
development  on  a  regional  basis  in  the 
war-devastated  countries.  In  a  speech  in 
1942  the  vice-president  said:  "There  must 
be  an  international  bank  and  an  interna- 
tional TVA." 

In  a  book  put  out  by  the  International 
Labor  Office,  Mr.  Finer  presents  the  whole 
mosaic  of  the  TVA  experiment,  breaking 
it  down  into  its  various  parts:  the  taming 
of  the  waterway  with  its  integrated  and 
unified  program  of  flood  control,  power 
generation,  and  navigation;  the  power  de- 
velopment; the  land  use  and  fertilizer  pro- 

4  Recent 

•  Committee  for 

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on  approval 

Providing  for  Unemployed  Workers  in  the 

By  Richard  A.  Lester,  Associate  Professor  of  Eco- 
nomics, Duke  University.  154  pages,  5%x8%,  $1.50 

Fully  probes  the  probable  scope  and  character  of 
unemployment  in  the  transition,  its  possible  effects, 
and  existing  measures  for  meeting  them.  Among 
the  factors  examined  are  adequacy  of  unemployment 
compensation  to  sustain  purchasing  power,  extent  to 
which  public  works  can  be  utilized  for  unemploy- 
ment, advantages  or  disadvantages  of  Federal  public 
works  programs  as  against  local  undertakings,  and 
the  value  of  a  transition-period  program  of  educa- 
tion and  training  for  unemployed  workers. 

Demobilization  of  Wartime  Economic 

By  John  Maurice  Clark,  Professor  of  Economics, 
Columbia  University.  210  pages,  5V4x8%,  $1.75 

Deals  with  the  many-sided  question  of  economic 
controls  put  into  effect  because  of  the  war,  and 
how  they  should  be  relaxed  with  the  approach  of 
peace.  Presents  a  thorough  survey  of  the  kinds  of 
controls,  their  objectives,  authority,  effect,  etc., 
analyzes  carefully  the  varying  circumstances  under 
which  need  for  them  may  abate,  and  offers  specific 
recommendations  for  the  time,  manner,  and  decree 
of  their  cessation  which  will  most  support  objectives 
of  high  production  and  job  opportunities  in  the 
postwar  period. 

The  Liquidation  of  War  Production 

By  A.  D.  H.  Kaplan,  Professor  of  Economics,  Univer- 
sity of  Denver.  133  pages,  5^x83,4,  $1.50 

This  volume  analyzes  the  score  and  nature  of  the 
problems  involved  in  cancelling  war  production 
contracts  and  in  disposing  of  war  goods  surpluses 
and  government-owned  plants.  Impartially  discusses 
how,  when,  and  by  whom  the  problems  should  be 
handled  and  presents  concrete  proposals  for  recon- 
version that  will  contribute  to  production  and  job 
opportunities  in  the  postwar  period. 

Production,  Jobs  and  Taxes 

By  Harold  M.  Craves,  Professor  of  Economics, 
University  of  Wisconsin.  115  pages,  5%x8%,  $1.25 

This  book  shows  the  important  role  federal  tax- 
ation can  play  in  maintaining  stability  through  high 
levels  of  production  and  in  encouraging  business  to 
create  job  opportunities.  It  brings  to  the  front  the 
ways  in  which  taxation  affects  initiative  and  out- 
lines the  means  and  specific  tax  changes  for  build- 
ing a  tax  program  that  will  make  the  most  of 
business  potentialities  within  desirable  economic  and 
social  limitations. 

Send  this   McCRAW-HILL  coupon! 

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Controls,    $1.75 

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City   and   State 
Position    . 

Company    S.O.    2-45 

(Books  sent  on  approval  In  the  United  States  only.) 

gram;  the  intricate  and  related  problems 
involved  in  the  relocation  of  families  with 
the  impounding  of  water  behind  the  dams. 
The  author  covers  the  entire  scope  of  TVA, 
appraising  the  difficulties  involved  in  each 
step  of  the  program  as  well  as  the  pro- 
gress achieved. 

Then,  in  the  light  of  the  American  ex- 
periment, he  presents  the  problems  of  an 
international  TVA,  posing  without  bias  the 
serious  difficulties  which  inevitably  would 
be  encountered.  In  his  words:  "The  pur- 
pose of  such  an  institution — an  interna- 
tional resources  development  authority — 
would  presumably  be  to  contribute  to 
raising  the  standard  of  living  in  under- 
developed countries  by  means  of  long  term 
credits  and  technical  assistance  which 
would  foster  economic  enterprise.  In  some 
degree,  which  would  have  to  be  the  object 
of  serious  inquiry,  financial  assistance  and 
administrative  support  of  these  enterprises 
would  come  under  the  general  good  offices 
of  such  an  international  agency." 

Mr.  Finer  states  frankly  that  "depart- 
ments of  world  government,  regulation,  or 
control,  are  today  only  in  their  incipient 
stage  and  hence  there  must  be  vagueness 
on  the  place  and  relationships  that  a  de- 
velopment authority  should  possess."  But 
he  points  to  the  possibility  that  a  number  of 
new  international  institutions  with  eco- 
nomic or  financial  functions  may  be  estab- 
lished after  the  war,  and  that  any 
international  lending  agency  should  be 
integrated  in,  and  should  collaborate  with, 
other  institutions.  He  hopefully  adds:  "In- 
ternational lending  policies,  properly  ap- 
plied, would  have  a  significance  greater 
than  any  particular  financial  and  economic 
services  that  are  rendered.  They  could  aid 
in  the  building  and  expansion  of  a  more 
unified  and  better  balanced  world  econo- 

The  book  is  well  documented  with  sub- 
stantiating facts  and  statistics  without  im- 
peding its  readability. 

capitalism.  It  has  suffered  from  the  his- 
torical fallacy  which  assumes  that  whatever 
things  happen  together  must  logically  be- 
long together.  Both  fascist  and  communist 
critics  have  successfully  pointed  out  the 
weaknesses  of  democracy;  and  both  sides 
seem  erroneously  to  maintain,  for  example, 
that  since  the  democratic  movement  grew 
up  with  capitalism,  its  survival  without 
capitalism  would  be  inconceivable.  There 
are  many  other  charges  against  democracy; 
with  the  consequence  that  its  defenders 
have  come  to  understand  that  another,  and 
more  valid,  philosophical  basis  must  be 
found  for  it. 

Some  persons  have  sought  to  base  it  in 
metaphysical  realism,  and  have  made 
philosophical  studies  to  that  end.  Others 
have  approached  the  problem  more  cau- 
tiously and  piecemeal,  seeking  to  overhaul 
and  to  save  one  foundation  stone  at  a  time. 
Among  this  latter  group  may  be  counted 
Miss  Stapleton.  She  has  chosen  the  idea  of 
justice,  and  upon  the  revision  of  our  no- 
tions of  this  universal  she  pins  her  hopes 
for  democracy.  The  same  hope  has  been 
sought  in  the  idea  of  tolerance.  Justice 
is  a  legal  notion;  tolerance  a  humanitarian 
one.  Democracy  is  a  political  conception, 
and  its  true  basis  ought  to  be  sought  in  the 
theory  of  politics. 

Incidentally,  Vico  is  very  much  mis- 
understood in  this  work.  Vico  was  not  a 
historicist  nor  a  relativist;  he  was,  on  the 
other  hand,  a  friend  of  science.  He  sought 
to  save  the  realism  of  Plato  which  he  did 
not  find  inconsistent  with  the  empiricism 
of  science.  JAMES  FEIBLEMAN 

Author  of  "Positive  Democracy" 

WORLD,  by  Wendell  Berge.  Public  Affairs 
Press,  Washington,  D.  C.  #3.25. 


aging  evidence  that  under  Wendell  Berge 
leadership    the    anti-trust    division    of 
Department  of  Justice  will  continue  to 

Office  of  Community  War  Services 
Federal  Security  Agency 

Laurence  Stapleton.  University  of  North 
Carolina  Press.  $2.50. 


since  the  Renaissance,  has  limited  its  no- 
tion of  reality  to  the  mind  of  man  and  the 
material  world.  These  two  conceptual  re- 
sults of  the  implicit  acceptance  of  the 
nominalistic  premise  displaced  a  restrictive 

KATHERINE  GLOVER      a   vigorous  and  effective   advocate  of 

cause  of  economic  freedom.   Such  advc 
will  be  sorely  needed  in  the  confusion 
postwar  years. 

A  large  amount  of  the  stocks  and  bone 
which  we  are  accustomed  to  think  of  a 
private  wealth  owe  their  entire  value  to  the 
fact  that  they  represent  the  power  to  keep 
independent     enterprise     from     producing 
goods.    Vested  interests  in  such  organiza- 
tions have  grown  so  large  that  they  cannot 
be  disturbed  without  serious  economic  dis- 
locations for  millions  of  people  who  are  de- 

metaphysical realism  which,  in  the  Church's      pendent  on  them.  It  would  be  unreasonable 
hands,    had    earned    a    bad    name    for    all      to   expect  the   management  of  such  busi- 
nesses to  give  up  without  a  fight. 

Railroad  investment  is  a  case  in  point. 
A  large  portion  of  the  $26,000,000,000  in 

realism.  But  the  Church,  in  its  organiza- 
tion and  accepted  dogma,  has  never  been 
metaphysically  realistic;  it  has  rather  been 

neo-Platonic.    Under   the   false   philosophy      railway  stocks  and  bonds  will  lose  its  value 

of  nominalism,  however,  two  good  things 
were  brought  to  birth:  democracy  and 
science.  They  have  been  interpreted  nomin- 
alistically,  whereas  they  are  clearly  realistic. 
Now  that  events  in  our  culture  have  dem- 
onstrated the  falsity  of  the  nominalistic 
philosophy,  how  can  we  save  democracy? 
Democracy  was  born  into  an  age  of 

if  new  forms  of  transportation  over  roads, 
waterways,  and  airways  are  permitted  the 
same  kind  of  unrestricted  development  that 
gave  us  our  cheap  and  efficient  automobiles. 
And  so  there  will  be  a  powerful  drive  from 
railroad  interests  to  slow  down  the  growth 
of  competing  forms  of  transportation.  If 
drives  like  this  succeed  in  American  in- 

nominalistic     movements:      individualism,      dustry  we  shall  be  faced  with  the  same  kind 
subjectivism,    irrationalism,    Protestantism,      of   depression   we   had   before — that   is,   a 

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depression  created  by  the  fact  that  we  re- 
fuse to  utilize  to  its  fullest  extent  the  pro- 
ductive wealth  of  America  in  order  to 
protect  obsolete  capital  values. 

The  second  force  against  the  philosophy 
of  free  enterprise  will  come  from  those  lib- 
erals who  are  not  content  to  allow  compe- 
tition to  solve  a  problem  such  as  transpor- 
tation. They  desire  some  over-all  plan. 
They  are  the  kind  of  people  who  believe 
that  the  automobile  would  have  developed 
faster  in  America,  and  without  the  dis- 
tressing bankruptcy  of  so  many  automobile 
manufacturers,  had  a  government  bureau 
planned  automobile  expansion.  I  have  read 
reviews  criticizing  Mr.  Berge's  book  for  its 
failure  to  produce  some  over-all  plan.  Of 
such  persons  it  can  only  be  said  that  they 
do  not  understand  either  the  philosophy  or 
the  practical  operation  of  competitive  capi- 

I  am  convinced  that  in  the  long  run  the 
economic  philosophy  of  Mr.  Berge's  book 
will  win  out.  Some  nations  like  Russia 
may  be  able  to  subordinate  the  personalities 
of  their  individual  businessmen  to  a  vast 
government  bureaucracy.  But  America  can- 
not do  this  even  if  she  tries.  It  is  not  our 
tradition  or  our  cultural  pattern.  Our 
choice  is  not  between  competitive  capital- 
ism and  some  other  form  of  economic  or- 
ganization. Our  choice  is  rather  between 
competitive  capitalism  and  the  utter  con- 
fusion of  conflicting  and  contradictory  poli- 
cies and  warring  pressure  groups  which  we 
have  experienced  during  the  last  ten  years. 
Judge,  U3.  Court  of  Appeals 

Ruth  Gruber.  Viking.  £3.50. 

THIS     IS     AN     INTENSELY     HUMAN     STORY     OF 

modern  life  in  erstwhile  polar  wasteland. 
Although  the  author  disavows  any  attempt 
to  write  "a  red-blooded  adventure  story," 
readers  will  not  find  her  straightforward 
matter-of-fact  narrative  lacking  in  any  of 
the  essentials  that  make  a  genuine  thriller. 
Against  the  stark  background  of  the  frozen 
North,  this  story  is  warm  with  gripping 
episodes  of  man's  struggles  and  triumphs 
in  winning  a  place  for  himself  under  the 
midnight  sun. 

When  Miss  Gruber's  book  first  appeared 
in  1939,  her  travels  and  adventures  were 
cortfined  to  a  limited  sector  of  the  Soviet 
Arctic  and  her  report  was  centered  chiefly 
on  how  Russian  men  and  women  had 
created  Port  Igarka,  a  seaport  within  the 
Arctic  Circle.  Life  in  this  north  Siberian 
town  is  still  a  keystone  of  the  revised  1944 
edition,  but  the  interpretation  has  been 
broadened  by  an  account  of  the  author's 
later  travels  into  northeastern  Asia  and 

Now  the  Soviet  Arctic  is  seen  in  neigh- 
borhood to  the  American  Far  North.  The 
opening  of  the  Northern  Sea  Route  around 
Eurasia,  the  blazing  of  polar  air  routes 
from  the  USSR  to  the  USA,  and  the  set- 
ding  of  the  Asiatic  arctic  regions  earlier 
seen  in  their  inception  are  depicted  in  their 
later  extensions:  the  allied  convoys  of  war 
supplies  to  Russia  via  the  northern  seas  to 
Murmansk  and  Archangel,  the  Alaska-Si- 
berian aerial  staging  route  along  which 

lend-lease  war  planes  are  ferried  to  the 
eastern  Allied  front,  and  the  wide  interest 
throughout  Alaska  in  the  progress  civiliza- 
tion is  making  in  the  vast  northern  reaches 
of  Soviet  Asia. 

The  story  reads  like  a  travelogue  spiced 
with  the  telling  details  of  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary 
people  who  inhabit  the  North  today.  Miss 
Gruber  interviewed  all  the  headline  figures 
and  put  into  the  headlines  many  of  the 
obscure.  They  are  real  persons;  I  have  met 
many  of  them  myself. 

Miss  Gruber  gives  us  the  feminine  angle, 
almost  unique  in  the  annals  of  Arctic  ex- 
ploration, and  carries  forward  to  a  new  con- 
firmation Vilhjalmur  Stefansson's  message 

to  modern  man  that  the  north  country  is 
hospitable — a  Friendly  Arctic.  It  is  most 
appropriate  that  her  book  should  carry  a 
preface  by  Stefansson,  dean  of  living  Amer- 
ican explorers.  In  1932  Ruth  Gruber  be- 
came the  youngest  doctor  of  philosophy  in 
the  world;  in  1944  one  might  call  her  the 
world's  most  distinguished  woman  explorer 
of  the  Arctic. 

"If  the  Arctic  has  any  message  to  the 
world,"  she  writes,  "beyond  its  first  mes- 
sage of  proving  that  the  country  was  habit- 
able, with  fabulous  wealth  and  infinite  eco- 
nomic and  strategic  possibilities,  that  mes- 
sage was  to  show  what  women  could  do, 
if  you  gave  them  the  chance.  It  was  a 
lesson  to  counteract  the  horrible  medieval 

To  People  who  want  to  write 

but  can't  get  started 

Do  you  have  that  constant  urge  to  write  but  the  fear  that  a  beginner  hasn't  a 
chance?  Then  listen  to  what  the  editor  of  Liberty  said  on  this  subject: 

"There  is  more  room  for  newcomers  in  the  writing  field  today  than 
ever  before.  Some  of  the  greatest  of  writing  men  and  women  have 
passed  from  the  scene  in  recent  years.  Who  will  take  their  places? 
Who  will  be  the  new  Robert  W.  Chambers,  Edgar  Wallace,  Rudyard 
Kipling?  Fame,  riches  and  the  happiness  of  achievement  await  the 
new  men  and  women  of  power." 

Beginner  Earns  $1,819.00 

"Today  I  received  a  check  for  $165  for  a  story.  An- 
other I  sold  for  $34.  The  other  day  I  counted  up  just 
how  much  I  made  previously.  It  amounted  to  $1,620.00. 
Not  bad  for  a  beginner,  is  it?"  Mrs.  L.  L.  Gray,  579  E. 
McHarg  Ave.,  Stamford,  Texas. 


THE   Newspaper  Institute  of  America  offers  a   free   Writing  Aptitude  Test.     Its 
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but  expert  analysis  of  your  latent   ability,  your  powers  of   imagination,  logic,  etc. 
Not  all  applicants  pass  this  test.     Those  who  do  are  qualified  to  take  the  famous 
N.I  A.  course  based  on  the  practical  training  given  by  big  metropolitan  dailies. 
This  is  the  New  York  Copy  Desk  Method  which  teaches  you  to  write  by  writing! 
You  develop  your  individual  style  instead  of  trying  to  copy  that  of  others. 
You  "cover"  actual  assignments  such  as  metropolitan  reporters  get.     Although  you 
work   at  home,   on   your   own  time,  you   are   constantly 
guided  by  experienced  writers. 

It  is  really  fascinating  work.  Each  week  you  see  new 
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Mail  the  Coupon  Note 

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By  James  T.  Shotwell 

Here  is  one  of  the  most  con- 
structive plans  that  has  yet 
been  offered  toward  the 
ideal  of  world  peace.  Dr. 
ShotwelFs  realistic  and  in- 
formed experience  in  inter- 
national affairs  lends  enor- 
mous weight  to  his  forecast 
of  what  can,  and  must,  be 
done.  $3.00 

"A  remarkable  compendium  of  a 
vast  subject,  by  the  very  best 
authority." — The  New  Republic. 

"Should  be  read  seriously,  before 
it  is  too  late — again." — Chicago 


For  every 
interested  in 
•the  future  of 
his  country 

Special  Interests   vs    (he   Public   Welfare 


Author  of  Where's  The  Money  Coming  From? 

When  the  war  ends,  will  peace  come? 
Mr.  Chase  says  no — not  so  long  as  400- 
odd  pressure  groups  with  their  Wash- 
ington lobbies  continue  to  put  their 
selfish  interests  above  the  public  inter- 
est. Mr.  Chase  points  out  legitimate 
needs  for  group  representation  in  our 
democracy,  but  paints  a  searing  picture 
of  danger  from  the  unrestrained  selfish- 
ness of  warring  special  interests.  A 
vivid,  timely  report  for  every  American 
to  read  and  ponder  as  a  new  Congress 

This  is  the  fourth 
volume  in  Stuart 
Chase's  series,  WHEN 





330  West  42nd  Street 
New  York  IS 


lesson  women  were  learning  in  Germany 
and  Italy.  It  was  a  guidepost  to  women 
in  the  great  democracies  who  were  still 
struggling  for  economic  and  social  emanci- 
pation, now  that  most  of  them  had  the 
vote.  .  .  . 

"To  be  sure,  the  present  was  not  Utopia, 
not  even  in  the  Arctic.  But  the  Russians 
were  the  first  to  admit  it.  ...  To  them 
the  Soviet  Arctic  was  the  greatest  pioneer- 
ing venture  in  the  modern  world.  For  it 
was  opening  not  only  a  new  world,  but  it 
was  finding  a  new  social  philosophy,  a  new 
freedom,  and  a  new  way  of  life." 

Co-author  of  "Soviet  Asia" 

FRANCES  WILLARD— From  Prayers  to  Poli- 
tics, by  Mary  Earhart.  University  of  Chicago 
Press.  #3.75. 


title  of  this  book  because  he  is  not  inter- 
ested in  a  little  bow  of  white  ribbon  or 
the  temperance  cause  for  which  it  stands, 
will  make  a  grave  mistake.  For  this  biog- 
raphy is  as  American  as  pioneering,  as  uni- 
versal as  human  nature,  as  modern  as  social 

It  is,  moreover,  that  highly  prized  and 
equally  American  phenomenon,  a  "success 
story."  With  scant  schooling,  Frances  Wil- 
lard  became  the  first  dean  of  the  Woman's 
College  of  Northwestern  University.  Reared 
in  isolation,  bound  by  strict  tenets  of  ortho- 
doxy, she  became  an  astute  politician,  a 
brilliant  speaker  and  led  a  world  organiza- 
tion of  a  million  women,  creating  "the 
flood  tide  of  a  woman's  movement  which 
should  sweep  aside  restraints  and  barriers 
of  seclusion,  of  timidity,  and  of  ignorance." 

While  the  Woman's  Christian  Temper- 
ance Union  was  the  principal  medium  of 
her  activities,  she  made  this  field  as  broad 
as  human  need.  Not  only  did  her  followers 
storm  legislative  halls  and  bury  the  legis- 
lators under  a  mound  of  petitions  for  local 
option,  they  also  took  part  in  political  cam- 
paigns, fought  for  woman  suffrage,  for 
better  labor  legislation,  and  urged  world 
arbitration  and  peace. 

Were  these  less  troubled  times,  this  book 
might  easily  stir  a  storm  of  controversy 

her  own  remembered  fervor  would  have 
breathed  life  into  the  framework  so  pains- 
takingly reconstructed.  But  perhaps  that 
would  have  robbed  her  of  the  courage  to 
say  what  she  has  said.  And  that  would  have 
been  a  great  loss.  LENA  MADESIN  PHILLIPS 
President,  International  Federation 
of  Business  and  Professional  Women 


A.   Fitzpatrick.   Columbia  University   Press. 

best  in  the  American  way  of  life.  The 
son  of  immigrant  parents,  working  his 
way  through  Brown  and  the  University 
of  Wisconsin  to  a  Ph.  D.,  he  devoted  his 
life  to  broadening  the  frontiers  of  pub- 
lic service  in  this  country.  He  created 
a  new  species  of  political  institution  to  em- 
body his  ideals  which  grew  to  a  rich  flow- 
ering in  his  adopted  state,  Wisconsin,  and 
spread  to  every  other  state  capitol  and  to 
Washington.  Though  he  did  not  live 
to  the  age  of  fifty,  he  left  an  indelible 
mark  upon  the  thinking  of  his  contem- 
poraries and  the  future  processes  of  gov- 
ernment as  a  tool  for  the  promotion  of  the 
general  welfare. 

McCarthy  of  "the  Wisconsin  Idea"  has 
been  known,  aside  from  his  friends  of 
whom  many  are  still  living,  to  a  small 
circle  of  educators  and  public  officials. 
Yet  thousands  have  been  the  beneficiaries 
of  his  idea — of  a  legislative  reference  and 
drafting  service  to  aid  the  people's  repre- 
sentatives to  fashion  statutes  that  would 
effectuate  what  they  wanted  to  accom- 

His  contribution  to  Wisconsin  and  to 
American  politics  did  not  end  with  the 
invention  and  refinement  of  the  legisla- 
tive reference  and  drafting  device.  For 
the  first  two  decades  of  this  century,  he 
utilized  a  minor  administrative  position 
in  a  single  state  capital  to  animate  the 
programs  of  political  leaders  of  every  per- 
suasion within  and  without  the  state. 

In  the  Progressive  Era,  he  was  a  major 
taproot  from  which  flowed  the  intellec- 
tual and  moral  sap  of  the  vital  forces 
alike  of  the  New  Freedom  and  Arma- 

within  the  circles  of  organized  women.  For  geddon.  A  natural  human  sympathy  with 
Miss  Earhart  lifts  Frances  Willard  from  the  the  under-dog  infused  his  spirit.  A  pow- 
exclusive  possession  of  the  WCTU  and  erful  intellect  translated  aspirations  into 

makes  her  the  foremost  leader  of  the  cen- 
tury in  the  woman  movement.  She  thinks 
Miss  Willard  has  too  long  been  denied  "her 
rightful  place  in  history.  Women  of  lesser 
stature,  like  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton  and 
Susan  B.  Anthony,  have  been  accorded  far 
greater  prominence  by  historians  than  she, 
although  it  is  probable  that  her  contribution 
to  the  woman  suffrage  movement  alone  far 
surpassed  that  of  either  of  these  notable 

This  is  a  double  charge  of  dynamite.  But 
the  biographer  makes  an  excellent  case, 
amply  documented.  Although  a  first  book, 
the  style  is  clear,  concise,  easy.  But  it  is  a 
research  worker's  record.  Everything  is 
there,  yet  nothing  quite  comes  to  life,  sings 
and  surges  into  reality  experienced.  One 
almost  wishes  that  Miss  Earhart  herself 
had  known  years  of  crusading  under  the 
direct  influence  of  a  great  leader  so  that 
answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC^ 

workable  legislative  formulas — for  sound 
progressive  taxation,  for  effective  agricul- 
tural and  labor  legislation,  for  broader  ed- 
ucational opportunity,  for  a  professional 
civil  service,  and  for  dozens  of  other  ideas 
which  are  today  the  keystones  of  prog- 
ress in  all  our  states. 

This    warm    and    human    biography 
a  friend  and  co-worker  in  Wisconsin  is 
rich  addition  not  only  to  the  literature 
political   science    but   to    the    saga    that 
America.      Here  was  a   man  capable  and 
eager   to   seize   an   opportunity    for   servic 
to   the    people,   who    never   deserted    their 
trust   in    him   for  the  greater   rewards 
money    which    were   more    than    once    of- 
fered  him,  who  died  as   he  had  lived — ir 
that   service. 

The  author  has  put  us  in  his  deb 
by  revealing  the  personality  behind  "th 
Wisconsin  Idea."  The  work,  so  finely 

portrayed  here,  lives  on  as  concrete 
achievement  in  our  governmental  system 
and  as  proof  of  the  efficacy  of  effort. 

Queens  College,  New  Yor/( 

TICS, edited  by  Edward  Conrad  Smith  and 
Arnold  John  Zurcher.  Barnes  &  Noble.  #3. 

THIS      IS      A      FIRST-AID      BOOK      FOR      TODAY'S 

reader  of  newspapers  and  weeklies.  Its 
compact  entries,  written  by  fourteen  au- 
thorities in  the  field  of  political  science, 
define  and  explain  more  than  3,000  terms, 
ranging  from  the  American  political  slang 
of  this  and  other  periods  to  Supreme  Court 
cases  and  the  names  of  military  decora- 
dons.  The  present  volume  is  a  revision  and 
enlargement  of  a  dictionary  originally  pub- 
lished in  1888,  with  a  second  edition  put 
out  in  1924.— B.A. 


To  THE  EDITOR:  I  suppose  authors  are  never 
satisfied  with  reviews  of  their  books,  yet 
I  have  written  three  and  never  before  have 
I  complained.  As  a  public  official  I  learned 
to  receive  criticism  and  like  it,  but  the  re- 
view of  "Freedom  from  Fear"  [Survey 
Graphic,  November  1944,  page  468]  hurt 
me,  not  because  it  is  critical  or  because  it 
disagrees — that  is  the  right  of  any  reviewer. 
My  grievance  is  that  the  comment  distorts 
the  aim  and  purpose,  and  even  more  im- 
portant, misstates  what  the  book  says.  My 
main  purpose  was  to  show  that  we  cannot 
have  social  security  at  home  unless  there  is 
security  and  employment  in  other  nations 
too — that  a  United  States  of  Europe,  a  free 
flow  of  trade,  and  international  economic 
agencies  such  as  envisioned  at  Bretton 
Woods  and  Dumbarton  Oaks  are  as  neces- 
sary to  peace  and  prosperity  here  as  they 
are  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  The  whole 
book  turns  on  this  point,  yet  there  is  not  a 
suggestion  of  it  in  the  review. 

As  for  social  security  at  home,  on  which 
the  reviewer  concentrates,  the  review  delib- 
erately misstates  what  the  book  says  about 
accident  and  health  companies,  experience 
rating,  Sir  William  Beveridge  and  the  Bev- 
eridge  Plan,  the  sound  and  logical  extension 
of  social  security,  and  passes  over  the  many 
positive  and  constructive  suggestions  for 
progress  along  social  and  economic  lines 
which  the  book  advocates.  Let  me  take 
just  one  sample. 

Your  reviewer  says  that  the  book  "warns 
against  undue  liberalization  of  the  federal 
old  age  and  survivors'  insurance  system — 
lest  it  discourage  private  initiative."  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  my  book  favors  the  ex- 
tension of  old  age  and  survivorship  insur- 
ance and  says  that  it  is: 

".  .  .  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  of  our 
governmental  services.  It  provides  pensions 
for  those  who  reach  sixty-five  and  have 
retired.  Though  intended  primarily  for  the 
lower  income  group,  as  a  matter  of  admin- 
istrative simplicity,  all  are  subject  to  its  reg- 
ulations and  are  required  to  contribute  on 
the  first  $3,000  of  income.  Since  many 
who  have  large  earnings  find  themselves 
practically  penniless  in  their  old  age,  this 
protection  should  be  a  source  of  satisfaction 
to  people  in  all  walks  of  life.  The  pro- 

vision for  widows  with  small  children,  or 
widows  who  have  reached  sixty-five,  is  also 
progressive  and  desirable. 

"The  amendments  suggested  by  the 
National  Resources  Planning  Board  for  in- 
creasing benefits  in  the  low  income  brackets 
seem  desirable.  Benefits  should  be  deter- 
mined not  only  by  contributions  but  by 
considerations  of  'social  adequacy.'  That 
employes  of  nonprofit  corporations  should 
be  covered  is  obvious;  they  should  never 
have  been  excluded.  The  suggestion  of  the 
Planning  Board  for  the  inclusion  of  agri- 
cultural and  domestic  workers  is  also  logi- 
cal and  sound;  there  is  no  argument,  except 

difficulty  of  administration,  for  discriminat- 
ing against  people  who  are  apt  to  need 
protection  most."  (page  138) 

The  reviewer  suggests  that  the  book  is 
merely  a  front  for  the  private  insurance 
companies,  but  anyone  who  knows  any- 
thing about  my  record  as  State  Superin- 
tendent of  Insurance  (New  York)  will  re- 
sent this.  It  may  add  to  the  peace  of  mind 
of  the  reviewer  to  know  that  the  only 
serious  criticism  I  have  received,  outside  his 
own,  is  from  the  executive  of  a  large  insur- 
ance company  who  says  that  the  book  is 
unfair  to  industrial  insurance. 
New  Yor/^  Louis  H.  PINK 

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(Continued  from  page  59) 

use.  At  this  writing,  it  is  said  that  only 
about  one  hundred  helicopters  are  in  ex- 
istence in  the  United  States,  all  of  them 
used  by  the  armed  forces. 

Of  many  improvements  to  be  made,  per- 
haps the  one  least  assured  is  the  ability  to 
land  in  a  small  space  when  the  engine  stops. 
Without  power,  landing  is  safer  with  a 
forward  motion,  especially  if  the  power 
goes  off  accidentally.  But  if  city  landing 
areas  for  helicopters  should  be  large  enough 
for  emergency,  power-off  landings,  then 
much  of  the  advantage  of  the  helicopter 
in  adapting  to  congested  areas  is  lost. 

How  this  problem  will  be  solved  is  not 
clear;  very  probably  by  improving  engines 
and  mechanisms  'so  that  the  likelihood  of 
the  engine  stopping,  except  at  the  will  of 
the  pilot,  will  be  exceedingly  small.  Even 
now  a  helicopter  engine  cannot  stall  as  does 
an  automobile  engine.  And  if  presently  the 
chances  of  a  helicopter  engine  stopping  art- 
no  greater  than  of  an  airplane  overturning 
at  the  take-off,  certainly  people  will  use 
them.  Helicopters  will  follow  air  lanes  over 
the  city,  with  emergency  landing  areas 
along  the  lanes.  A  city  located  on  a  body 
of  water  will  have  convenient  emergency 
landings  on  its  lake,  river  or  harbor. 

For  landings  near  homes,  vacant  lots  or 
parks  will  serve  and  the  helicopter  with 
wheels  may  then  be  driven  along  the 
ground  into  a  garage  at  the  residence. 

By  the  end  of  the  first  decade  after  the 
war,  there  may  be  many  hundred  thousands 
of  helicopters,  which  will  curtail  the  use  of 
private  airplanes.  Helicopters  are  likely  to 
be  used  first  by  professionals,  such  as  the 
Coast  Guard,  the  Forestry  Service,  by  cattle- 
men, and  for  scheduled  passenger  trans- 
portation. Although  helicopters  are  now 
slower  in  speed  than  the  airplane,  this  is 
not  likely  to  be  a  deterrent  since  they  travel 
betwen  100  and  150  miles  an  hour,  and 
later  they  will  go  even  faster. 

The  postwar  price  contemplated  now  is 
around  $5,000  for  a  small  helicopter, 
though  early  models  today,  not  produced  by 
assembly  line  methods,  probably  cost  $100,- 
000  to  build.  Later  they  are  expected  to  be 
priced  at  about  the  present  figure  for  private 
airplanes.  It  may  be  a  very  long  time  before 
they  are  sold  at  less  than  $1,000  or  $1,500. 

A  helicopter  is  not  likely  to  be  a  substi- 
tute for  an  automobile,  and  probably  the 
majority  of  owners  of  helicopters  will  also 
own  cars.  Before  the  war,  there  were  752,- 
000  persons  and  families  with  incomes  of 
$10,000  a  year  and  over,  and  2,086,000  with 
incomes  of  $5,000  and  above.  It  is  from 
these  income  groups  that  the  owners  of 
helicopters  are  likely  to  come,  but  only  a 
small  minority  of  these  groups  are  apt  to 
own  helicopters  in  the  second  decade  after 
the  war.  In  contrast  to  this  are  the  20,000,- 
000  owners  of  private  automobiles. 

The  fact  that  a  helicopter  owner  will 
need  a  car  as  well  suggests  that  the  two  be 
combined  into  a  single  vehicle.  Both  the 
flying  automobile  and  the  roadable  heli- 
copter are  technically  possible.  But  it  is 

"difficult  to  make  a  vehicle  that  moves  in 
two  media  as  well  as  in  one  alone.  In  the 
past,  no  amphibious  vehicle  has  been  as 
good  as  the  single  purpose  one  built  for 
land  or  water  only.  A  roadable  helicopter  is 
not  expected  to  be  a  good  automobile.  It 
will  be  heavier  and  more  complicated  than 
a  non-roadable  helicopter. 

However,  the  old  autogiro  could  run 
along  the  ground  at  about  40  miles  an  hour. 
A  helicopter  that  could  do  as  well  would 
have  a  greatly  increased  flexibility  of  use. 
An  owner  with  a  garage  but  no  landing 
space  at  his  residence  could  use  it.  It  could 
be  stored  more  easily  in  city  buildings  for 
parking.  Suburbanites  could  travel  on  the 
ground  to  nearby  shopping  centers.  Up  to 
now,  there  has  been  less  talk  about  a  road- 
able  helicopter  than  about  a  roadable  plane. 
But  the  demand  for  a  roadable  helicopter 
probably  will  be  very  great  and  there  would 
seem  to  be  a  rather  high  probability  of  its 
development,  perhaps  in  the  second  decade 
after  the  war.  A  roadable  helicopter  would 
need  to  be  cheaper  than  the  combined  price 
of  an  automobile  and  a  helicopter.  Even  so, 
roadable  helicopters  are  not  likely  to  replace 
very  many  automobiles. 

The  car  is  an  excellent  means  of  trans- 
portation in  a  country  of  good  roads  like 
the  United  States.  After  the  postwar  tran- 
sition period,  the  automobile  will  be  im- 
proved in  construction,  as  manufacturers 
take  advantage  of  today's  technological  de- 
velopments. Improvements  will  include 
lightness  in  weight,  greater  visibility,  great- 
er engine  efficiency,  increased  durability, 
and  more  convenience  in  design.  In  speed, 
automobiles  cannot  compete  with  aircraft, 
but  the  speed  of  aviation  will  be  available 
in  common  carrier  planes,  irrespective  of 
the  developments  of  private  aircraft. 

Adjusting  to  the  Air  Age 

The  foregoing  picture  is  set  forth  with 
the  thought  that  it  is  a  relatively  reliable 
estimate  of  what  may  be  expected  in  the 
predictable  future.  It  will  be  necessary  to 
make  many  adjustments  in  our  institutions 
and  habits  for  such  a  new  and  radical 
change.  A  few  illustrations  may  be  listed 
as  suggestions. 

Scheduled  air  passenger  and  cargo  trans- 
portation will  be  especially  significant  for 
undeveloped  countries  such  as  Alaska,  the 
interiors  of  South  America,  Africa  and  Cen- 
tral Asia.  The  airplane  is  particularly  adap- 
table to  undeveloped  areas,  not  only  because 
of  its  speed,  but  because  landing  fields  can 
be  built  more  readily  than  highways  or  rail- 
roads. The  natural  resources  of  these  un- 
developed areas  will  be  exploited.  Other 
forms  of  transportation  will  follow  aviation. 
In  the  United  States,  the  Pacific  Coast  will 
be  connected  more  closely  to  the  areas  east 
of  the  Mississippi  River. 

Larger  numbers  of  our  population  will 
travel  to  foreign  countries  and  thus  widen 
their  knowledge  of  the  customs  and  habits 
of  other  nations.  International  isolation, 
both  political  and  economic,  will  be  im- 
possible. Great  Britain  and  Latin  America 
will  be  drawn  commercially  closer  to  the 
United  States.  Aviation  will  offer  American 
business  many  new  opportunities  for  in- 
vestment and  trade. 

The  influence  of  aviation  in  a  warlike 
world  is  further  to  weaken  the  small  nations 
and  to  strengthen  the  great  powers,  espe- 
cially those  with  large  land  areas.  Small 
nations  already  are  being  tied  closer  to  ad- 
joining or  nearby  great  powers.  It  will  be 
more  difficult  to  be  neutral  in  future  wars. 
In  a  warlike  world,  aviation  for  a  time 
encourages  a  sort  of  feudalism  among 
nations,  perhaps  later  on — integration.  One 
international  world  seems  immeasurably 
far  off. 

The  small  plane  and  small  helicopter 
will  call  for  a  great  variety  of  adjustments. 
In  agriculture,  the  helicopter  will  be  widely 
used  for  spraying  and  dusting  and  even 
seeding.  The  helicopter  has  proved  its  value 
in  rescue  work.  The  preservation  of  forests 
will  be  aided.  The  helicopter  should  modify 
greatly  the  work  of  the  cowboy  and  the 
sheep  herder.  In  mining,  aviation  means  a 
great  expansion  through  its  use  in  prospect- 
ing undeveloped  areas.  Color  photography 
and  the  helicopter  are  very  useful  in  ex- 
ploration of  natural  resources. 

The  areas  of  buying  and  selling  will  be 
widened  for  various  businesses,  and  for 
some  goods  there  will  be  new  markets. 
Business  transactions  will  be  speeded.  Pack- 
ing methods  will  be  radically  changed,  in 
many  instances  in  favor  of  lightness.  The 
use  of  light-weight  materials  may  extend 
to  railroad  cars,  automobile  bodies,  and 
other  fields.  Helicopters'  will  be  used  by 
the  police,  by  patrols,  and  also  by  smug- 
glers and  other  criminals. 

New  Ways  and  New  Attitudes 

In  the  space  of  a  single  article  it  is  not 
possible  to  consider  in  detail  the  social 
effects  of  a  new  dimension  of  travel  and 
commerce.  But  let  us  glance  at  a  few  prob- 

In  recreation  the  trend  toward  the  utili- 
zation of  the  weekend  for  pleasure  trips 
will  be  furthered,  especially  to  different 
climates,  to  scenes  of  woodland  beauty,  and 
to  wilderness  areas  that  attract  sportsmen 
or  campers.  There  is  the  possibility  of  great- 
er international  competition  in  sports  and, 
at  least  in  the  United  States,  a  further  na- 
tionalization of  the  sport  spectacle. 

In  education,  some  phase  of  aviation  will 
find  its  way  into  practically  every  course  of 
the  school  system.  The  teaching  of  geog- 
raphy will  be  most  radically  affected.  The 
history  of  the  Oriental  peoples  and  their 
civilizations  will  be  a  part  of  the  curricula. 
Aviation  also  will  extend  student  exchange, 
especially  perhaps  in  the  graduate  schools 
of  the  large  universities. 

The  religious  activity  which  will  be  in- 
fluenced most  by  aviation  will  be  foreign 
missions.  Obviously,  mission  administration 
can  be  improved  by  use  of  the  airplane,  and 
the  emphasis  of  the  missionary  work  of  the 
air  age  is  likely  to  be  concerned  less  with 
customs  and  more  with  the  spirit  of  religion 
and  with  the  extension  of  services — medical, 
educational,  welfare.  Perhaps  home  missions 
at  a  later  date  may  find  the  helicopter  use- 
ful in  extending  the  area  the  pastor  can 
visit  and  bringing  outlying  members  closer 
to  the  church.  Secularization  is  not  dis- 
couraged by  aviation. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  aviation  will  fur- 


ther  the  use  of  basic  English,  in  view  of  the 
great  role  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  in  aviation,  and  the  increased  de- 
mand for  a  common  tongue  at  the  landing 

As  to  family  life,  it  is  the  well-to-do  who 
will  be  affected  first  by  aviation.  Occasional 
residences  will  be  located  farther  from  cities, 
on  the  rim  of  suburbs.  If  helicopter  buses 
are  not  frequent  enough,  private  helicopters 
may  connect  the  home  with  through-service 
of  one  kind  or  another.  Helicopters  also 
will  mean  larger  residential  land  space  for 
their  owners.  Aviation,  like  all  travel  media, 
leads  to  wider  scattering  of  members  of  the 
family.  No  doubt,  too,  like  the  automobile, 
aircraft  may  lead  to  some  competitive  family 
rivalries  for  social  recognition  and  display. 
The  birthrate  may  be  lowered  slightly  and 
the  deathrate  probably  increased  by  a  very 
small  fraction.  The  redistribution  of  popu- 
lation will  be  a  slow  process,  not  rapid  as 
in  the  case  of  the  railroads.  Planes  will 
follow  present  population  routes.  But  even- 
tually population  will  be  spread  to  outlying 
regions,  for  instance,  Alaska,  if  the  eco- 
nomic base  exists.  Also  regions  like  the 
Pacific  Coast  will  gain  in  population  since 
the  spread  of  aviation  will  enable  big 
markets  to  be  tapped. 

A  great  development  like  aviation  is  like- 
ly to  leave  an  impression  on  our  thinking. 
International  ideas  and  considerations  and 
less  provincialism  are  to  be  looked  for, 
though  the  first  influence  probably  will  be 
to  accentuate  national  interests  and  rivalries 
among  the  larger  powers.  Travel  will  be 
fashionable  and  its  broadening  influence 
felt.  Racial  issues  are  likely  to  be  raised. 
But  even  the  village  storekeeper  will  have 
to  learn  to  think  in  terms  of  the  world, 
rather  than  of  Main  Street.  The  tempo  of 
living  will  be  increased,  and  time  will  be 
watched  even  more  closely  than  now.  For 
those  who  see  a  dichotomy  between  the 
spiritual  and  the  material,  aviation  appears 
likely  in  the  main  to  strengthen  the  forces 
of  the  machine  and  of  material  progress. 


(Continued  from  page  65) 

the  time  for  reform  had  passed  and  that 
today  only  complete  independence  could  be 
satisfactory.  Everywhere,  at  all  times, 
Puerto  Ricans  are  talking  of  status. 

Munoz  Marin  would  like  to  postpone 
the  promised  plebiscite  until  the  end  of 
the  war.  He  may  have  to  call  it  much 
earlier  or  appeal  to  the  people  over  the 
heads  of  many  of  the  prominent  men  in 
his  own  party.  He  also  may  have  to  sub- 
mit some  proposal  on  status  to  Washing- 
ton, to  forestall  action  on  the  part  of  the 
insular  legislature  contrary  to  his  purposes. 
Even  if  the  reform  bill  now  pending  in 
Congress  were  passed  in  its  original  form, 
giving  Puerto  Ricans  the  right  to  elect 
their  governor  and  other  officials  now  ap- 
pointed by  the  President,  and  assurance  that 
future  changes  in  the  Organic  Act  will  be 
made  only  with  the  approval  of  the  people 
of  Puerto  Rico,  it  is  questionable  whether 
it  would  be  acceptable,  though  the  demand 
for  immediate  and  unqualified  independ- 

ence might  be  weakened.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Reform  Bill  as  adopted  by  the 
senate  is  satisfactory  to  no  one. 

Certainly  anyone  who  has  been  in  Puerto 
Rico  for  a  time  can  see  that  the  United 
States  should  adopt  toward  the  island  a 
definite,  clear-cut,  dependable  policy,  which 
will  assure  it  consistent  treatment  and  in- 
creasing autonomy.  So  many  Puerto  Ricans 
recognize  not  only  the  desirability  but  the 
necessity  of  continued  close  relationship 
with  the  United  States  that  they  might, 
upon  the  basis  of  established,  firm,  and 
progressive  colonial  policy,  prevail  over  the 
independence  faction. 

Puerto  Rico  Has  Money  to  Spend — 

Despite  the  problem  which  it  must  face 
on  the  independence  issue,  no  party  in 
Puerto  Rico  ever  took  office  under  pros- 
pects as  bright  as  those  of  the  Popular 
Democrats.  Not  only  are  they  in  complete 
control,  but  they  have,  relatively  speaking, 

incident.  The  student  council  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Puerto  Rico,  without  the  knowl- 
edge of  any  responsible  officer  of  the  uni- 
versity, invited  the  president  of  the  student 
organization  of  the  University  of  Havana 
to  visit  Puerto  Rico.  He  himself  did  not 
come,  but  two  Cuban  students,  without 
legal  authority  to  enter  the  island,  reached 
Puerto  Rico  on  a  Cuban  navy  plane  and 
gave  independence  talks  to  university  stu- 
dents and  others.  When  it  was  discovered 
that  their  papers  were  not  in  order  they 
were  asked  to  leave  the  island. 

Other  evidences  that  agitation  for  inde- 
pendence is  growing  are  not  lacking.  A 
meeting  of  the  "Pro-Independence  Con- 
gress" was  held  on  December  10,  with 
delegates  from  all  over  the  island  in 
attendance.  The  very  word  independence 
was  greeted  with  shouts  of  enthusiasm,  and 
the  general  sense  of  the  meeting  was  that 

(In  answering 


Assured  Income  for  Life 
Joy  in  Helping  Others 


Your  money  works  for  YOU  during  your  lifetime,  and  for  OTHERS  after 
you're  gone,  by  helping  to  finance  the  religious  and  charitable  program 
of  this  great  organization. 


1  It  guarantees  you  an  income  for  life  from  2Vi  to 
7%  according  to  age. 

2  It  is  thoroughly  safeguarded  by  certified  account- 
ing reports  and  is  backed  by  the  reputation  and 
resources  of  this  national  institution. 

3  It  has  the  legal  reserve  and  surplus  fund  protec- 
tion required  by  law. 


Gift  annuity  agreements  are  issued  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  New  York  State  Insurance  Department. 

Send  for  illustrated  booklet  for  full  details 


(A  New  York  Corporation) 

130  West  14th  Street  •  New  York  11,  N.  Y. 

Please  send  me  your  Annuity  Booklet  No.  25 
telling  about  your  plan  for  a  life  income  from  a  gift. 



Date  of  Birth 

advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

an  enormous  amount  ot  money  with  which 
to  work. 

On  June  30,  1944,  the  Puerto  Rican 
Treasury  had  a  free  surplus  of  approxi- 
mately $75,000,000,  which  will  have  in- 
creased to  well  over  $100,000,000  by  the 
end  of  the  present  fiscal  year.  This  money 
comes  in  large  part  from  the  internal 
revenue  tax  on  rum  sold  in  the  United 
States,  which,  under  the  Jones  Act  (1917), 
is  returned  to  the  insular  government.  In- 
come from  this  source  alone  amounted  to 
$63,884,357  during  the  fiscal  year  1943-44, 
compared  to  $13,550,000  for  the  previous 
fiscal  year. 

The  new  government  is  also  fortunate 
in  that  it  will  be  guided  in  its  economic 
program  by  over-all  planning  much  more 
extensive  than  any  planning  yet  done  on 
the  mainland.  To  proponents  of  economic 
planning,  the  next  few  years  in  Puerto  Rico 
promise  to  be  extremely  interesting,  since 
it  will  be  the  first  time  in  any  part  of  the 
United  States  that  long  term  planning  on 
such  a  broad  scale  has  been  attempted. 

— And  a  Six-year  Plan  for  Spending 

The  Puerto  Rico  Planning,  Urbanizing, 
and  Zoning  Board,  set  up  in  1942,  has 
just  issued  its  revised  Six- Year  Plan  for 
the  fiscal  years  1945-46  through  1950-51. 
This  plan  will  be  submitted  to  the  insular 
legislature  as  a  guide  for  appropriations. 
The  plan  recommends  the  expenditure  of 
$322,000,000  in  improvements  "necessary 
to  the  health  and  well-being  of  the  people 
of  Puerto  Rico."  This  is  a  long  way  to 
go  in  six  years  and,  if  the  plan  is  put  into 
effect,  Puerto  Rico,  at  the  end  of  that 
period,  will  be  far  different  from  what  it 
is  today. 

It  is  regrettable  that  the  one  place  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  the  United  States 
where  economic  planning  has  been  really 
accepted,  has  certain  peculiar  problems 
which  seriously  increase  the  difficulties  of 
planning.  The  Puerto  Rico  Planning,  Ur- 
banizing, and  Zoning  Board  is,  in  its  Six- 
Year  Plan,  limited  to  financial  planning. 
And  even  there  it  must  proceed  without 
knowing  for  what  kind  of  political  entity 
it  is  planning.  Should  its  recommenda- 
tions be  directed  toward  a  Puerto  Rico 
in  the  present  colonial  status,  toward  a 
free  Puerto  Rico,  toward  a  Puerto  Rico 
linked  to  the  United  States  in  some  kind 
of  dominion  status,  or  toward  a  State  of 
Puerto  Rico?  Long  term  plans,  to  be  re- 
alistic, must  be  in  terms  of  a  settled  politi- 
cal future.  If  Puerto  Rico  becomes  inde- 
pendent, for  example,  the  entire  economy 
of  the  island  will  change. 

In  its  current  Six-Year  Plan,  the  board 
assumes  continuance  of  the  present  politi- 
cal status  and,  therefore,  the  plan  contem- 
plates federal  aid  for  housing,  roads,  edu- 
cation, health — in  fact,  all  the  infinite  va- 
rieties of  help  which  Puerto  Rico  receives 
from  continental  United  States.  It  pre- 
sumes the  continued  return  to  the  insular 
government  of  the  internal  revenue  tax 
on  rum,  which  at  present  forms  the  back- 
bone of  insular  income,  and  which  the 
planning  board  estimates  at  43.4  percent 
of  total  income  for  the  next  six  years. 

This  dilemma  in  which  the  board  finds 

itself  is,  of  course,  merely  a  reflection  of 
that  of  any  insular  government  which  at- 
tempts to  plan  for  the  future.  Political 
uncertainty,  dependence  upon  a  distant  and 
fundamentally  uninterested  federal  Con- 
gress, which  nonetheless  has  power  to  over- 
turn at  will  any  program  the  insular  gov- 
ernment may  undertake,  in  large  part  ex- 
plains why,  before  1940,  no  government 
had  ever  undertaken  a  long  time  program 
to  solve  the  island's  economic  and  social 

For  the  island  as  a  whole,  the  first  re- 
quirements of  a  social  program  are  water 
and  sewerage  systems,  schools,  and  hospi- 
tals. Not  more  than  22  percent  of  the  en- 
tire population,  urban  as  well  as  rural, 
now  has  access  to  running  water.  An  even 
smaller  proportion  has  access  to  any  kind 
of  sewer  or  sanitary  system.  Close  to  half 
of  the  school  population  is  not  in  school, 
because  there  are  neither  schools  nor  teach- 
ers enough  to  care  for  them. 

The  Six- Year  Plan  calls  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  about  half  of  the  needed  water 
supply  and  sewerage  systems  within  the 
six  years;  it  proposes  the  construction  of 
9,300  new  classrooms  at  an  expenditure 
of  $28,560,000.  Even  this  will  provide  only 
about  half  the  schools  required  to  make  ef- 
fective the  island's  compulsory  education 

In  the  matter  of  health,  although  a  six- 
year  building  program  totaling  close  to 
$25,000,000  is  proposed,  with  a  very  great- 
ly increased  budget  for  current  expenses, 
it  is  only  about  one  third  of  the  expendi- 
tures needed  to  meet  modern  health  stand- 
ards. As  to  housing,  it  is  believed  by  the 
planning  board  that  within  the  six  years, 
and  with  federal  aid,  most  of  the  urban 
slums  can  be  cleared. 

All  of  this  is  one  way  of  saying  that,  if 
the  Popular  Democratic  Party  does  not  de- 
stroy itself,  or  permit  others  to  destroy  it, 
on  the  issue  of  political  status,  the  next  few 
years  will  see  enormous  betterment  in  the 
economic  and  social  conditions  in  Puerto 


(Continued  from  page  48) 

Labor  Relations  Acts  fortify  the  boards  they 
set  up  by  providing  that  the  board's  find- 
ings "as  to  the  facts,  if  supported  by  the 
evidence,  shall  be  conclusive."  The  Tempor- 
ary Commission's  draft  inserted,  instead,  a 
provision  that  "the  findings  of  the  commis- 
sion as  to  the  facts  shall  be  conclusive  only 
if  supported  by  a  fair  preponderance  of  all 
evidence."  The  provision  would  have 
wrested  from  the  Permanent  Commission 
all  real  power  in  dealing  with  discrimina- 
tion— and  turn  it  over  to  the  courts.  Criti- 
cizing a  similar  provision  in  a  federal  bill 
for  another  purpose,  the  Committee  on  Ad- 
ministrative Procedure  of  the  United  States 
Department  of  Justice  held  that  it  would 
"require  the  courts  to  determine  independ- 
ently which  way  the  evidence  preponder- 
ates. Administrative  tribunals  would  be 
turned  into  little  more  than  media  for 
transmission  of  the  evidence  to  the  courts. 
It  would  destroy  the  value  of  adjudication 

ot  tacts  by  experts  or  specialists  in  the  field 

The  resulting  delays,  with  their  drain  on 
time  and  energy,  would  be  only  a  small 
part  of  the  price  for  such  a  change.  The 
fact  is  that  the  success  of  such  an  ad- 
ministrative body  depends  on  the  expert 
and  fully-informed  judgment  of  men  and 
women  constantly  concerned  with  these 
problems,  and  chosen  for  their  sympathy 
with  the  purpose  of  the  legislation.  Under 
the  amended  set-up,  the  judgment  of  such 
experts  would  be  replaced  by  that  of  mem- 
bers of  the  bench  holding,  quite  naturally, 
widely  variant  views  on  so  controversial  an 
issue  as  equality  in  the  right  of  employ- 

2.  The    Temporary    Commission's    draft 
provided  that  the  Permanent  Commission 
might  obtain  an  order  from  the  court  for 
the  enforcement  of  any  ruling  or  order  of 
its  own  only  in  the  event  of  failure  of  com- 
pliance by  the  violator.   These  words  could 
only  mean  that  after  the  Permanent  Com- 
mission had  found  that  a  complainant  has 
suffered  from  a  violation  of  the  law,  and 
after  it  had  issued  an  order,  the  violator 
could  block  enforcement  in  the  courts  by 
claiming  he  had  meanwhile  corrected  the 
situation.  The  commission  would  then  have 
to   hold  a   second   hearing  before   a   court 
order  could  be  secured. 

As  a  matter  of  history,  employers  hostile 
to  the  National  Labor  Relations  Act  sought 
to  have  such  a  provision  read  into  that  law, 
but  the  federal  courts  refused,  saying  that 
such  procedure  would  make  a  "merry-go- 
round"  of  it. 

3.  Under  the  redraft  only  the  employe  or 
worker  directly  involved  could  file  the  com- 
plaint, which  would  be  prerequisite  to  any 
action  by  the  Permanent  Commission.  Such 
a  complaint  could  not  be  filed  by  a  union, 
by  a  religious  organization,  or  even  by  an 
organization  established  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  rights  of  minorities. 

A  procedure  of  this  sort  means,  in  prac- 
tice, that  if  complaint  is  to  be  filed,  the 
worker  involved  must  be  able  and  willing 
to  risk  his  own  job,  if  he  has  one,  or  be- 
come known  as  a  trouble-maker.  Will  a 
wage  earner  who  has  been  passed  over  for 
promotion  by  reason  of  his  color,  race  or 
creed  dare  do  this?  Will  one  who  has 
found  another  job  take  on  the  burden  of 
the  situation  once  he  has  left  it  behind? 
Generally  speaking,  the  answer  to  these 
questions  is  "No."  The  provision,  there- 
fore, would  have  substantially  undermined 
the  enforcement  of  the  high  principles  set 
forth  in  the  proposed  act. 

These  flaws  in  the  tentative  proposals 
might  be  described  as  classic  amendments 
repeatedly  inserted  or  offered  by  persons  op- 
posed to  progressive  administrative  mea- 
sures in  order  to  limit  the  powers  of  the 
agencies  created  to  execute  them.  Happily, 
they  were  brought  out  into  the  open  by  tbe 
press  and  by  participants  in  the  public  hear- 
ings of  the  commission.  Supporters  of  the 
purposes  of  the  bill  predominated  and 
called  for  stronger  legislation.  However, 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the 
representatives  of  special  interests,  are  at 
work  to  prevent  any  legislation  at  all. 


The  1945  Bills  Themselves 

As  this  issue  is  in  press,  the  Temporary 
Commission  has  submitted  its  definitive 
bills.  Religious,  social,  and  other  non- 
profit organizations  are  still  excluded  from 
their  scope.  More  seriously,  only  aggrieved 
individuals  may  file  a  complaint,  and  must 
do  so  within  three  months.  But  two  other 
major  criticisms  in  this  analysis  are  met. 
Thus  the  preponderance-of-evidence  rule 
laid  down  in  the  tentative  proposals  has 
been  supplanted  by  a  workable  formula, 
giving  proper  weight  to  the  findings  of  the 
Permanent  Commission.  More,  the  provi- 
sions for  securing  compliance  with  that 
commission's  orders  have  been  streamlined 
and  greatly  strengthened.  The  legislation 
recommended  would  mark  a  decisive  step 
forward  in  the  fight  to  end  discrimination 
in  employment.  The  fight  at  Albany  will 
be  a  real  one,  and  it  is  essential  that  New 
Yorkers  who  believe  in  the  purpose  of  the 
bills  do  not  allow  any  division  over  minor 
imperfections  to  play  into  the  hands  of  their 

A  limited  number  of  opponents  to  such 
legislation  appeared  at  the  New  York  hear- 
ings in  December.  Some  attempted  to  tag 
the  bill  as  "communistic."  Others  professed 
that  education  rather  than  legislation  is 
what  is  needed  to  correct  discrimination  on 
the  part  of  employers  and  labor  unions. 
That  oft-repeated  argument  should  be  con- 
sidered in  the  perspective  afforded  by  re- 
cent polls  conducted  by  the  National  Opin- 
ion Research  Center  at  Denver  University. 
The  Center  reported  on  a  cross-section  of 
opinions  held  by  white  persons  the  country 
over.  This  showed  that  most  complacency 
exists  wherever  discrimination  against  the 
Negro  is  most  severe.  Showed,  moreover, 
that  those  who  have  had  least  opportunity 
for  education  themselves  are  most  optimistic 
about  the  economic  opportunities  open  to 
the  Negro.  The  less  schooling  they  have 
had,  the  more  concerned  they  are  about  the 
job  competition  they  will  face  should  racial 
bars  be  lifted.  Such  attitudes  do  not  pro- 
vide fertile  soil  for  improvement  through 
education  alone. 

These  polls  revealed,  also,  how  muddled 
and  contradictory  much  of  our  thinking  is. 
Thus,  35  percent  of  these  white  people  reg- 
istered that  their  own  standards  of  what  is 
fair  treatment  on  the  other  side  of  the  color 
line  are  far  different  from  those  held  by 
N'egroes  themselves.  Fifty  percent  answered 
that  Negroes  have  the  same  chance  as  the 
rest  of  us  to  make  a  good  living  in  this 
country.  In  another  answer  in  the  same 
questionnaire,  71  percent  admitted  that 
Negroes  do  not  have  just  as  good  a  chance 
as  white  people  to  get  any  kind  of  job. 
These  answers  should  be  read  against  an 
earlier  survey  by  NORC  which  found  that 
Xegroes  consider  economic  discrimination 
the  most  important  grievance  they  have 
I  against  white  Americans. 

On  the  one  hand,  we  see  in  such  cross- 
I  sections  of  opinion  how  complacency,  vary- 
j  ing  standards,  discrimination,  and  prejudice 
I  among  white  Americans  center  on  the  key 
I  problem  of  equality  of  economic  opportun- 
ity. On  the  other  hand,  the  most  con- 
I  eentrated  sense  of  grievance  among  Negroes 
I  stems  from  that  same  source. 

True,  these  polls  show  how  much  educa- 
tion is  needed.  But  can  the  American 
people  afford  to  wait  until  the  least  secure, 
least  educated,  and  most  prejudiced  among 
us  are  transformed?  Economic  discrimina- 
tion is  damaging  alike  to  those  against 
whom  it  is  aimed  and  to  those  who  practice 
it.  Only  legislation  can  crystallize  our  prin- 
ciples in  standards  for  all  of  us  and  can 
provide  the  machinery  to  effectuate  them. 


(Continued  from  page  62) 

inflation  periods,  and  will  leave  the  neces- 
sary deficits  in  periods  of  recession.  To 
illustrate,  when  the  national  income  fell  to 
approximately  half  its  former  level  in  the 
depression  of  the  Thirties,  the  personal  in- 
come tax,  in  spite  of  an  intervening  increase 
in  rates,  dropped  to  one  third.  If,  in  addi- 
tion, the  tax  rates  could  be  raised  or  low- 
ered as  business  conditions  demand,  the 
tax  system  might  become  a  really  useful  in- 
strument of  control — even  though  it  cannot 
be  expected  to  do  the  job  alone. 

The  most  encouraging  factor  in  tax  plans 
so  far  offered  is  that  most  of  the  planners 
recognize  the  close  relationship  of  the  tax 
system  to  the  problem  of  full  employment. 
Apparently  they  are  all  aware  that  however 
desirable  a  balanced  budget  may  be,  there 
is  no  hope  of  attaining  it  unless  the  whole 
economy  prospers-.  Tax  reduction  is  no 
magician's  wand  —  and  full  employment 
will  not  be  achieved  by  this  method  alone. 
Industry  must  learn  that  profits  can  be 
made  from  low  prices  and  full  production 
as  well  as  from  high  prices  and  restricted 
output,  and  that  profits  from  a  low  price 
policy  are  apt  to  be  steadier  than  those  from 
a  high  price  policy.  Tax  policy  can  supple- 
ment price  policy  in  achieving  full  employ- 
ment, but  it  cannot  replace  it. 

In  short,  while  taxation  may  affect  em- 
ployment, the  complete  solution  of  the 
problem  of  full  employment  will  not  be 
found  in  tax  policy.  It  is  in  fact  the  other 
way  round:  full. employment  is  the  first  es- 
sential to  any  satisfactory  solution  of  the  tax 
problem.  This  must  be  borne  in  mind  as 
we  approach  a  period  when  the  country's 
welfare  may  depend  in  no  small  degree  on 
the  full  use  of  our  labor  force. 

It'sten  to  t/iis  Record! 



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AND    1   ABOUT  HIM 

Dr.  Will  Durant,  who  has  a  talent  for 
popularizing  problems  in  philosophy,  has 
written  12  booklets  for  E.  Haldeman-Julius, 
as  follows: 











In  addition  we  offer  Booklet  No.  13,  which  contains 
a  long  study,  by  Joseph  McCabe,  entitled  "Will 
Durant's  Story  of  .Civilization."  This  appears  in  a 
volume  (5J4  x  S'/i  inches)  that  contains  about 
60,000  words.  All  13  booklets  offered  for  $1.25, 
which  includes  all  carriage,  packing  and  handling 
charges.  Ask  for  13  WILL  DURANT  BOOK- 
LETS. .Address: 


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D-8  Girard,    Kansas 



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For  persons  who  contemplate  retirement, 
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RESEARCH:  Congressional  Library,  Government 
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AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 


YOUNG  MAN,  college  graduate,  trained  and  ex- 
perienced social  worker,  desires  administrative 
position.  8098  Survey. 

SOCIAL  WORKER,  young  man,  ten  years'  experi- 
ence welfare  work,  well  equipped  education  and 
experience  handling  people;  public  speaker.  Now 
employed  large  national  organization,  wishes  new 
opportunity,  New  York  or  vicinity  preferred. 
8097  Survey. 

DEPARTMENT,  fifteen  years'  experience,  de- 
sires challenging  opportunity  in  hospital  or  teach- 
ing field.  8092  Survey. 

WOMAN,  college  graduate.  A.A.S.W.  member, 
former  settlement  Headworker  and  experienced 
social  worker  desines  counseling  position  in  Fam- 
ily Agency  in  the  Philadelphia  area.  8093  Survey. 

work  field  available  in  near  future — capable, 
adaptable.  Northeast.  8086  Survey. 

Horticulture,  Fruit,  Flowers,  Vegetables,  Green- 
houses, Poultry,  able  run  truck  garden,  instruct- 
ing, course  Rehabilitation,  Columbia,  wants  inter- 
esting all  year  round  position,  excellent  references. 
8089  Survey. 

LADY  WITH  COLLEGE  DEGREE  desires  posi- 
tion in  Juvenile  institution  as  dramatics  teacher, 
supervisor,  or  superintendent.  Specialized  in 
Child  psychology  and  children's  activities.  Thirty 
years'  experience.  8088  Survey. 


50%  Off  Regular  Price 

for  books  displayed  by  our  field  workers. 
In  good  condition,  but  without  that  new 

For  complete  ncic  list  write 


Book   Order  Department 

112  East  19  Street,  N«w  York  3,  N.  Y. 


AGENCY,  St.  Louis,  high  standards,  interested 
in  psychosomatic  developments,  needs  a  qualified 
case  work  supervisor  and  three  case  workers. 
8096  Survey. 

SPECIAL  WORKER— in  Jewish  multiple  service 
case  work  agency  to  carry  selected  case  load  and 
assume  special  responsibilities  involving  community 
organization  and  interpretation.  Salary  range 
$2400  to  $3500.  7986  Survey. 

CASE  CONSULTANT  in  Jewish  Case  Work 
Agency  rendering  family  and  child  placement 
services.  Responsible  for  program  of  staff  develop- 
ment and  some  administrative  duties.  Profession- 
ally trained  and  experienced  person  desired. 
Salary  range  $3600  to  $4500.  8090  Survey. 

GROUP    WORKER — Director    of    Community    Ac 
tivities  with  Jewish  Community  Council  in  inter 
mediate  Midwestern  community.     Excellent  oppor- 
tunity for  community  organization.     Salary  rang 
$2700-$3200.     8087  Survey. 

FULL    TIME    Boys    Athletic    Director    to    replac 
present  part  time  worker  for   Community  Center, 
Poughkeepsie,      New      York.       Write      Rockwoo" 
Jenkins,    Executive    Director,    Lincoln    Center. 

TWO  CASE  WORKERS  for  child  and  family  work 
in  rapidly  expanding  Lutheran  agency  in  Easten 
city.  Requirements:  Master's  Degree  or  one  yea. 
training  plus  experience.  Salary  range:  $1800- 
$2400.  8083  Survey. 

WORKER  for  large,  progressive  mental  hospital 
in  East.  Beginning  salary  $1908.  Excellent  op- 
portunity for  advancement  for  well  qualified  per- 
son. Citizenship  required.  8084  Survey. 

WANTED:  Director  of  Boys'  Work  in  neighbor- 
hood house  and  playground  in  a  large  Eastern 
city.  Residence  desirable  but  not  required.  8082 

WANTED:  Woman  Social  Worker  with  some 
psychiatric  experience  who  could  work  in  as 
assistant  to  superintendent  in  Jewish  old  people's 
Home  in  Chicago.  State  qualifications  and  salary 
expected  with  full  maintenance.  6079  Survey. 

PAROLE  OFFICER— Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents. Vacancies  principally  in  New  York  City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  754%  war  emergency 
compensation.  Give  age,  education,  experience. 
David  Dressier,  Executive  Director,  Box  1679, 
Albany,  New  York. 

woman,  professionally  trained  and  experienced,  in 
large  New  England  Family  Agency  serving 
Armed  Forces  and  Veterans.  Salary  commensu- 
rate with  experience  and  ability.  Give  full  de- 
tails. 8094  Survey, 

WE  SERVE  as  a  confidential  clearing  house 
through  which  social  workers,  executives  and 
agencies  everywhere  can  get  in  direct  touch  with 
one  another  quickly  and  at  surprisingly  small 
cost.  A  $3.00  registration  fee  to  both  employers 
and  applicants  is  our  only  charge.  No  com- 
missions! Just  tell  us  what  kind  of  situation  you 
are  qualified  for,  location  you  would  consider, 
etc.,  or  give  us  complete  details  about  the  posi- 
tion you  have  open.  After  careful  crossmatching, 
employers  descriptions  are  mailed  to  all  potential 
candidates.  Those  interested  then  apply  direct 
to  employers  on  special  forms  we  furnish.  Don  t 
run  the  risk  of  overlooking  the  very  position  or 
applicant  you  might  be  most  interested  in  I  Take 
advantage  of  the  increased  selection  our  low  ^fees 
and  streamlined  service  creates.  Central  Registry 
Service,  109  South  Stanwood,  Columbus  9,  Ohio. 

ERS, as  Counselors  in  a  co-educational  so-called 
"progressive"  camp.  Single  or  married,  with  or 
without  children,  if  one  and  all  are  capable  of, 
and  interested  in,  sharing  the  responsibilities  for 
the  continued  development  of  a  sound  guidance 
program  in  a  truly  cooperative,  democratic  camp 
community,  for  the  summer  of  1945.  8056  Survey. 

WANTED:  HEADWORKER  for  an  established 
Settlement.  8099  Survey. 

WANTED:  Catholic  Charities  or  Child  Welfare 
Worker.  Must  have  graduate  training.  Apply 
Catholic  Charities,  418  N.  25th  Street,  Omaha  2, 

WANTED:  A  couple  for  resident  position  as 
Superintendent  and  Matron  in  small  New  England 
Home  for  Boys.  Write  qualifications  apd  for 
information  8076  Survey. 


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A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Scienre. 

Academic  Year  Opens  June  1945 

The  Accelerated  Cour»e  provide*  two  years  of  aca- 
demic credits,  covering  two  ie«iotu  of  theory,  nine 
months  of  field  practice  in  selected  social  agencies,  and 
the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
serve  in  the  reconstruction  period. 

Contents  for  September,  1944 

The  Changing  Role  of  Social  Work  in  an  Expanding 
American  Economy  Eveline  M.  Burnt,  Pk.D. 

Intake  Interview!  with  Relatives  of  Piychotic  Patients 

Either  Goodale 

Behavior  Problems  of  Bright  and  Dull  Negro  Children 

Teague  Stradford 

The  Adjustment   of   Handicapped   Persons  to  Employment  in 
War  Time  Clara  SweelUnd 

For  further  information  write  to 


Northampton,  MaaMchtuetts 


(Affiliated   with   the   University  of   Pennsylvania) 

Professional  Education  For 

Social  Administration 
Social  Case  Work 
Social  Group  Work 
Social  Research 

Fall    Semester,   1945-46,  opens  October  2,   1945. 
Applications    received    after    February    1,    1945. 

Slimmer  Institute,  June  11 — June  23. 
Announcement  available  February  15. 

Address,  Secretary  for  Admissions 
2410  Pine  Street 

Philadelphia  3,  Penna. 


Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill,  Boston 


The  tenth  in  our  series  of  Survey  Graphic  specials  will  be 
published  soon.  This  special  number — written  by  Americans 
for  Americans — will  deal  with  a  new  England  tempered  by  five 
war  years;  with  the  British  system  from  London  to  Montreal, 
from  Sydney  to  Cape  Town.  It  will  trace  realistically  our 
wartime  collaboration  from  joint  boards  at  Washington  to  the 
furthest  fronts  and  come  to  grips  with  divergencies  and  things 
in  common — with  the  choices  ahead  for  Americans  and 
Britishers  alike.  Watch  for  it! 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC    •    112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.Y. 



FELLOWSHIPS  1945-1946 

Commonwealth  Fund:  For  advanced  training 
in  psychiatric  social  work. 

Group  Work:  A  limited  number  of  fellowships 
for  men  and  women  living  outside  the  metro- 
politan area  who  are  interested  in  group  work. 

Recent  College  Graduates :  A  limited  number  of 
fellowships  for  men  and  women  living  outside 
the  metropolitan  area  who  have  graduated  since 

Tuition  Fellowships:  A  limited  number  of  fel- 
lowships providing  tuition  for  three  quarters. 
Preference  will  be  given  to  applicants  living 
outside  the  metropolitan  area. 

Willard  Straight:  For  a  foreign  student  who 
has  a  background  of  social  work  experience  in 
his  own  country  and  expects  to  return  there. 

Final  date  for  filing  all  applications  is 
February  15,  1945. 

For  details  and  application  blanks  apply   to   the  School. 

122  BAST  22nd  STREET 
NEW    YORK    10,    N.    Y. 


Tin*  Most 

tt  ork  Of  Onr  Time  — 



Whose  Historical  Field  Theory,  If 
Valid,  Must  Revolutionize  Thought 
In  History  As  Did  COPERNICUS  In 
Astronomy,  DARWIN  in  Biology, 
And  EINSTEIN  In  Physics! 

The  Historical  Field  Theory- 

^e  historical 


Period,  In  Ameri 



to  lf 

tific  achievement 
1070  pages. 

Nobly  conceived  and  executed,  in  this  work 
history  emerges  from  the  status  of  an  art  to 
assume  the  rank  of  a  science.  The  effective 
social  forces  of  a  period  and  the  laws  of  his- 
torical motion  are  presented  in  definitive 
form.  The  Philosophy  of  American  History 
consists  of  two  separate  and  complete  vol- 
umes: the  Historical  Field  Theory  and  the 
Periods  In  American  History — the  theory  and 
its  application.  It  is  a  penetrating,  vital, 
factual  work.  The  style,  while  analytical,  is 
warmly  human.  Many  of  its  incisive  sen- 
tences will  become  the  current  phrases  of 
the  next  generation.  Because  prediction  based 
on  established  laws  is  the  essence  of  science, 
you  will  discover  an  almost  irrefutable 
answer  to  the  most  pressing  questions  of 
these  times. 

What  will  be  our  economic,  social  and 
political  development?  What  their  world  re- 
percussions? Is  a  third  World  War  inevitable? 
The  entire  philosophy  of  history  is  crystal- 
lized in  the  final  chapter:  "The  Next  Twenty 
Years  in  American  History." 

The  digest  on  the  left  tries  to  give  you 
some  cue  to  the  contents  of  these  two  master- 
ful volumes.  It  can  be  but  an  inkling.  In- 
spect these  works  at  your  bookstore.  You'll 
realize  at  once  what  a  grand  climax  25  years 
of  patient  study  and  reflection  has  achieved. 
Every  scholar,  statesman  and  student  of  cur- 
rent problems  will  find  the  Philosophy  of 
American  History  an  indispensable  addition 
to  his  classic  library — to  read,  re-read  and 
refer  to  again  and  again.  Cloth  bound,  price 
$4.50  each  volume;  $8.50  for  both.  At  your 
Bookstore  now,  or  write  to 


Long  Island  City  3,  N.  Y. 



30  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 

Cartoon  by  Fitzpatricfc  in  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 

"  Without  a  Country"— Joseph  P.  Chamberlain 


A  British  Plan:  What  Beveridge  Proposes- Maxwell  S.  Stewart 
American  Bill:  From  Patchwork  to  Purpose- Leon  H.  Keyserling 
The  Electronic  Tube,  NEW  ALADDIN'S  LAMP-Waldemar  Kaempffert 

Helping  the 
sick  get  well 

LAMPS  that  kill  germs ...  X  rays 
to  guide  the  surgeon's  fingers  .  . . 
operating  rooms  bathed  in  glare- 
less  light  ...  air  conditioning  to 
screen  out  street  noises  and  dust. 

Helping  the  sick  get  well  is  only 
one  of  the  contributions  of 
General  Electric.  From  the  re- 
search and  engineering  in  G.E.'s 
laboratories  come  products  to 
make  your  work  easier,  your  home 
brighter,  creating  new  comforts, 
better  jobs. 

The  pictures  you  see  here  are 
typical  of  things  accomplished  for 
you  by  G-E  research  and  engi- 
neering. General  Electric  Com- 
pany, Schenectady,  N.  Y. 

of  D-Doy  Injury!  How  X  rays  speed 
treatment  of  war  injuries  is  shown  in  this 
picture  of  Seaman  Brazinski's  thigh.  On  D-Day 
a  German  mine  shattered  bis  boat,  blew  him 
20  feet  in  air.  Rescued  by  an  LST,  rushed  to 
England,  X  rays  quickly  defined  his  injury, 
permitted  accurate  setting.  Portable  G-E 

X-ray  machines  at  St.  Albans  Naval  Hospital, 
L.  I.,  regularly  check  his  progress.  Through  the 
skill  of  doctors  97  per  cent  of  the  wounded  in 
this  war  are  saved.  The  modern  form  of  X-ray 
tube  was  invented  by  Dr.  W.  D.  Coolidge,  G-E 
scientist.  X-ray  units  built  by  the  G.E.  X-Ray 
Corp.  are  at  battlef ronts  the  world  over. 

New  lamp  kills  germf  .  .  .  Germ-laden  air  is 
purified  by  the  new  G-E  germicidal  lamp. 
It  is  already  at  work  in  hospitals,  in  battle- 
front  operating  rooms.  Tried  in  a  school  class- 
room during  a  measles  epidemic,  only  one- 
fourth  as  many  children  contracted  measles 
as  compared  with  unprotected  classrooms. 

Seeing  the  Invisible ...  The  electron  micro- 
scope, more  powerful  than  ordinary  micro- 
scopes, gives  doctors  a  new  tool  to  fight 
disease.  Here  is  the  germ,  bacillus  subtilis, 
magnified  8,000  times.  G-E  engineers  are 
working  to  make  available  a  portable  electron 
microscope  for  industry. 

Help*  treat  Infantile  Paralysis  .  .  .  Doctors 

wanted  hot  packs  to  relieve  pain  and  reduce 
muscular  spasms,  but  such  steam  packs  tended 
to  burn.  G-E  workers  put  together  a  ma- 
chine for  hospital  use  that  produces  heated 
packs  that  even  at  180°F.  will  not  burn 
the  patient's  skin. 

Hear  the  G-E  radio  programs:  The  G-E  All-girl 
Orchestra,  Sunday  10  p.m.  EWT,  NBC— The  World 
Today  news,  Monday  through  Friday  6:45  p.m. 
EWT,  CBS— The  G-E  House  Party,  Monday 
through  Friday  4:00  p.m.  EWT,  CBS. 




Social,  Economic  and  international  Planning 

GERMANY,  8  East  41st  Street,  New  York  17, 
New  York.  Officers:  Dean  Christian  Gauss, 
Honorary  Chairman;  John  A.  Lapp,  Reinhold 
Niebuhr,  Dorothy  Thompson,  Vice-Chairmen. 
Program :  The  distribution  of  factual  and 
interpretive  material  on  current  developments 
in  Germany;  the  mobilization  of  support  for 
genuinely  democratic  German  groups  and 
movements,  both  in  the  United  States  and 


RELATIONS,  1  East  54th  Street,  New  York  22, 
N.  Y.  Research  and  study  organization  on 
the  Pacific  area  problems  as  they  affect 

Special  Labor  Packet  .  .  .  25c  .  .  .  includes: 
Eleanor  Lattimore 

OUR    JOB    IN    THE    PACIFIC— Henry    A. 

Also  available:  popularly  written  pamphlets 
on  China  (by  Maxwell  Stewart);  Philippines; 
Pacific  Islands;  Korea;  Japan;  U.S.S.R. ; 
India;  Australia;  New  Zealand;  Burma  and 
Malaya.  Write  for  complete  pamphlet  list. 

(QUAKERS)— 20  South  12th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania;  Clarence  E.  Pickett, 
Executive  Secretary.  "Whatever  concerns 
•  human  beings  in  distress,  whatever  may  help 
free  individuals,  groups  and  nations  from 
fear,  hate  or  narrowness — these  are  subjects 
for  the  Committee's  consideration."  Present 
projects  include  civilian  relief  operations  in 
England,  China,  India  and  North  Africa;  aid 
to  refugees,  aliens  and  Japanese-Americans 
in  the  United  States  with  overseas  activities 
in  Switzerland,  Portugal,  Sweden  and  Hawaii; 
enrollment  of  students  and  other  volunteer? 
in  world  camp  projects  in  the  United  States 
and  Mexico  to  improve  social-industrial  and 
race  relations;  Institutes  of  International 
Relations  to  promote  study  of  religious  and 
economic  bases  for  peace  and  post-war 
reconstruction;  administration  of  Civilian 
Public  Service  Camps  for  religious  consci- 
entious objectors  in  cooperation  with  other 

Since    1917    AMERICAN   JEWISH   CONGRESS   has 

concerned  itself  with  protection  of  rights  of 
Jews.  Activities  now  embrace  situation  in 
United  States,  Latin  America,  and  Europe. 
Its  program  includes  defense  against  anti- 
Semitic  propaganda,  combating  economic  dis- 
crimination, law  and  legislation  with  a  view 
to  strengthening  democracy,  political  repre- 
sentation on  behalf  of  rights  of  Jews,  and 
amelioration  of  conditions  for  refugees;  par- 
ticipation in  war  program  of  United  States; 
preparation  for  reestablishment  of  Jewish 
rights  at  end  of  war. 

Toward  this  end  it  has  set  up,  in  cooperation 
with  the  World  Jewish  Congress,  an  Insti- 
tution of  Jewish  Affairs  now  studying  facts 
of  Jewish  life  with  a  view  to  establishing 
basis  on  which  rights  may  be  claimed  at  end 
of  war, 

Also  engaged,  together  with  World  Jewish 
Congress,  in  political  negotiations  with  demo- 
cratic governments  with  a  view  to  securing 
sympathetic  support  for  post-war  rights. 
Has  recently  established  Inter  -  American 
Jewish  Council  for  inter  -  American  Jewish 
community  cooperation  in  behalf  of  post-war 
Jewish  reconstruction  and  strengthening  of 
democracy.  1834  Broadway,  New  York  City. 


— Devoted  to  strengthening  cultural  ties 
between  U.  S.  and  U.  S.  S.  R.  Lectures, 
Public  Events  Exhibitions,  Classes,  Private 
Lessons  in  Russian  given  by  graduates  of 
Russian  Universities.  For  full  information 
address  American  Russian  Cultural  Ass'n., 
200  West  57th  St.,  New  York  19,  N.  Y. 

TRATION, 1313  East  60th  Street,  Chicago  37A, 
Illinois.  A  national  organization  to  advance 
the  science  of  public  administration.  All 
members  receive  official  quarterly  journal 
Public  Administration  Review,  which  presents 
articles  on  current  administrative  practices. 
Discussion  groups  for  members  in  metro- 
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B'NAI  B'RITH— Oldest  and  largest  national  Jew 
ish  service  and  fraternal  organization  whose 
program  embraces  manifold  activities  in  war 
service,  Americanism,  youth  welfare,  war  re- 
lief, education,  community  and  social  service, 
inter-faith  good  will,  defense  of  Jewish  rights 
and  philanthropy.  Membership  200,000  in- 
cluding women's  auxiliaries  and  junior  units 
—1003  K  Street,  N.W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


2  West  45th  Street,  New  York  19,  N.  Y. 
Stephen  Dutrean,  Director;  Edgar  J.  Fisher, 
Assistant  Director;  Washington  Bureau  of 
the  Institute,  927  15th  Street,  N.W.,  Wash- 
ington 5,  D.  C.  A.  Handle  Elliott,  Admin- 
istrator. A  non-membership  organization  the 
purpose  of  which  is  to  promote  closer  inter- 
national educational  relations  and  understand- 
ing between  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  other  countries  through  such  activities 
as  the  interchange  of  students  and  teachers, 
and  the  visits  of  foreign  scholars  as  lecturers 
or  visiting  professors  to  our  colleges  and  uni- 
versities. Publications:  annual  report,  monthly 
News  Bulletin,  and  occasional  pamphlets. 

CIATION, 1313  East  60  Street,  Chicago  37,  III. 
To  aid  in  improving  municipal  administration 
(1)  annually  issues  the  Municipal  Year  Book, 
an  encyclopedia  of  information  about  munici- 
pal activities  in  the  2.042  cities  in  the  United 
States  over  3,000;  (2)  publishes  Public  Man- 
agement, a  monthly  journal  devoted  to  local 
government;  (3)  issues  special  reports  such 
as  "Police  and  Minority  Groups,"  "Measur- 
ing Municipal  Activities,"  "Municipal  Public 
Relations,'*  etc.;  and  (4)  provides  a  series  of 
eight  practical  correspondence  courses  in 
municipal  government.  Write  for  complete 
list  of  publications  and  a  catalogue  on 
training  courses. 

TEACHERS  —  An  educational  organization  of 
over  three  million  men  and  women,  working 
together  in  28,000  local  associations  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare  of  children  and  youth. 
Conduct  a  nation-wide  program  devoted  to 
home  and  school  education,  parent  education, 
health  and  social  services.  One  of  its  major 
projects  is  the  preparation  and  distribution 
of  Parent-Teacher  publications,  among  which 
are  the  "National  Parent  -Teacher,"  official 
magazine,  and  a  monthly  Bulletin,  both  issued 
on  a  subscription  basis;  Proceedings  of  An- 
nual Meetings;  Community  Life  m  a  Democ- 
racy ;  The  Parent -Teacher  Organization,  Its 
Origin  and  Development.  Write:  Mrs.  William 
A.  Hastings,  President,  600  South  Michigan 
Boulevard,  Chicago  5,  Illinois. 

Building,  Cleveland  14,  Ohio.  A  voluntary 
organization  founded  in  1 899  to  awaken 
consumers'  responsibility  for  conditions  under 
which  goods  are  made  and  distributed,  and 
through  investigation,  education,  and  legis- 
lation to  promote  fair  labor  standards.  Mini- 
mum membership  fee  including  quarterly 
bulletin,  $2.00.  Elizabeth  S.  Magee,  General 

Broadway,  New  York  23,  N.  Y.  FIFTY 
BORN — immigrant  aid,  port  and  dock  work, 
naturalization  aid,  Americanization  classes, 
location  of  relatives  in  war-separated  families. 
ITIES— Council  houses  and  clubs,  nurseries, 
clinics;  scholarships,  camps,  teen-age  canteens; 
work  with  handicapped.  Participation  in 
national  wartime  programs  through  educa- 
tional projects  and  community  activities. 
FmirATTON  DIVISION  —  Contemporary 
Jewish  affairs,  international  relations  and 
peace,  social  legislation.  Study  groups  under 
national  direction  keep  Jewish  women  through- 
out country  alert  to  vital  current  issues.  215 
Senior  Sections  in  United  States.  100  Junior 
and  Councilette  Sections.  65,000  members. 


TIONAL LIBERTIES -205  East  42  St.,  Room 
1613,  New  York  17,  N.  Y.  A  national 
federation  through  which  labor,  church,  civic, 
fraternal  and  farm  organizations,  as  well  as 
individual  citizens,  work  to  protect  and 
extend  civil  rights  in  the  tradition  of.  the 
American  Constitution. 

Maintains  a  national  office  in  New  York, 
and  a  Washington  Bureau  to  provide  accurate 
and  timely  information  on  civil  rights  issues 
— through  publications,  meetings,  and  special 
legislative  assistance. 

NCFL  Subscription  Service:  $3  per  year  for 
individuals;  $5  for  organizations. 


New  fc'ork  l,ity  18.  Through  meetings,  popu- 
lar pamphlets  and  an  annual  study  project 
marking  November  1 1  as  World  Government 
Day  the  CONFERENCE  contributes  to  the 
education  of  public  opinion  for  an  organized 
postwar  world.  Subscription  price  to  the 
N.P.C.  Bulletin  is  $3.00  per  year.  Dr.  Walter 
W.  Van  Kirk,  Honorary  President;  Dr.  John 
Paul  Jones,  President;  Miss  Jane  Evans, 

ASSOCIATION.  Christine  Melcher,  Executive 
Secretary.  525  West  120th  Street,  New  York 
City  27,  is  the  professional  organization  for 
counselors  and  others  engaged  and  interested 
in  vocational  guidance,  and  the  publishers  of 
OCCUPATI ONS,  the  Vocational  Guidance 


Facts  about  America's  10,000  publicly  owned 
projects  —  Bi-monthly  illustrated  magazine  — 
Extensive  bulletin  and  leaflet  service.  "Studies 
in  Public  Power" — 25  chapters,  latest  data 
on  Bonneville,  Grand  Coulee,  TVA,  and 
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with  questions  and  answers,  $5.00.  Aids 
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SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC.— 112  East  19th  Street, 
New  \  ork  3.  A  cooperative  educational 
society  built  around  a  periodical  rather  than 
a  campus,  and  carrying  forward  swift  re- 
search and  interpretation  in  the  fields  of 
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without  counterpart,  and  Survey  Midmonthly, 
Journal  of  Social  Work.  Membership,  $10, 
and  upwards. 

WORLD  PEACE  FOUNDATION  —  A  non  -  profit 
organization  founded  in  1910  by  Edwin  Ginn 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace,  justice 
and  good  will  among  nations.  This  purpose  is 
accomplished  through  the  objective  presenta- 
tion and  interpretation  of  the  facts  of  Amer- 
ican foreign  relations  through  publications, 
study  groups  and  a  Reference  Service. 
Publications:  Documents  on  American  For- 
eign Relations,  1938  —  (annual) ;  America 
Looks  Ahead  (a  pamphlet  series) ;  and  other 

The  Foundation  also  cooperates  with  the  Uni- 
versities Committee  on  Post-War  Problems 
in  the  publ  ication  of  Problem  Analyses 
(appearing  monthly). 

Information  concerning  publications  and  other 
activities  sent  on  request.  40  Mt.  Vernon 
Street,  Boston  8,  Massachusetts. 

This  DIRECTORY  appears  In  Survey 
Graphic  four  times  a  year  including:  spe- 
cial numbers.  Its  columns  are  open  to 
social  action  groups  organized  to  pro- 
mote good  government,  better  education, 
city  planning  and  housing,  improved  in* 
dustrial  and  labor  relations,  the  safe- 
guarding of  civil  liberties,  land  eonserva- 

tlon,     study     of     the     Arts economic     and 

social  planning  in  their  widest  aspirations. 
Rate*  are  modent-^Let  the  Advertising  De- 
partment tell  you  about  them! 

SURVEY  GRAPHIC  for  March.  1945.  Vol.  XXXIV.  No.  3.  Published  monthly  and  copvricht  1945  by  SURVEY  ASSOCIATES,  INC.  Publication  Office,  34 
North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburu,  Pa.  Kditcnp.l  and  business  office,  11L'  i-J  1!)  Street,  New  York  3.  X.  Y.  Price  this  issue  3d  cents;  $3  a  year;  Foreign 
po-ta^e  50  cents  extra.  Canadian  75  cents.  Entered  as  second  class  matter  on  .lune  22.  1940  at  the  post  office  at  East  Btroudsburg,  Pa.,  under  the  Act  of  March 
d,  1879.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  a  special  rate  oi  postage  piovided  for  in  Section  1103.  Act  of  October  3,  1917,  authorized  Dec.  -1,  1921.  Printed  !n  U.S.A. 

Traveling  Crime  Laboratory 

This  laboratory  travels  the 
country  running  down  "crimes" 
against  telephone  service.  Staffed 
by  scientists  of  Bell  Telephone 
Laboratories,  it  can  move  to  the 
scene  on  a  day's  notice. 

Always  caught,  its  "criminals" 
never  make  the  headlines.  For 
they  are  not  people,  but  such 
things  as  a  thread  of  lint,  a  trace 

of  acid,  or  sulphur  compounds  in 
the  air.  Finding  these  enemies  in 
the  telephone  plant  is  one  of  the 
services  rendered  to  the  Bell  Sys- 
tem by  Bell  Laboratories. 

In  an  organization  now  concen- 
trating on  war  work,  Bell  Tele- 
phone Laboratories'  people  have 
ferreted  out  substitutes  for  scarce 
materials,  have  recommended 

materials  for  difficult  conditions, 
have  identified  enemy  materials 
in  captured  equipment. 

The  services  of  these  Bell  Lab- 
oratories' scientists  are  always 
available  to  any  part  of  the  Bell 
System.  This  ability  to  call  upon 
expert  aid  whenever  needed  is 
part  of  the  strength  of  the  Bell 


Among  Ourselves 

Chiselers,"  printed  in  Survey  Graphic  for  No- 
vember and  condensed  in  the  December  Read- 
er's Digest,  has  received  wide  attention  in 
newspapers  all  over  the  country.  It  has 
brought  a  barrage  of  letters  asking  for  guid- 
ance, which  the  author  has  taken  pains  to 
answer  personally. 

One  such  letter  from  a  reader  in  a  small 
community  pointed  out  that  city  people  can, 
if  they  wish,  protect  themselves  against  war 
fraud  gyps,  but  people  in  small  towns  and 
in  the  country  lack  sources  to  which  they  can 
turn  for  information.  Here  is — 

Frank  Brock's  Reply 


spread  depredations,  are  merely  a  minor  fac- 
tion of  the  large  fraternity  of  gyps  who  are 
eagerly  awaiting  war's  end  to  resume  practice 
of  their  craft.  Some  part  of  more  than  $130 
billions  of  investments,  savings,  and  E  bonds 
now  in  the  hands  of  the  public  undoubtedly 
will  reward  their  efforts. 

"This  threat  has  been  anticipated,  however, 
and  plans  are  already  maturing  to  frustrate  it. 
Last  October  the  Securities  &  Exchange  Com- 
mission called  a  conference  of  business  or- 
ganizations for  a  discussion  of  the  problem 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  study  it  and 
report.  Later  meetings  have  been  postponed, 
however,  because  of  travel  restrictions.  The 
National  Association  of  Better  Business  Bu- 
reaus, with  86  bureaus  in  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  is  in  the  forefront  of  this  move- 

"My  own  small  part,  I  think,  deserves  men- 
tion. I  have  recently  completed  arrangements 
through  a  firm  of  radio  program  producers 
for  a  series  of  radio  programs  to  be  presented 
over  a  national  hook-up  which  will  dramatize 
the  various  swindles  of  the  sharpshooting 
brotherhood.  The  details  of  their  schemes  are 
no  secret,  except  to  their  potential  victims.  On 
the  theory  that  no  one  would  be  cheated  if  he 
knew  in  advance  what  the  swindler  was  going 
to  do,  we  propose  to  educate  the  public  in  the 
tricks  and  devices  of  the  non-violent  racketeers. 
It  is  hoped  that  a  series  of  movie  shorts  will 
augment  this  program. 

"Community  newspapers  can  help  materially. 
Through  their  press  associations,  correspon- 
dents, membership  in  newspaper  editorial  and 

In  February  Survey  Midmonthly 


tcmporary  exhibits  this  month  the  results 
of  a  combined  face-lifting  and  streamlin- 
ing in  type,  make-up,  and  cover.  On  the 
stimulating  outcome,  we  offer  our  respect- 
ful congratulations. 

Where   All   That   Money   Goes 

by   Cornelia   Dunphy 
The  Man  Who  Will  Come  Home 

by  David  Danzig 
Books — Windows  to   the   Future 

by   Carl   Dahl 
Integration  in  Rhode  Island 

by  Elizabeth  M.  Smith 
Financing  Postwar  Welfare 

by  Etvan  Clagite 
A  Town  That  Is  Good  to  Live  In 

by  Sherwood  Gates 


Survey  Graphic  for  March  1945 

Cover:  Cartoon  by  Fitzpatricl^  in  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch 

Henrietta  Szold:  Inscription  84 

"Without  a  Country" JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN  85 

Aladdin's  Wonderful  Lamp WALDEMAR  KAEMPFFERT  89 

Full  Employment  93 

I.  What  Beveridge  Proposes:  A  British  Plan MAXWELL  S.  STEWART  93 

II.  From  Patchwork  to  Purpose:  An  American  Bill.  .LEON  H.  KEYSERLING  95 

What  Shall  We  Do  About  Germany? JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  99 

Statesmen  Discover  Medical  Care " MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  101 

Letters  and  Life 103 

Education  in  a  Complex  World HARRY  HANSEN  103 

Copyright,   1945,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,   East  Stroudsburg,   Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  secretary,  ANN  REED  BRENNER. 


Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 


Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINGER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  Representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  30c  a 
copy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50e; 
Canadian  75c.  Indexed  in  Reader's  Guide,  Book  Review  Digest,  Index  to  Labor  Articles,  Public 
Affairs  Information  Service,  Quarterly  Cumulative  Index  Medicus. 

Survey  Midmonthly  published  on  the  15th  of  the  month.  Single  copies  30c.  By  subscription — 
Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c;  Canadian  75c. 

Joint  subscription  to  Survey  Graphic  and  Survey  Midmonthly:  Year,  $5. 

Cooperative  Membership  in  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  including  a  joint  subscription:  Year,  $10. 

business  organizations,  they  have  access  to 
much  preventive  information.  Many  of  them, 
however,  are  frightened  by  the  libel  bugaboo. 
They  hesitate  to  name  known  gyps  or  to  print 
details  of  their  swindles  until  after  they  have 
been  arrested — and  the  damage  has  been  done. 
The  cure  for  this  evil  is  prevention.  Advance 
information  is  essential.  Some  gyps  may 
threaten  or  even  bring  suit,  but  they  seldom 
risk  facing  trial.  Better  Business  Bureaus  have 
been  sued  for  more  than  $60,000,000,  but 
never  have  had  to  pay  a  dollar  in  damages. 

"Few  appeals  for  money  —  charitable  or 
otherwise — are  so  urgent  that  a  day  or  so  can- 
not be  spent  profitably  in  investigation.  A  tele- 
gram to  the  right  source  of  information 
usually  will  bring  the  facts,  and  sometimes 
trap  a  swindler.  No  honest  proposition  ever 
suffered  because  it  was  investigated  in  ad- 
vance, but  charlatans  invariably  urge  that  you 
consult  no  one. 

"In  the  absence  of  a  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
a  Community  Chest  or  a  Better  Business  Bur- 
eau, there  should  be  some  local  center  of  in- 
formation for  citizens  and  I  nominate  the 
community  newspaper.  It  is  surprising  how 
quickly  sources  of  information  can  be  de- 

veloped and  how  the  information  piles  up. 
Certainly,  no  paper  could  render  a  greater 
service  or  one  that  will  be  so  badly  needed  as 
soon  as  peace  is  declared.  Money  saved  by 
veterans  of  the  armed  forces,  particularly, 
must  not  help  build  a  swindler's  paradise." 

Mr.  Brock  has  asked  us  to  announce  that  he 
will  be  glad  to  direct  community  newspapers 
to  the  sources  of  information,  should  they  wish 
to  advise  their  readers  against  such  frauds.  He 
welcomes  letters  about  concrete  experiences 
with  war  charity  chiselers. 

Poll  Tax  Repeal 

was  passed  in  both  legislative  houses  last 
month  by  impressive  majorities  and  signed  by 
Governor  Arnall.  While  this  forward  step 
does  not  admit  Negro  citizens  in  "white  pri- 
maries," it  does  enfranchise  Georgians  of  both 
races  who  were  barred  or  discouraged  from 
voting  in  general  elections  by  the  tax.  Seven 
southern  states  still  levy  a  poll  tax. 

A  southerner  presented  the  case  against  the 
poll  tax  in  our  pages  on  the  eve  of  the  1944 
campaign:  "3.2  Democracy  in  the  South,"  by 
Stetson  Kennedy,  in  the  May  Survey  Graphic. 

Studio  Ganan,   Jerusalem 

1860  —  HENRIETTA  SZOLD  —  1945 

The  founder  of  Hadassah  died  in  Jerusalem  in  Febru- 
ary— at  the  modern  hospital  which  is  a  living  monument 
to  her  faith  in  Palestine  and  in  her  people.  A  woman 
rare  in  any  country  or  any  century,  she  had  literally 
crowded  into  eighty-four  years  several  lifetimes  of  work. 

Palestine  was  a  desolate  land  when  she  first  went  there 
at  fifty  and  envisioned  this  institution  of  healing,  of 
teaching,  and  research  which  would  help  in  its  revival. 
On  the  one  hand,  Hadassah  came  of  that  vision — the 
Women's  Zionist  Organization  of  America.  On  the  other, 
came  its  medical  program  in  the  Holy  Land  which  makes 
for  health  among  Arabs,  Christians,  and  Jews,  through- 
out the  Near  East. 

She  was  seventy-five  when  she  put  aside  thought  of 
retirement.  For  in  the  30's  she  foresaw  this  ancient  Home- 
land as  the  natural  place  of  refuge  for  tens  of  thousands 
of  Jewish  children  who  would  have  to  flee  from  Hitler's 
Europe.  Out  of  this  second  vision  sprang  Youth  Aliyah 
(Youth  Immigration),  through  which  thousands  of  young 
Jews — German,  Hungarian,  Rumanian,  Polish — have 
been  given  a  new  chance  in  life.  Today  they  mourn  the 
loss  of  "Our  Mother,"  under  whose  intimate  aegis  grow- 

ing minds  and  bodies  sprang  back  to  health,  young  spirits 
found  new  nourishment. 

Miss  Szold  was  eighty  when  the  Women's  Centennial 
Congress  chose  her  among  one  hundred  outstanding 
American  women  of  the  last  hundred  years.  First  Lady  of 
Palestine,  she  was  living  in  a  small  pension  when  a  Survey 
editor  visited  her  a  decade  ago.  Her  single  room  radiated 
her  gentle  modesty  no  less  than  her  indomitable  initiative. 
Love  for  her  native  Baltimore  was  not  shelved  by  love  for 
Jerusalem.  She  transplanted  there  ideals  and  standards 
from  that  American  span  of  her  life. 

On  her  last  visit  to  this  country  Survey  Associates  was 
fortunate  to  share  in  honoring  her.  Those  at  our  luncheon 
will  remember  her  acknowledgment  to  American  social 
workers  and  health  workers  for  tools  that  could  be  turned 
to  account  in  backward  regions.  We  shall  remember  most 
of  all,  sobering  and  stirring  things  she  said  of  young  peo- 
ple for  whom  she  held  out  a  new  Promised  Land. 

"Above  all,"  said  Survey  Graphic  afterward,  her  listen- 
ers sensed  "her  vivid,  yet  serene  and  simple  personality." 
That  here  "was  one  of  the  world's  great  people,  statesman 
and  sensitive  woman  at  the  same  time." — Loula  D.  Lasker 



"Without  a  Country" 

The  plight  of  the  refugees  as  victims  of  war  and  fascism — a  blueprint 
of  transcendent  human  need  superimposed  on  the  war  maps  of  Europe. 


throughout  Europe,  the  Allies  will  find  a 
mass  problem  already  entered  on  their  first 
order  of  business.  That  is  the  succor  and 
disposal  of  vast  companies  of  people  up- 
rooted from  countries  they  once  called 
home.  Estimates  vary  as  to  the  number  of 
these  "displaced  persons,"  as  they  are  des- 
ignated, but  run  at  least  as  high  as  10,000,- 
000  men,  women,  and  children. 

They  include  those  dislodged  by  invasions 
and  counter-invasions,  but  many  have  been 
prisoners  of  war,  or  workers  constrained 
to  labor  in  factories  and  on  farms  in  Ger- 
many, or  in  the  countries  occupied  by  the 

Among  them,  also,  are  other  peoples  of 
German  stock,  brought  back  from  their 
homes  in  eastern  Europe  or  elsewhere  and 
settled  in  Germany  or  in  annexed  terri- 
tories, especially  Poland.  This  largely  en- 
forced migration  had  been  in  line  with 
Nazi  plans  for  reassembling  all  Germans  in 
the  greater  Reich  of  Hitler's  dreams. 

On  the  other  hand,  great  numbers  of 
these  displaced  persons  were  transported 
into  the  Soviet  Union  from  Poland  and 
other  battle  areas.  Perhaps  20,000  other 
Europeans  were  caught  in  Shanghai  by  the 
war  in  the  Far  East. 

Almost  all  of  them,  wherever  they  are, 
will  be  eager  to  go  home  wherever  it  is, 
once  the  war  is  ended.  The  task  of  army 
and  civil  administrations  in  occupied  coun- 
tries, of  UNRRA  and  the  new  govern- 
ments set  up,  will  be  to  arrange  for  their 
prompt  return.  The  reason  is  simple 
enough.  Most  of  them  are  "nationals"  and 
their  governments  will  be  active  in  bring- 
ing this  about  and  in  seeing  to  it  that  they 
are  provided  for  meanwhile.  Once  they  are 
back  in  their  native  lands,  these  govern- 
ments will  have  the  duty  of  caring  for  them 
until  they  can  finally  reach  the  village  or 
city  where  each  can  say,  "Here  I  belong." 

Within  that  ten  million  there  will,  how- 
ever, remain  another  large  group  who 
"belong"  nowhere.  They  are  the  genuine 
refugees  for  whom  no  government  will 
make  provision,  either  because  they  are 
stateless,  nationals  of  no  country,  or  because 
they  are  unwilling  to  return  to  the  land 
from  which  they  came.  How  many  of  these 
there  will  be  at  the  close  of  World  War  II 
no  one  can  know  until  things  take  clearer 
shape  in  Europe. 

Enter  the  Refugees 

The  refugee,  then,  is  a  person  who  for 
political  reasons  has  been  driven  from  his 
country  of  residence  or  who  fears  the 
political  consequences  of  his  return.  He  may 
be  stateless  or,  while  not  yet  formally  de- 
nationalized, he  nonetheless  may  have  lost 
his  status  by  refusing  to  return  home  when 
the  opportunity  offered. 

He  thus  becomes  a  person  without  the 
protection  of  a  government.  In  the  modern 
world,  made  up  of  national  states,  this  has 
wide  implications.  For  the  international 
rights  of  any  individual,  such  as  they  are, 
depend  for  their  enforcement  on  the  action 
of  his  home  government.  Furthermore,  a 
network  of  treaties  between  governments 
reciprocally  gives  to  the  citizens  of  one  state 
privileges  in  the  others,  the  right  to  work, 

— By  the  long  time  chairman  of  the 
National  Refugee  Service;  American 
member  of  the  High  Commission  for 
Refugees  Coming  from  Germany,  set  up 
by  the  League  of  Nations  in  the  mid- 
Thirties.  Now  member  of  the  President's 
Advisory  Board  on  Political  Refugees 
and  chairman  of  the  American  Council 
of  Voluntary  Agencies  for  Foreign  Serv- 
ice. Former  chairman  of  the  Foreign 
Policy  Association  and  chairman  of  the 
board  of  Survey  Associates. 

the  right  to  the  benefits  of  workmen's  com- 
pensation and  other  social  insurance  laws, 
the  right  to  education.  Thus  the  alien  who 
is  a  national  is  assured  through  reciprocity 
many  of  the  privileges  of  a  citizen.  In  con- 
trast, the  stateless  person,  unprotected  by 
any  government,  loses  each  and  all  of  these 

But  there  is  more  to  it  than  that.  Every 
country  is  obliged  to  receive  its  nationals 
if  they  wish  to  return.  Moreover,  most 
states  provide  for  their  own  people  when 
in  want.  The  refugee,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  no  country  to  which  he  may  turn  as  a 
right.  No  country  has  a  duty  to  care  for 
him  in  case  of  need.  Normally  a  person 
cannot  enter  a  foreign  country  without  a 
passport  issued  by  the  government  of  which 
he,  himself,  is  a  national.  There  is  no 
nation  to  issue  a  passport  to  a  stateless 
person  or  to  a  political  refugee. 

History  That  May  Repeat  Itself 

The  refugee  problem  broke  with  great 
force  upon  the  world  at  the  close  of  the 
last  World  War.  There  was  a  flood  of  folk 
from  the  former  Russian  and  Turkish  Em- 
pires into  the  countries  of  southeastern 
Europe.  These  impoverished  countries  were 
unable  to  carry  the  burden  and  wished  only 
to  get  rid  of  their  unwelcome  guests.  The 
immediate  problem  of  relief  was  met, 
though  not  too  liberally,  by  other  govern- 
ments and  by  voluntary  agencies.  Their 
further  removal  to  places  where  there  were 
chances  for  them  to  find  both  shelter  and 
work  was  encouraged  by  authorizing  a 
travel  document  identifying  the  bearer, 
which  governments  generally  were  willing 
to  accept  at  their  frontiers. 

Fortunately  enough,  the  League  of 
Nations  was  in  existence  and,  under  the 
inspiration  of  Dr.  Fridtjof  Nansen,  it  cre- 
ated an  organ  that  promoted  agreements 
between  governments  under  which  the  lot 


American    Jewish    Joint    Distribution    Committee 

Jews  make  the  greatest  company  of  stateless  people.  Here  are  refugees  from  Central 
Europe  who  fled  to  Italy,  and  soon  thereafter  found  themselves  put  into  internment 
camps.  Though  Allied  advance  set  these  men  free,  they  remain  people  without  a  land 

of  the  refugees  was  made  easier.  Their 
travel  documents  were  improved  and  ad- 
justed to  meet  new  needs.  They  were  as- 
sured the  privilege  of  residence  in  the 
countries  where  they  found  themselves  and, 
to  a  limited  degree,  the  right  to  work  was 
accorded  them.  Through  it  all,  the  League 
organization  under  Dr.  Nansen  acted  as  a 
kind  of  international  champion  for  those 
who  otherwise  had  no  government  pro- 
tection at  all — pleading  the  cause  of  indi- 
vidual refugees  before  governments  and 
steadily  seeking  ways  and  means  to  ameli- 
orate their  situation. 

Private  agencies  played  an  important 
part  from  the  beginning.  They  provided 
material  aid  and,  in  cooperation  with  the 
League  authorities,  urged  upon  one  gov- 
ernment after  another  more  humane  treat- 
ment for  these  unfortunate  people.  More- 
over, economic  conditions  were  soon  on 
the  upgrade  everywhere.  There  was  con- 
sequent widespread  need  for  workers  to 
make  up  the  heavy  manpower  losses  of 
World  War  I.  These  and  other  factors  per- 
suaded governments  to  allow  refugees  to 
live  .and  to  work  in  their  territories. 

But  when  unemployment  later  struck  any 
national  economy,  these  stateless  outlanders 


were  naturally  among  the  first  to  lose  their 
jobs,  the  last  to  find  new  ones.  Always  the 
citizen  has  preference. 

Then  Came  Hitler 

Came  the  rise  of  Nazism  in  Germany; 
came  its  excesses  and,  once  in  power,  its 
settled  policy  to  drive  Jews  out  of  that 
country.  This  was  more  gradual  than  war 
in  making  itself  felt.  It  seemed  incredible 
to  many  Germans,  as  well  as  to  outsiders, 
that  the  Nazi  regime  would  go  to  the  ex- 
tremes of  cruelty  and  hatred  that  it  did. 
"Appetite  came  with  eating."  The  Nazis 
invented  worse  and  worse  means  of  op- 
pression as  the  lust  for  cruelty  and  greed 
were  unsatisfied.  The  Jews,  native  no  less 
than  foreign  born,  were  pushed  out  ot 
Germany.  Most  left  behind  them  all  the 
property  and  civil  rights  they  had  acquired 
as  useful  citizens  of  the  Reich — and  went 
naked  out  into  the  world.  More  than  that, 
their  relatives  and  friends  abroad  had  to  pay 
ransom;  and,  to  squeeze  out  this  ransom, 
were  warned  of  what  would  happen  other- 
wise to  their  kith  and  kin  still  within  Nazi 

Alarmed  both  at  the  number  of  refugees 
leaving  that  country,  at  the  greater  numbers 

which  seemed  sure  to  come,  the  govern- 
ments concerned  created  a  commission  in 
1933  to  cope  with  the  situation,  with  James 
G.  McDonald,  hitherto  chairman  of  the 
Foreign  Policy  Association,  New  York,  as 
High  Commissioner  for  Refugees  Coming 
from  Germany.  As  the  Reich  was  still  a 
member  of  the  League,  this  new  com- 
mission was  not  made  part  of  its  machinery 
but  was  supported  by  private  funds.  Mr. 
McDonald  took  up  his  work  at  a  difficult 
time.  The  widespread  depression  of  the 
Thirties  was  on  and  other  countries  were 
especially  reluctant  to  admit  immigrants  as 
they  themselves  had  mass  unemployment  to 
cope  with.  The  commission  had  little  suc- 
cess either  in  persuading  such  governments 
to  open  their  doors  wider,  or  in  pressing 
the  Nazis  to  lessen  their  persecutions,  much 
less  to  end  them. 

The  High  Commissioner  and  his  suc- 
cessors made  some  progress,  however,  in 
dealing  with  the  immediate  problem  with 
which  Dr.  Nansen  had  sought  to  cope — 
of  persons  without  a  country.  What  was 
done  to  help  them  was  principally  the  work 
of  private  organizations,  or  of  relatives  and 
friends  who  helped  them  singly  or  in  family 
groups  to  find  a  home  somewhere  and  an 
opportunity  to  earn  a  living.  Later,  when 
Germany  left  the  League,  that  body  took 
over  the  work  Mr.  McDonald  and  his  asso- 
ciates had  so  courageously  advanced.  The 
League's  work  for  refugees  both  from 
Germany  and  from  eastern  Europe  was 
united  under  Sir  Herbert  Emerson  as  ex- 
ecutive officer. 

Large  numbers  of  these  fugitives  remained 
in  the  countries  of  western  Europe  which 
offered  them  shelter.  The  flight  from  Ger- 
many, however,  ended  for  great  numbers 
overseas.  This  was  because  so  many  German 
emigrants  had  settled  in  the  United  States, 
in  other  American  countries  or  in  the 
British  Dominions,  and  held  out  helping 
hands  to  relatives  and  friends  from  Ger- 
many. Also,  because  strong  private  or- 
ganizations, some  operating  since  the  last 
war,  were  deeply  moved  by  the  sufferings 

Latin    America    Refugee    Fuml 

One  of  thousands  of  Spanish  political 
refugees  who  found  shelter  in  France 


TM          /-       i      t  o  r  United   Nations   Information   Office 

Inese  Ureeks  from  Samos  who  have  found  temporary  refuge  in  a  camp  set  up  in  the  Middle  East;  the  Spaniard  on  the  page  op- 
posite; the  Yugoslavs  below — all  belong  among  the  millions  of  people  who  must  find  a  place  to  live  after  the  war.  Many  can  be 
returned  to  their  homes  and  will  find  a  welcome;  others  may  be  afraid  to  go  back  to  their  own  countries,  or  will  be  unwilling  to  return 

of  persecuted  people  and  made  provision 
for  them. 

The  Russian-Turkish  situation  after 
World  War  I  had  differed  from  this.  Most 
of  the  people  scattered  from  these  countries 
had  remained  on  the  continent  or  sought 
refuge  in  Asia. 

In  the  Thirties,  Palestine  was  the  destina- 
tion of  large  numbers  of  refugees  both  from 

Germany  and  eastern  Europe.  How  great 
a  haven  it  proved  is  borne  out  by  the  fact 
that  Palestine,  with  only  a  fragment  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States,  has  taken 
in  120,000  of  them  compared  with  250,000 
who  found  refuge  with  us.  An  advantage 
of  no  little  moment  is  that  refugees  arriving 
there  cease  to  be  such.  Difficulties  of  ad- 
justment to  climate  and  to  new  ways  of 

United   Yugoslav    Relief    Fund    of   America 
Undernourished,  frightened  Yugoslav  children  reach  shelter  in  a  neutral  country 


MARCH      1945 

unwilling  i 

life  they  had  in  plenty,  but  the  immigrants 
were  accepted  as  permanent  residents  and 
full  opportunities  in  the  new  society  were 
open  to  them.  In  1939,  with  the  issuance  of 
a  White  Paper,  Britain  prohibited  further 
immigration  of  Jews  into  Palestine  beyond 
75,000  to  be  admitted  over  the  next  five 
years.  There  are  perhaps  5,000  certificates 
now  outstanding.  What  the  future  holds  in 
this  area  depends  on  a  change  in  British 

An  Acid  Test 

Figures  vary  widely,  but  it  has  been 
estimated  that  there  remain  in  Great  Bri- 
tain about  60,000  racial  refugees  from  the 
Nazi  terror;  in  the  United  States  some 
250,000;  in  Latin  America  perhaps  125,- 
000;  in  Palestine  120,000  of  whom  about 
half  are  Germans;  and  in  other  overseas 
countries  more  than  50,000.  Switzerland  is 
providing  for  around  24,000  and  Sweden 
12,000.  Those  found  by  the  Nazis  when 
they  overran  western  Europe  were  ordered 
deported  to  Germany  to  work  there,  or  to 
eastern  Europe,  but  since  the  liberation  of 
conquered  territories  some  are  turning  up 
who  were  able  to  escape  arrest. 

Other  racial  stocks  are,  of  course,  in- 
volved but  Jewish  fugitives  from  political 
and  religious  persecution  make  up  the 
greatest  company  of  stateless  people. 

Their  fate  remains  one  of  the  acid  tests 
of  humanitarian  concern  in  the  period 


When  war  broke  out,  the  Nazi  govern- 
ment changed  its  policy — but  not  for  the 
better.  Most  of  the  Jews  in  Germany  had 
been  forced  out — when  Hitler  slammed  the 
door  on  those  who  remained.  Instead  of 
driving  the  unfortunate  victims  of  their 
hatred  from  Europe,  the  Nazis  set  out  to 
liquidate  them  within  the  continent.  There- 
after, we  have  grim  evidence  -of  another 
trek  of  refugees  not  only  from  the  Reich 
but  from  countries  under  Nazi  influence, 
to  the  prison  camps  and  work  camps  of 
Poland.  There,  disease,  lack  of  food,  and 
various  forms  of  execution  and  of  torture 
so  cut  down  their  number  that  only  a  small 
proportion  remains.  For  most  of  them 
theirs  was  an  enforced  migration  to  death. 

Who  Are  the  After-War  Refugees? 

As  indicated  earlier,  there  can  be  no 
certainty  in  the  present  confusion  in  Europe 
as  to  what  will  be  the  number  of  postwar 
refugees — stateless  or  those  who  are  unwill- 
ing to  return  to  their  homes.  But  we  can 
examine  further  sources  and  wartime 
pressures  from  which  they  sprang. 

We  know  that  the  Nazis  brought  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  people  of  German 
descent  from  the  Soviet  Union  and  from 
southeastern  Europe  and  settled  them  in 
what  for  a  time  was  German-held  territory, 
principally  in  Poland.  A  quarter  century 
earlier,  when  the  South  Tyrol  was  ceded 
to  Italy  at  the  end  of  the  last  World  War, 
some  80,000  had  been  settled  largely  in 
the  mountainous  regions  of  Austria  and  the 
surrounding  country.  It  may  be  that  all  of 
these  people  of  German  stock,  now  as  then, 
have  been  made  German  citizens — as  have 
many  hitherto  of  Polish  citizenship.  Those 
outside  the  Reich  at  the  war's  end  may  be 
treated  like  other  Germans  and  forced  back 
into  whatever  territories  are  left  to  it.  Others 
may  be  among  those  required  to  return  to 
the  Soviet  Union  and  to  other  countries 
whence  they  came,  to  help  meet  demands 
for  workers  in  rebuilding  regions  scotched 
by  the  Nazi  invasion.  Apart  from  claims 
thus  made  on  them  in  the  name  of  restitu- 
tion, such  countries  may  not  recognize  their 
change  of  citizenship.  (Former  Polish  citi- 
zens are  likely  to  be  an  exception.) 

Those  of  German  stock  not  returned  to 
their  countries  of  origin  will  be  people  with- 
out homes  in  the  diminished  Germany; 
their  permanent  settlement  will  be  difficult 
in  that  crowded  territory,  and  they  will 
present  a  problem  similar  to  that  of  home- 
less refugees  elsewhere. 

A  large  number  of  people  from  the  Baltic 
states,  some  brought  into  the  Reich  for 
forced  labor,  some  evacuated  before  the 
advance  of  the  Soviet  armies,  will  be  found 
after  the  war  both  in  Germany  and  in 
Poland.  Among  them  will  be  many  un- 
willing to  return  to  their  home  countries 
if  these  are  under  Soviet  rule.  That  may  be 
true  also  of  various  races  represented  among 
the  2,000,000  easterners  from  Russia  and 
elsewhere  who  have  been  working  in  Ger- 
many. Of  these,  some  few  have  even  served 
in  the  German  army.  Many  were  prisoners 
of  war  taken  during  the  Nazi  invasion  of 

The  Soviet  authorities  have  indicated 
their  desire  that  their  nationals  should  re- 

turn and  help  rebuild  the  country,  and  if 
they  do  not  do  so  will  probably  refuse  them 
protection.  They  will  thus  become  stateless. 

In  southeastern  and  central  Europe,  par- 
tisanship and  violence  in  the  war  years  have 
provided  poor  seed  beds  for  peaceful  and 
friendly  settlement  of  the  sharp  differences 
among  factions.  Whether  conservatives  or 
radicals  win  out  in  these  countries,  there 
are  certain  to  be  many  who  will  try  to  flee; 
others  now  abroad  will  refuse  to  go  back, 
thus  creating  further  groups  of  refugees. 

What  are  left  of  the  Poles  brought  into 
Russia  may  return  to  Poland.  If  not,  they 
doubtless  will  be  taken  into  the  Soviet 
Union,  so  they  cannot  be  counted  as  refu- 
gees. Not  so  the  Poles  elsewhere  in  Europe, 
Africa  or  the  Near  East,  whose  return  will 
hang  on  the  character  of  the  government 
set  up  in  the  new  Poland,  and  who,  as  the 
die  is  cast,  might  sooner  or  later  become 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  a  Yugoslav  govern- 
ment uniting  all  factions  will  finally  win 
power  in  that  country,  but  if  this  does  not 
happen,  those  who  belong  to  the  "outs" 
may  not  be  willing  to  return. 

In  France  are  thousands  of  Spanish  refu- 
gees. Few  are  adjusted  to  life  there,  and 
unless  there  is  an  overturn  in  Madrid,  or 
widespread  need  for  labor  in  France  or  her 
colonies,  they  will  need  help  in  migrating 

The  Status  of  the  Jews 

Finally,  we  must  reckon  with  the  back- 
wash of  hatred  and  calumny  against  the 
Jews  in  Germany  and — under  spur  of  the 
Nazis — in  all  of  eastern  Europe  where  anti- 
Semitism  long  had  existed.  This  makes  all 
the  more  probable  a  large  refugee  problem 
among  what  is  left  of  German  and  eastern 
European  Jewry.  German  Jews  now  in 
Poland  will  not  want,  nor  should  they  be 
required  to  accept,  protection  from  any 
German  government.  German  Jews  now  in 
western  European  countries,  it  may  be  as- 
sumed, will  be  no  more  willing  to  do  so. 
At  the  start,  they  will  be  stateless  if  they 
do  not  accept  German  citizenship  and  want 
to  remain  in  the  countries  where  many  of 
them  have  long  made  their  homes. 

The  situation  in  eastern  Europe  and  the 
Danube  Basin  is  such  that  it  is  hard  to 
forecast  how  many  Jewish  refugees  from 
those  regions  will  want  to  return  there,  or 
how  many  can  remain  there  under  postwar 
conditions.  Many  of  them,  especially  from 
Hungary,  were  packed  off  to  Germany  to 
work.  Many  others — from  Greece,  Bulgaria, 
Rumania,  Hungary  and  Yugoslavia — were 
sent  to  concentration  camps  in  Poland. 

Greece  and  Yugoslavia  will  take  them 
back  on  their  prewar  footing.  The  settle- 
ment at  the  time  of  surrender  can  require 
enemy  countries  to  receive  their  citizens  as 
such  and  to  end  racial  discrimination.  The 
hope  is  that  conditions  in  all  these  countries 
will  make  it  possible  for  Jewish  nationals 
to  reestablish  themselves  in  economic  and 
social  life;  that  their  nationality  will  be 
restored  if  it  has  been  taken  away;  and  that 
provision  will  be  made  for  turning  back 
their  property.  More,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that 
they  will  be  given  a  fair  chance  to  play 
their  part  in  the  rehabilitation  of  home 

countries  in  which  they  hitherto  had  a  use- 
ful place.  It  is  important  that  that  place 
be  restored  to  them  if  the  world's  protest 
against  the  Nazi  doctrine  of  racial  intoler- 
ence  is  not  to  have  been  in  vain. 

The  Soviet  Union  will  be  very  influential 
in  eastern  Europe  and  its  policy  of  non- 
discrimination  may  be  expected  to  affect 
governmental  action  there.  However,  the 
difficulties  of  life,  the  heightened  prejudices, 
and  the  probability  of  unruliness  in  these 
areas  will  drive  many  to  seek  refuge  over- 
seas. If  so,  they  will  not  be  technically  refu- 
gees; they  will  have  the  nationality  of  their 
home  countries,  but  as  migrants  they  will 
need  much  the  same  sort  of  help  as  the 

The  comparatively  few  German  Jews  left 
in  the  Reich  may  come,  also,  in  the  class  of 
refugees.  Though  they  are  German  citizens 
and  though  their  civil  and  property  rights 
will  have  been  restored  to  them  at  the  sur- 
render, it  is  unlikely  that  many  will  want 
to  remain  where  they  have  been  subjected 
to  such  wholesale  cruelty  and  ignominy. 
For  sake  of  protection,  it  may  be  necessary 
to  assemble  them,  and  they  should  be  given 
the  option  of  relinquishing  their  German 
citizenship  and  an  opportunity  to  establish 
their  lives  elsewhere. 

It  is  probable  that  the  new  Germany 
will  be  obligated  to  open  her  borders  to 
former  citizens  in  exile  and  to  restore  their 
civil  rights.  But  they  should  not  become 
German  citizens  again  without  their  con- 
sent and  they  should  be  free  to  remain  out- 
side Germany.  Even  the  unhappy  lot  of 
statelessness  may  seem  better  to  many  of 
them  than  to  resume  their  citizenship  in  a 
land  where  they  have  been  so  slandered  anc 
abused.  Nor  should  they  be  forced  tc 
shoulder  burdens  which  will  fall  on  Ger- 
man citizens  in  meeting  reparations  pay- 


Tasks  and  Tools  Ahead 

Such  an  analysis  shows  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  European  refugees  will  be  found 
in  Europe  at  the  close  of  World  War  II. 
The  first  tasks  will  be  like  those  after  World 
War  I:  to  take  care  of  them  where  they 
are  found;  to  intercede  on  their  behalf  with 
governmental  authorities  in  the  countries 
concerned;  to  provide  travel  and  identity 
documents.  Many  will  be  in  Germany, 
where  a  considerable  residue  can  be  antici- 
pated of  those  who  do  not  desire  to  return 
home  or  who  are  stateless.  The  conditions 
of  their  lives  will  be  subject  for  decision  by 
the  United  Nations  authorities.  This  will 
be  true  in  other  enemy  countries.  In  the 
Allied  countries,  the  governments  will,  of 
course,  control. 

Likely  enough,  many  refugees  will  have 
to  remain  where  they  are  found  for  a  long 
time.  Governments  will  be  too  busy  with 
urgent  tasks,  including  the  repatriation  of 
their  own  nationals,  to  give  the  refugees 
much  thought.  Outsiders  may  not  be  too 
welcome,  and  it  will  be  important  for  an 
international  authority  to  plead  their  cause. 

Such  an  authority  exists  in  the  Inter-Gov- 
ernmental Committee  with  its  seat  in  Lon- 
don, and  with  Sir  Herbert  Emerson  as  its  I 
executive  officer,  seconded  by  Patrick  Malin,  ' 
(Continued  on  page  108) 



The  electron  tube — "the  most  important  invention  of  this  generation."    This  in- 
stallation   changes   alternating   current    into   direct   current   for   radio   transmission 


Aladdin's  Wonderful  Lamp 

A  wonder  story  that  surpasses  the  Arabian  Nights — the  story  of  the 
electron   tube,   and  of  machines  that  talk,   feel,   listen,   count,   sort. 



central  stations  which  supplied  electric  en- 
ergy to  millions,  invented  electric  lamps, 
motors  and  coffee  percolators,  drove  rail- 
way trains  electrically  and  saw  to  it  that 
Niagara  Falls  milked  cows  and  sucked  dirt 
out  of  carpets.  And  all  this  without  know- 
ing what  electricity  was.  Then  came 
Roentgen  with  his  X-rays,  the  Curies  with 
the  discovery  of  radium,  J.  J.  Thomson  with 
his  classic  studies  of  the  light  that  glows 
in  gas-discharge  tubes,  Einstein  with 
equations  that  tied  matter  and  energy  to- 
gether. A  few  theoretical  physicists  who 
were  bent  on  tearing  the  atom  apart  and 
finding  out  what  matter  is,  and  who  had 
no  thought  of  radio,  trolley  cars  or  toast- 
ers, told  the  world  that  a  current  in  a  wire, 
a  flash  of  lightning  was  a  flow  of  electrons. 
From  this  work  came  the  electron  tube — 
probably  the  most  important  invention  of 
this  generation.  The  physicists  proved  again 
that  there  is  nothing  so  impractical  as  a 

— By  the  science  editor  of  The  New 
York  Times,  author  of  "Science  Today 
and  Tomorrow,"  a  frequent  contributor 
to  scientific  and  engineering  periodicals 
in  this  country  and  abroad. 

Mr.  Kaempffert  is  serving  as  our 
counselor  in  developing  the  series  of 
articles,  "The  Future  Is  Already  Here," 
of  which  this  is  the  second. 

practical  man  and  nothing  so  practical  as  a 
theory  that  works. 

Now  that  the  dreamy  theorists  have  told 
us  that  electricity  is  composed  of  particles, 
just  as  a  river  is  composed  of  drops,  en- 
gineering receives  a  new  impetus,  with  so- 
cial consequences  which  read  like  a  tale  by 
H.  G.  Wells  in  his  younger  days  and  which 
give  economists  much  to  think  about.  Many 
an  industrial  process  has  been  revolution- 
ized. What  were  once  possibilities  and  spec- 
ulations are  now  realities.  Years  have 

been  telescoped  into  months.    Electronically 
speaking,  we  are  in  the  year  1960. 

The  Universe  of  the  Atom 

It  is  impossible  to  understand  electron- 
ics without  understanding  the  constitution 
of  the  atom.  Before  the  theoretical  physi- 
cists began  to  bombard  matter,  the  atom 
was  supposed  to  be  the  smallest  conceivable 
particle.  It  was  an  infinitesimal  sphere, 
hard  and  indestructible.  When  the  theorists 
showed  that  it  was  far  more  complicated 
than  a  grand  piano  or  a  telephone  ex- 
change, there  was  consternation.  An  atom 
turned  out  to  be  somewhat  like  a  solar  sys- 
tem. In  the  center  was  a  nucleus  or  "sun," 
and  around  the  "sun"  minute  "planets," 
called  electrons,  not  only  revolved  and  spun 
but  leaped  from  orbit  to  orbit  in  unpre- 
dictable ways.  The  outer  planetary  elec- 
trons could  be  torn  away  to  leave  only  the 
naked  central  nucleus  or  "sun."  And  these 
electrons  bore  about  the  same  relation  in 

MARCH     1945 


size  to  the  atom  that  a  football  bears  to  a 
barn.  In  other  words,  not  the  atom  but  the 
electron  was  the  smallest  particle  of  matter 
and,  therefore,  the  rockbottom  of  the  uni- 

This  electron  could  be  regarded  as  en- 
ergy and  as  matter,  and  from  this  it  fol- 
lowed that  matter  was  converted  into  en- 
ergy and  energy  into  matter.  There  was 
no  theoretical  moonshine  about  this.  The 
conversion  was  a  reality.  All  that  the  en- 
gineer did  when  he  generated  electricity 
was  to  tear  electrons  out  of  matter  and 
send  them  coursing  over  a  wire. 

The  Slave  at  Work 

With  this  new  knowledge,  Aladdin's 
lamp  becomes  a  reality.  It  takes  the  form 
of  an  electron  tube,  the  most  remarkable 
invention  of  our  time.  This  Aladdin's 
lamp  does  not  summon  slaves  to  build  pal- 
aces in  an  hour  or  to  produce  bags  of 
jewels,  as  it  did  in  the  Arabian  Nights. 
It  is  itself  a  slave  with  senses  and  capaci- 
ties that  outstrip  those  with  which  we  are 
endowed.  It  talks,  feels,  listens,  counts, 
sorts  and  measures,  all  because  of  its  deli- 
cate control  of  electrons.  It  may  cost  as 
little  as  25  cents  or  as  much  as  $1,500; 
it  may  be  as  small  as  an  acorn  or  as  big 
as  a  prizefighter;  it  may  assume  any  one 
of  about  2,000  different  forms;  it  already 
is  the  basis  of  an  industry  bigger  than  that 
engaged  in  making  automobiles,  a  five  bil- 
lion dollar  industry. 

Electron  tubes  are  older  than  the  war. 
Look  inside  your  radio  set  and  you  will  see 
them  glowing  faintly.  If  they  look  like 
small  electric  lamps,  it  is  because  they  were 
evolved  from  lamps.  There  is  a  filament 

coated  with  a  metal  compound  out  of  which 
electrons  fly  when  the  current  is  turned  on. 
But  there  is  also  a  little  metal  plate  and 
a  little  metal  grid  between  the  filament  and 
the  plate.  The  electrons  flow  from  the 
filament  through  the  grid  to  the  plate. 
If  the  grid  is  electrified  more  or  less,  the 
flow  may  be  a  mere  trickle,  or  it  may  be 
a  torrent.  English  engineers  call  such  a 
tube  a  "valve."  It  is  a  good  term  because 
it  defines  the  function  of  the  tube.  That 
grid  is  like  a  valve  in  a  pipe — something 
with  which  electrons  can  be  turned  on  and 
off  like  water.  The  electrons  that  strike 
the  plate  are  collected  in  the  form  of  a  cur- 
rent which  can  be  made  to  work  ma- 
chinery in  a  thousand  different  ways. 

A  tube  thus  constructed  made  radio 
broadcasting  possible.  In  one  form  it  shakes 
the  ether  into  waves  much  as  we  shake 
a  rope  tied  at  one  end  to  a  post.  The  ether 
waves  may  measure  a  few  inches  or  twenty 
miles  from  crest  to  crest,  and  they  can  be 
sent  around  the  earth  with  the  speed  of 
light.  The  tube  also  detects  the  waves 
even  when  they  are  all  but  spent.  Since 
only  a  minute  fraction  of  the  energy  sent 
out  by  a  station  is  received,  it  must  be  am- 
plified. Again  electron  tubes  come  into 
play.  And  how  they  amplify!  By  con- 
necting one  amplifying  tube  with  a  second, 
a  third,  or  a  twentieth,  if  need  be,  the 
crawling  of  a  fly  can  be  made  to  sound 
like  a  regiment  of  cavalry,  the  ticking  of 
a  watch  like  the  blows  of  a  trip-hammer. 

Walkie-Talkie  and  Television 

Because  some  tubes  can  be  made  no 
bigger  than  a  peanut,  radio  acquires  new 
potentialities.  Men  in  the  caboose  of  a 

mile-long  freight  train  can  talk  with  the 
engineer.  On  the  fighting  front  the  leader 
of  a  bombing  squadron  gives  orders  to 
pilots  under  his  command  and  takes  orders 
from  staff  headquarters  on  the  ground. 
Men  in  tanks  talk  with  one  another  and 
with  generals  in  the  rear.  The  apparatus 
required  can  be  packed  into  a  container 
not  much  larger  than  a  suitcase.  Still 
smaller  is  the  "walkie-talkie."  Parachute 
jumpers  and  patrols  use  it  to  communicate 
with  their  commanding  officers  miles  away. 
Brakemen  on  railroads  will  use  it  to  warn 
of  danger  when  a  train  is  stalled  instead 
of  walking  back  a  mile  and  waving  a  red 
flag.  In  a  recent  report,  the  Federal  Com- 
munications Commission  predicts  that  it 
will  give  physicians  a  calling  service  as  they 
make  their  rounds;  that  department  stores, 
dairies,  laundries,  and  other  business  houses 
will  use  it  to  give  drivers  instructions  on 
the  road;  that  captains  of  harbor  craft 
will  talk  with  their  offices;  that  farmers  in 
the  field  will  communicate  with  their  wives 
in  the  kitchen.  What  is  called  a  "personal 
radio  set"  no  bigger  than  a  cigarbox  has 
been  designed.  With  it  anybody  in  a  city 
can  talk  to  his  home  from  the  street.  We 
have  seen  only  the  beginning  of  radio. 

One  of  the  innovations  of  the  war  was 
radar — a  method  of  sending  out  radio 
waves  and  detecting  their  reflections  from 
hostile  aircraft  many  miles  away.  That 
invention  saved  Great  Britain  after  Dun- 
kerque  during  those  terrible  months  when 
English  towns  were  systematically  bombed 
for  weeks.  For  radar  made  it  possible  to 
concentrate  the  few  available  British  fight- 
ers exactly  where  they  could  do  the  most 
good.  We  shall  hear  more  of  radar  in 

An  electronic   "chemist"   which  tests   production   in   synthetic   rub- 
ber plants  more  swiftly  and  exactly  than  a  battery  of  technicians 

Westinghouse  photos 

Radio  waves  coat  tinplate  for  the  can  factory  ten  times  as  fast 
as    the    best    previous    methods,    and    save    tin    as    well    as    time 



civilian  life.  It  will  prevent  ships  from 
colliding  in  a  fog  or  running  aground  on 
a  rocky  coast,  warn  automobile  drivers  of 
danger  when  they  cannot  see  ahead.  Pilots 
of  passenger  airplanes  will  know  exactly 
how  high  they  are  over  an  elevation  on  an 
inky  night. 

Under  the  pressure  of  war  the  electron 
tube  has  acquired  new  powers.  Because  of 
this  acquisition,  television  on  a  grander 
scale  is  promised.  Viewing  screens  will  not 
be  of  present  handkerchief  size  but  as  large 
as  those  of  motion  picture  theaters.  House- 
wives will  probably  do  some  of  their  shop- 
ping by  television.  "Show  me  a  nice 
chicken,"  Mrs.  Jones  will  say,  whereupon 
the  butcher  will  hold  one  up  for  inspec- 
tion. Department  stores  will  similarly  ex- 
hibit their  smaller  and  lighter  wares. 

Since  we  have  been  spoiled  by  Holly- 
wood, we  shall  probably  demand  a  new 
television  play  every  day — a  prospect  that 
producers  shudder  at.  Where  are  the  script 
writers?  How  is  an  army  of  scene  build- 
ers to  be  recruited?  Where  are  the  actors 
who  will  be  required  for  the  televising  of 
several  hundred  plays  a  year?  The  fate 
of  the  motion  picture  theater  is  in  doubt, 
for  which  reason  Hollywood  companies  are 
as  much  interested  in  television  as  they 
are  in  films.  The  press,  already  somewhat 
concerned  about  the  broadcasting  of  news, 
is  wondering  what  will  happen  when  base- 
ball games,  prizefights,  sports  events,  in- 
augurations and  political  meetings  are 
brought  right  into  the  home,  with  all  the 
blare  of  brass  bands,  the  yells  of  the  crowd 
and  the  rapid-fire  interpretations  of  eye- 
witness commentators. 

Thinking  Machines 

More  elated  are  the  makers  of  business 
machines.  They  have  been  watching  the 
anti-aircraft  guns  from  afar — watching  be- 
cause their  fire  is  controlled  electronically. 
Consider  what  is  required  of  an  anti-air- 
craft battery's  crew.  Allowances  must  be 
made  for  the  speed  of  a  hostile  bomber, 
for  the  wind,  for  temperature,  for  baro- 
metric pressure,  even,  occasionally,  for  the 
rotation  of  the  earth.  There  is  no  time 
to  make  the  necessary  calculations  on  pa- 
per. Electron  tubes  make  the  corrections 
in  a  few  seconds,  so  that  the  guns  are 
pointed  at  the  place  where  the  hostile 
plane  will  be  and  fired  at  the  right  in- 

The  electronic  mechanism  can  easily  be 
adapted  to  the  construction  of  new  busi- 
ness machines.  A  122-tube  electronic  mas- 
ter-mind has  already  been  devised  which 
saves  144,000  man-hours  annually  in  cali- 
brating apparatus  for  the  Signal  Corps. 
That  electronic  mind  calculates  faster  than 
any  mathematician  can,  and  it  never  makes 
a  mistake.  The  keeping  of  accounts,  the 
dunning  of  creditors  with  bills  will  be  as- 
signed to  girls  who  will  handle  cards  or 
slips  of  paper  just  as  they  now  feed  strips 
of  steel  into  a  machine,  and  electron  tubes 
will  do  the  rest.  Huge  machines  have  al- 
ready been  designed  which  occupy  more 
space  than  is  available  in  a  room  of  average 
size  and  which  solve  problems  in  higher 
mathematics  for  engineers.  The  pushing 
of  keys,  the  pulling  of  levers,  the  turning 

MARCH     1945 

General  Electric 

Electronic  motor  control  drives  in  the  Detroit  plant  of  Nash-Kelvinator  test  airplane 
propeller  governors.  Each  governor,  driven  by  a  motor  with  a  range  of  900  to  3,000  rptn, 
is  held  to  the  required  testing  speed  by  the  control,  even  with  a  widely  varying  load 

of  a  knob  or  two  is  all  that  is  necessary. 

When  we  enter  the  factory,  we  see  the 
electron  tube  at  work  in  ways  that  were 
inconceivable  only  ten  years  ago.  It  is  con- 
nected with  a  motor,  a  door,  a  conveyor- 
belt,  anything  that  moves,  cuts,  heats. 
Here,  a  giant  turbine  spins.  It  is  important 
to  know  what  the  spinning  drum  is  doing 
at  any  given  moment.  Pressure,  speed, 
temperature  and  a  few  other  factors  must 
be  known  to  give  the  answer.  The  electron 
tube  performs  the  task.  It  measures  all 
the  factors,  converts  them  into  meter  read- 
ings, so  that  a  man  has  only  to  watch 
a  finger  as  it  plays  over  a  dial  to  know 
what  is  happening  inside  the  turbine. 

Go  into  an  oil  refinery  and  you  see  the 
electron  tube  at  work  in  another  capacity. 
In  a  tower,  high  octane  gasoline  is  separated 
from  something  else.  Is  the  rate  of  separa- 
tion right?  Is  the  gasoline  pure?  The 
electron  tube  takes  the  place  of  the  chem- 
ist and  gives  the  information  wanted  in 
electrical  terms  and  in  meter  language. 
So  it  is  with  the  production  of  synthetic- 
rubber.  Suppose  furnace  gases  contain  too 
much  moisture.  Rust  is  then  inevitable, 
and  rust  is  the  enemy  of  the  steel  parts 
of  airplanes,  guns,  and  tanks.  The  elec- 
tron tube  stands  guard  and  warns  when  the 
gases  are  too  wet.  A  light  flashes  on  a 
panel  and  the  man  stationed  there  to  watch 
it  knows  what  must  be  done.  One  such 

electronic  recorder  can  measure  moisture 
in  a  gas  which  is  1,000  times  drier  than 
the  air  in  the  desert  of  Sahara. 

In  the  Lockheed  airplane  plant,  torches 
are  no  longer  used  to  weld  150-gallon 
fuel  tanks,  with  the  result  that  the  cost 
of  making  a  tank  has  been  reduced  to  one 
sixth  of  what  it  was.  Westinghouse  en- 
gineers have  made  it  possible  to  machine 
the  huge  propellers  of  an  aircraft  carrier 
700  percent  more  rapidly  than  before  by 
electronic  means.  Two  sharp  steel  cutting 
tools  are  automatically  and  electronically 
guided  over  the  surfaces  of  the  propeller 
(twenty-four  feet  in  diameter)  and  in  this 
way  perform  in  two  days  work  that  once 
took  two  weeks. 

The  Tube  in  Charge  of  Heat 

Heat  is  indispensable  in  nearly  every  in- 
dustrial operation.  Control  of  heat  in- 
volves control  of  temperature.  We  have 
thermometers  and  other  devices  enough  to 
measure  heat,  it  would  seem.  They  are  too 
coarse  when  the  difference  of  a  hundredth 
of  a  degree  spells  success  or  failure.  The 
electron  tube  steps  in  and  with  its  in- 
visible sensitive  fingers  swings  a  needle 
on  a  dial  and  thus  tells  from  second  to 
second  whether  there  is  too  much  or  too 
little  heat.  In  this  way  the  time  of 
brazing  some  machine  parts  has  been  re- 
duced from  four  minutes  to  forty  seconds. 



The  phototitner  (mounted  at  bottom  of  screen  hood)  shuts  off  the  X-ray  tube  when  proper 
exposure    has    been    made.    It    steps    up    X-ray    pictures    to    six    a    minute,    1,000    a    day 

The  electron  tube  not  only  controls  but 
generates  heat.  Doctors  have  used  it  in 
this  fashion  to  set  up  artificial  fevers  within 
the  body  in  treating  arthritis  and  venereal 
diseases.  The  patient  sits  between  two 
plates.  Nothing  touches  him.  A  radio 
wave  passes  through  him,  heats  up  his 
tissues,  quickens  his  physiological  proces- 
ses. Inside  of  the  machine  are  the  elec- 
tron tubes  that  send  out  the  waves — actually 
radio  waves.  Fever  machines  built  on  the 
same  principle  are  found  in  many  a  war 

If  heat  is  wanted  on  a  spot  of  metal  no 
bigger  than  a  pinhead,  the  electron  tube 
supplies  it;  if  the  area  is  a  square  yard, 
the  tube  obliges.  So  nice  is  the  applica- 
tion that  the  metal  can  be  heated  to  red- 
ness or  just  enough  to  achieve  a  technical 
purpose.  Only  three  years  ago  it  used 
to  take  hours  and  sometimes  days  to  set 
the  binder  that  holds  layers  of  plywood 
together.  The  electronic  fever  machine 
does  the  work  in  minutes  and  releases  men. 
Wherever  there  is  gluing  and  welding  to 
be  done  the  electron  tube  is  in  charge. 
Sheets  of  plastics  are  fused  into  boards. 
Strips  of  metal  are  "sewn"  together  at  the 
rate  of  1,800  invisible  stitches  a  minute. 
In  "spot-welding,"  electron  tubes  join 
metals  before  the  whole  mass  has  time 
to  heat  up.  If  there  is  polishing  to  be 
done,  the  electron  tube  is  switched  on  to 
melt  down  the  minute  hills  that  cause 

The  household  is  bound  to  profit  by  the 
introduction  of  the  electronic  fever  ma- 
chine. Bread,  cake,  stews,  roasts — all  can 
be  cooked  on  an  electronic  range.  You 
may  miss  the  golden  brown  crust  on  a 
loaf  of  bread  or  the  crisp  shell  of  a  roast 
beef,  for  the  electron  tube  sends  out  waves 
that  heat  bread  and  meat  from  the  inside 
out.  Still  it  is  something  that  you  can 
cook  a  stew  in  your  best  china  dish,  time 

the  process  to  the  second  and  let  the  range 
cut  off  the  heat  automatically  at  the  pre- 
determined instant. 

Hair-Trigger  Control 

When  it  comes  to  selective  action  there 
is  nothing  that  remotely  approaches  the 
electron  tube.  Electrons  are  always  nega- 
tively charged.  This  means  that  they  will 
fly  to  a  positively  charged  surface  and  away 
from  one  negatively  charged.  The  prin- 
ciple is  applied  in  painting.  If  a  metal 
kitchen  cabinet  is  to  be  painted,  a  tube  is 
switched  on  to  charge  the  paint  negatively, 
whereupon  the  paint  flies  to  the  positively 
charged  metal  surface  and  sticks  there. 
So  it  is  when  dust  is  to  be  precipitated 
from  values.  In  refining  plants,  powdered 
ore  is  dropped  on  a  slowly  rotating  drum 
electronically  sprayed  with  either  positive 
or  negative  electricity.  Ten  million  particles 
that  make  up  ten  pounds  of  concentrated 
ore  drop  off;  the  useless  rest  drops  off 
a  little  farther  on.  There  are  two  piles— 
the  one  concentrated  ore,  the  other  mere 
dirt.  It  is  possible  in  this  way  to  wring 
one  half  of  one  percent  of  tin  from  its 

Some  of  these  electron  tubes  are  what 
the  engineer  calls  "rectifiers."  He  means 
that  they  change  alternating  into  direct  cur- 
rent. Direct  current  flows  in  one  direc- 
tion only,  like  water  in  a  pipe;  alternating 
current  swings  back  and  forth  usually 
sixty  times  a  second.  In  many  shops  and 
mills  the  motors  on  individual  machines  are 
driven  by  direct  current  because  speed 
can  thus  be  more  easily  controlled.  It  is 
possible  to  change  a  direct  current  into  an 
alternating  current  by  a  machine  called  a 
"converter"  and  thus  give  the  shop  what 
it  wants.  But  converters  are  difficult  to  ob- 
tain because  of  the  exigencies  of  war. 
The  electron  tube  now  does  the  conversion. 
It  performs  its  task  with  a  precision  that 

has  given  the  term  "scientific  management" 
a  new  meaning.  The  reason  is  that  the 
mechanical  tools  of  a  machine  shop  have 
a  rhythm  of  their  own.  Work  must  flow 
from  machine  to  machine  in  a  stream  that 
must  never  stop.  The  electron  tubes  control 
the  pace  of  individual  machines  and 
hence  the  whole  shop.  "You're  too  fast," 
they  say  to  a  motor  and  slow  it  down. 
Everywhere  in  the  shop  the  electron  tube 
watches  and  regulates.  The  control  is  of 
the  hair-trigger  type — sensitive  and  unfail- 

The  Infallible  Watchman 

There  are  micrometers  in  machine  shops 
that  measure  sizes  down  to  the  ten- 
thousandth  of  an  inch.  The  electronic 
tube  does  better.  No  gauge  can  measure 
powders  which  consist  of  particles  that  may 
be  of  microscopic  dimensions.  But  the 
electron  tube  can.  In  fact  it  can  measure 
a  millionth  of  an  inch.  So  it  is  with 
vapors.  If  there  is  only  a  whiff  of  an  im- 
purity, the  electron  tube  will  detect  it 
and  flash  a  warning  red  light.  Fruit  grow- 
ers save  thousands  of  dollars  annually  by 
using  electronic  inspectors  to  throw  out 
oranges  and  pears  that  are  overweight,  un- 
derweight or  off-color — and  all  at  lightning 

Most  of  these  sorters  are  photoelectric 
cells,  that  is,  tubes  which  change  light 
into  an  electric  current  by  which  auxiliary 
apparatus  can  be  set  in  motion.  Even  be- 
fore the  war  we  saw  what  the  photoelectric 
cell  could  do  in  railway  stations.  Carrying 
a  bag  with  one  hand,  a  suitcase  with  the 
other  we  approached  a  door.  As  we 
did  so  we  intercepted  a  beam  of  light  which 
fell  on  a  concealed  cell.  With  that  inter- 
ception a  circuit  was  completed  and  ap- 
paratus set  in  motion  that  obligingly  opened 
the  door  for  us.  When  we  passed  out  of 
the  beam  the  door  closed. 

The  same  principle  is  applied  in  several 
hundred  different  ways.  If  smoke  from 
a  chimney  is  too  thick — always  a  sign 
that  fuel  is  wasted — the  beam  of  light  is 
cut  off,  whereupon  engineers  are  warned 
that  their  fires  need  attention.  Anything 
can  be  electronically  counted — from  auto- 
mobiles traveling  through  a  tunnel  or  past 
a  given  point  on  the  road  to  bottles  or 
castings  on  a  belt  conveyor  or  printed 
sheets  as  they  come  off  the  press.  The 
thickness  of  paper  as  it  is  formed  from 
pulp  on  a  machine  can  be  thus  gauged 
and  held  constant.  Cracks  and  holes  in 
thin  sheets  can  be  detected. 

Go  into  any  good  pharmaceutical  labora- 
tory and  you  will  see  the  photoelectric 
cell  peering  into  a  solution  and  telling  the 
chemists  how  much  vitamin  it  contains. 
Go  into  a  tobacco  factory  and  you  will  see 
cells  sorting  fifteen-cent  from  ten-cent  ci- 
gars. Go  to  any  plant  where  powdered 
metals  are  pressed  and  sintered  into  ma- 
chine parts  and  you  will  see  the  cell  sort- 
ing the  particles  and  counting  them  at  the 
rate  of  50,000  a  minute.  An  elaborate  in- 
strument of  which  photoelectric  cells  are 
the  heart  and  brain  can  distinguish  two 
million  tints.  The  best  that  an  artist  can 
(Continued  on  page  106) 




/.  A  British  Plan 

What  Beveridge  Proposes 

An  outline  of  policy  and  action  by  which  the  democracies  can  outlaw 
unemployment  in  peacetime,  and  provide  steady  jobs  and  steady  markets. 



Beveridge  submitted  his  notable  report  on 
social  insurance  to  the  British  government. 
This  public  document,  bold  and  far-reach- 
ing though  it  was,  has  been  accepted  in 
its  essentials  by  the  Churchill  government 
as  the  pattern  for  reorganizing  Britain's  al- 
ready relatively  advanced  social  security 

But  as  Sir  William  emphasized  in  his 
report,  the  success  of  the  social  security 
program  depends  on  the  abolition  of  mass 
unemployment.  No  social  insurance  sys- 
tem can  provide  adequately  for  all  the  vic- 
tims of  social  misfortune  if  the  productive 
resources  of  the  country  are  largely  im- 
mobilized. Nor  can  security  be  regarded 
as  a  satisfactory  substitute  for  jobs.  As 
Sir  William  puts  it  in  his  inimitable  phrase- 

"Idleness  is  not  the  same  as  Want,  but 
a  separate  evil  which  men  do  not  escape  by 
having  income.  They  must  also  have  the 
chance  of  rendering  useful  service  and  of 
feeling  that  they  are  doing  so." 

The  Peacetime  Problem 

Since  the  British  government  did  not 
ask  him  to  prepare  a  companion  study  on 
the  problems  of  full  employment,  Sir  Wil- 
liam undertook  the  task  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility. The  absence  of  government 
assistance  has  naturally  restricted  the  scope 
of  his  study,  but  the  "policy"  for  full  em- 
ployment which  is  outlined  in  his  new 
book*  is  marked  by  the  same  clarity,  and 
the  same  mastery  of  both  details  and  es- 
sentials which  characterized  his  justly  cele- 
brated Beveridge  Plan.  With  the  result 
that  his  two  studies  stand  as  twin  beacons 
in  all  the  welter  of  discussion  of  postwar 
economic  policy  in  this  country  and  in 
Great  Britain. 

To  say  that  "Full  Employment  in  a 
Free  Society"  is  a  remarkable  book,  or  even 
an  outstanding  one,  is  an  understatement. 
While  it  may  never  be  a  best-seller  even 
among  serious  books  because  of  its  tech- 
nical nature,  it  is  the  kind  of  book  that 
exercises  tremendous  influence  on  the  so- 
cial and  economic  thinking  of  a  generation. 
If  we  are  wise  in  our  political  decisions,  it 
may  have  great  influence  on  the  recasting 
of  our  economic  mechanism  so  as  to  elimi- 
nate the  maladjustments  created  by  our 
modern  industrial  system. 

The  problem  of  creating  an  economy  that 
will  assure  jobs  for  all  is  far  more  com- 

by  Sir  William  Beveridge.  Norton.  $3.75. 

— By  an  American  authority  on  employ- 
ment and  social  insurance.  Mr.  Stewart 
is  editor  of  the  Public  Affairs  Pamphlets, 
and  an  associate  editor  of  The  Nation. 
He  is  the  author  of  "Social  Security," 
"America  in  a  World  at  War,"  "Build- 
ing for  Peace  at  Home  and  Abroad." 

Survey  Graphic  readers  will  recall  his 
critique  of  the  National  Resources  Plan- 
ning Board  reports  on  demobilization 
and  social  security  in  our  special  issue, 
"From  War  to  Work." 

plicated  than  that  of  drawing  up  a  work- 
able program  of  social  security.  There  is 
little  in  the  peacetime  experience  of  either 
Great  Britain  or  the  United  States  to  indi- 
cate that  full  employment  is  a  practical  pos- 
sibility in  a  free  society. 

Since  the  industrial  revolution,  both 
countries  have  always  had  available,  ex- 
cept in  time  of  war,  considerably  more  men 
and  women  looking  for  jobs  than  there 
were  jobs  to  be  filled. 

Despite  all  the  furor  about  eliminating 
unemployment  during  the  past  two  or  three 
decades,  the  proportion  of  jobless  men  and 
women  has  never  been  higher  than  in  the 
period  between  World  War  I  and  World 
War  II.  Between  1921  and  1938  the  gen- 
eral unemployment  rate  in  Britain  aver- 
aged 14.2  percent.  In  those  seventeen  years 
there  was  only  one  brief  period  in  which  it 
fell  to  less  than  10  percent.  Furthermore, 
unemployment  was  much  more  severe  in . 
the  second  postwar  decade  than  in  the  first, 
and  more  severe  in  both  than  in  any  cor- 
responding period  before  World  War  I. 

American  workers  were  also  much  more 
severely  plagued  with  joblessness  between 
1930  and  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II 
than  at  any  previous  time.  Substantial  re- 

lief was  not  obtained  in  either  country  un- 
til the  rearmament  program  which  pre- 
ceded the  war. 

Yet  when  war  comes,  unemployment 
rapidly  melts  away.  That  has  been  true 
both  in  Britain  and  in  the  United  States, 
true  both  in  World  War  I  and  World  War 
II.  The  contrast  between  the  best  peace 
year  and  a  normal  war  year  is  startling. 

In  1937,  which  was  Britain's  best  year 
between  the  wars,  unemployment  was  cut 
to  approximately  1,500,000.  In  1943,  the 
number  was  not  more  than  100,000.  War 
presents  rather  conclusive  evidence  that  the 
number  of  jobs  in  the  world  is  not  limited 
— as  so  many  people  have  believed.  De- 
spite the  fact  that  millions  of  men  have 
been  taken  into  the  armed  forces,  the  num- 
ber of  industrial  jobs  has  increased  sub- 
stantially. Thus,  it  is  obvious  that  the  num- 
ber of  jobs  can  be  increased  whenever  the 
government  supplies  sufficient  incentive  for 
doing  so.  Our  problem  boils  down  to  that 
of  finding  peacetime  incentives  which  are 
comparable  to  those  afforded  by  war. 

Wartime  Lessons 

Some  of  the  factors  which  aid  in  pro- 
viding full  employment  during  a  war  can- 
not very  well  be  utilized  in  a  peacetime 
program.  During  war,  for  instance,  the 
individual  citizen  willingly  accepts  inter- 
ference with  his  control  over  the  purse- 
strings.  He  will  permit  a  much  higher 
level  of  taxation  than  in  peacetime;  he  will 
put  his  savings  into  government  bonds; 
permit  the  government  to  tell  him  what 
he  can  and  cannot  buy;  and  even  allow 
the  government  to  exercise  some  compul- 
sion in  telling  him  where  and  at  what 
tasks  he  should  work.  Since  no  one  wants 
such  controls  over  his  way  of  life  in  or- 
dinary times,  we  must  seek  a  peacetime 

GENERAL  EMPLOYMENT  RATE  1921-1938  (Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland) 



1922        1925        1924       B25       1926        1927        1926       1929       1930       1931        1932       1933       1934       1935       1936      1927 

Chart  from  the  new  Beveridge  book 

MARCH.    1945 


program  for  full  employment  that  can  op- 
erate without  them. 

Certain  lessons  can,  however,  be  distilled 
from  our  wartime  experience.  Chief  among 
these  is  the  necessity  for  setting  up  a  social 
goal  that  is  compelling  enough  to  com- 
mand the  support  of  all  groups  within  the 
community,  and  seeing  that  sufficient 
money  is  spent  to  attain  this  goal,  subject 
only  to  the  physical  limitations  imposed  by 
shortages  of  manpower  and  resources.  And 
while  it  is  not  thinkable  to  apply  compul- 
sion in  getting  workers  to  accept  specific 
jobs  in  peacetime,  the  government  can  and 
should  insist  on  the  elimination  of  all 
"featherbedding"  and  other  restrictions  on 
the  use  of  manpower.  Finally,  as  Sir 
William  reminds  us,  "war  experience  con- 
firms the  possibility  of  securing  full  em- 
ployment by  socialization  of  demand  with- 
out socialization  of  production." 

Let  us  examine  that  phrase.  In  peace 
or  in  war,  employment  depends  on  spend- 
ing, or  what  Beveridge  prefers  to  call  "out- 
lay." We  shall  have  full  employment  only 
if  enough  is  spent  to  create  a  demand  for 
goods  that  cannot  be  satisfied  without  using 
the  whole  manpower  of  the  country.  So 
far  as  employment  itself  is  concerned  it 
makes  no  difference  whether  the  increased 
spending  comes  from  private  business,  in- 
dividual citizens,  or  the  government.  Which 
source  the  money  comes  from  is  charged, 
of  course,  with  high  political  voltage,  but 
the  government  alone  is  in  a  position  to 
take  responsibility  for  seeing  that  outlay 
is  maintained.  No  one  else  has  the  neces- 
sary power,  and  bitter  experience  over  a 
period  of  many  years  shows  that  spending  is 
always  insufficient  unless  the  government 
takes  a  hand.  Sir  William  insists  that  it 
should  be  just  as  much  the  duty  of  the 
state  to  protect  its  citizens  against  mass 
unemployment,  by  assuring  adequate  spend- 
ing, as  it  is  to  defend  its  citizens  against 
attack  from  abroad  or  robbery  and  violence 
at  home,  by  the  use  of  army  and  police. 

The  "Human  Budget" 

To  achieve  this  objective,  Sir  William 
proposes  a  new  type  of  budget.  This  bud- 
get would  be  based,  not  upon  money,  but 
upon  available  manpower.  It  would  be  a 
"human  budget."  It  would  contain  esti- 
mates of  how  much,  assuming  full  em- 
ployment, individual  citizens  could  be  ex- 
pected to  spend  in  the  following  year.  The 
amount  of  public  outlay  that  would  be 
necessary  to  maintain  full  employment 
could  then  be  computed.  If  this  outlay  can 
be  met  within  the  limits  of  taxation  al- 
ready assumed,  well  and  good.  But  if  the 
government  is  serious  about  full  employ- 
ment, it  must  be  prepared  just  as  in  war- 
time to  spend  as  much  over  and  above  its 
receipts  in  taxes  as  the  emergency  requires. 

As  an  illustration,  Sir  William  prepares 
a  British  budget  for  1948.  Its  principal 
items  are: 

1.  Private  consumption  outlay; 

2.  Public   consumption   outlay; 

3.  Net  private  home  investment; 

4.  Public  outlay  based  on  revenue; 

5.  Public  outlay  based  on  loans; 

6.  Balance  of  payments  from  abroad;  and 

7.  A  computation  of  unused  resources — 
derived    by    subtracting    the    total    of 
items  1-6  from  the  estimated  capacity 
output  with  full  employment. 

It  is  estimated  that  with  full  employ- 
ment Britain's  total  output  in  1948  should 
be  approximately  20  percent  higher  than 
in  1938.  This  would  permit  a  19  percent 



increase  in  individual  consumer  spending 
(in  contrast  to  the  21  percent  reduction 
which  resulted  from  the  war)  and  a  25  per- 
cent increase  in  investments. 

Uses  of  Outlay 

The  essence  of  the  Beveridge  program  is 
to  be  found,  of  course,  in  the  things  which 
the  government  undertakes  in  order  to 
increase  and  maintain  spending  at  a  level 
that  will  provide  jobs  for  all.  Everyone 
understands  how  this  is  done  in  time  of 
war.  But  there  is  profound  skepticism  in 
conservative  circles  regarding  its  possibility 
in  peacetime.  Beveridge  does  not  rely 
merely  on  public  works,  or  on  a  combina- 
tion of  public  works  and  relief  as  did  the 
United  States  in  the  1930's.  His  program 
is  a  comprehensive  one  involving: 

Public  spending  for  non-marketable 
goods  and  services,  such  as  roads,  schools, 
hospitals,  defense,  and  order; 

Investment  in  a  socialized  sector  of  in- 
dustry, including  transport,  power  and 
either  coal  or  steel; 

Creation  of  a  National  Investment  Board 
to  provide  loans  and  tax  rebates  to  private 

Encouragement  of  low  prices  for  essen- 
tial consumer  goods — if  necessary,  by  a 
system  of  subsidies; 

Increase  in  private  spending  by  increased 
national  income  and  broadened  social  se- 
curity provisions. 

Among  the  items  on  which  the  govern- 
ment is  urged  to  increase  its  spending  dur- 
ing the  postwar  period  in  order  to  im- 
prove British  living  standards  are:  a  na- 
tional health  service,  nutrition,  a  broadened 

educational  system,  town  and  city  planning, 
and,  of  course,  the  expanded  social  security 
program  known  popularly  as  "the  Bever- 
idge Plan." 

Some  attention,  he  holds,  will  also  need 
to  be  given  to  the  location  of  industries. 
This  is  a  particularly  crucial  problem  in 
Britain  because  of  overcrowding  in  and 
around  London  and  the  state  of  the  "de- 
pressed areas."  A  measure  of  governmental 
control  over  industrial  shifts  he  regards  as 
an  essential  part  of  a  full  employment  pro- 

Distribution  of  Labor 

Even  more  crucial,  and  more  difficult,  is 
the  problem  of  controlling  the  location  of 
labor  so  that  there  will  not  be  too  many 
workers  in  some  localities,  too  few  in  others. 
An  analysis  of  prewar  unemployment  in 
Britain  shows  that  while  every  industry  and 
every  section  of  the  country  had  more 
workers  than  available  jobs,  some  sections 
suffered  much  more  severely  than  others. 
In  1937,  for  example,  the  unemployment 
rate  varied  from  approximately  6  percent 
in  the  London  area  to  24  percent  in  Wales 
and  26  percent  in  Northern  Ireland. 

In  a  totalitarian  state,  the  task  of  shift- 
ing workers  from  one  area  to  another  pre- 
sents no  problem.  They  can  be  ordered  to 
move,  regardless  of  convenience  or  senti- 
ment. But  such  compulsion  is  intolerable 
in  a  free  society.  Sir  William  believes, 
however,  that  some  pressure  might  be  used 
to  encourage  workers  to  accept  jobs  away 
from  home.  Thus  in  the  case  of  young 
workers  who  have  been  trained  at  state  ex- 
pense, he  feels  that  the  government  would 
be  justified  in  continuing  the  wartime  re- 
quirement of  compulsory  use  of  the  labor 
exchanges.  And  he  suggests  that  if  the 
government  lives  up  to  its  responsibility  of 
providing  enough  jobs  for  all,  it  would  be 
justified  in  imposing  stiff  conditions  for 
unemployment  benefits  on  those  who  re- 
main out  of  work  in  one  locality  for  any 
length  of  time.  Beyond  this,  he  suggests 
that  the  restrictions  on  employment  en- 
forced by  trade  unions  and  professional 
bodies  should  be  rigorously  reviewed  to 
see  if  they  are  still  applicable  under  con- 
ditions of  full  employment. 

Of  crucial  significance  to  Great  Britain 
and  of  almost  as  great  concern  to  the 
United  States  are  the  implications  of  Bev- 
eridge's  full  employment  program  as  these 
bear  on  world  trade  and  prosperity.  Ob- 
viously, Britain  cannot  hope  to  improve 
living  conditions  and  provide  jobs  for  all 
of  its  workers  without  considerable  trade 
with  other  countries.  But  this  imperative 
raises  fresh  issues  of  international  relations. 

American  Applications 

Many  Britishers  are  fearful  of  linking 
their  economy  too  closely  with  that  of  the 
United  States  lest  they  suffer  a  repetition 
of  the  events  of  1929.  If  Britain  follows 
a  policy  of  full  employment  but  the  United 
States  does  not,  Britain  might  readily  be- 
come a  victim  of  our  policy  of  "exporting 
unemployment" — or,  as  we  prefer  to  call  it, 
of  "stimulating  exports."  If  the  United 
States  and  other  countries  continue  to  pur- 
sue nationalistic  economic  policies  after  the 
(Continued  on  page  105) 



//.  American  Bill 

From  Patchwork  to  Purpose 

Four  ranking  senators  throw  into  open  discussion  the  momentous 
issue  of  where  we  go  after  the  war — and  how  we  can  get  started. 


E.  Murray  of  Montana,  chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Education  and  Labor, 
introduced  the  "Full  Employment  Bill  of 
1945."  Joined  with  him  as  co-authors  were: 

Robert  F.  Wagner,  New  York,  chairman, 
Committee  on  Banking  and  Currency; 

Elbert  D.  Thomas,  Utah,  chairman,  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs;  and 

Joseph  C.  O'Mahoney,  Wyoming,  chair- 
man of  the  recent  Temporary  National 
Economic  Committee. 

Representative  Wright  Patman,  Texas, 
introduced  a  companion  bill  in  the  House. 

The  range  of  sponsorship  is  significant; 
and  so  was  the  timing,  for  that  was  the 
first  month  of  a  new  Congress  which,  we 
can  hope,  will  prove  the  first  postwar  Con- 

Regardless  of  the  vicissitudes  it  may  face 
before  coming  to  a  vote,  this  bill  is  central 
to  present  public  concern.  Its  short  confines 
and  simple  provisions  embrace  such  vital 
matters  as  the  relationships  between  in- 
dustry and  government;  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Congress;  between  the  gov- 
ernment and  the  people. 

At  such  a  juncture,  it  is  good  to  remem- 
ber that  democratic  states  thrive  upon  the 
basis  of  agreement  about  fundamentals. 
Even  our  cherished  rights  to  debate  and 
dissent — such  as  freedom  of  speech,  of  con- 
science, of  assembly — derive  from  a  few 
accepted  propositions  written  into  the  Con- 
stitution. Thus  without  complete  agreement 
about  freedom  of  speech,  no  one  could 
speak  out  in  disagreement  about  anything. 

Our  economic  progress,  like  our  political 
freedom,  depends  in  this  same  way  upon 
reconciling  the  privilege  of  differing  about 
many  matters  with  the  capacity  to  arrive 
freely  at  an  accord  about  some  essentials. 
Can  we  say  as  much  for  this  Full  Employ- 
ment Bill — that  it  stems  from  heartening 
agreement  on  a  few  dominant  factors  to  be 
reckoned  with  in  our  industrial  affairs?  Let 
me  cite  half  a  dozen  in  sequence: 

The  Opportunity  That  Is  Ours 

1.  Our  unrivaled  American  aptitude  for 
technological  advance,  spurred  on  by  the 
depression  years  and  since  driven  harder 
by  the  impulse  of  total  war,  has  exceeded 
the  most  fanciful  expectations.  Witness 
Hagen  and  Kirkpatrick.  In  the  American 
Economic  Review  (September  1944)  they 
estimate  that  the  output  per  man  hour  in  a 
grouping  of  basic  industries  rose  from  an 
index  of  100  for  1923-25  to  122  for  1929, 
to  167  for  1940.  Viewing  the  marvels  of  war 

production,  they  conclude  that  the  index 
may  well  go  above  232  by  1950. 

The  increase  has  not  been  so  startling 
in  other  industries  or  in  agriculture.  Yet  if 
we  couple  this  rising  efficiency  with  reason- 
ably full  employment,  it  has  been  calculated 
that  (at  the  1944  price  level)  the  value  of 
our  annual  gross  national  product,  which 
stood  at  106  billion  dollars  in  1929,  slumped 
to  76  billion  in  1932,  and  rose  to  115  billion 
in  1939— will  reach  195  to  200  billion 
dollars  by  1950. 

Allowing  for  increases  in  population,  this 
would  mean  by  1950  a  general  output  per 
capita  more  than  50  percent  higher  than  in 
the  peak  "prosperity"  year  of  1929. 

2.  If  we  come  near  this  attainable  goal, 
we  can  assure  the  economic  upgrading  of 
the  average  family  and   at  the  same  time 
preserve    individual    initiative,    unusual    re- 
ward for  unusual  merit,  and  full  incentives 
to  legitimate  private  risk-taking. 

Without  making  it  impossible  for  any 
to  get  rich,  we  can  make  it  unnecessary  for 
any  to  suffer  proverty. 

3.  These  bright  prospects  have  their  dis- 

— The  general  counsel  of  the  National 
Housing  Agency  is  a  South  Carolinian 
who  studied  law  at  Harvard  and  post- 
graduate economics  at  Columbia. 

Writing  here  personally,  he  has  had 
much  experience  up  and  down  Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue.  Thus,  he  spent  the  mid- 
Thirties  on  Capitol  Hill  as  an  assistant 
to  Senator  Robert  F.  Wagner,  on  the 
latter's  great  bills  on  Housing  and  Labor 
Relations,  National  Recovery  and  Social 
Security.  Then  came  five  years  as  deputy 
administrator  of  the  United  States  (now 
Federal  Public)  Housing  Authority. 

Up  to  his  elbows  in  war  and  postwar 
matters  in  his  present  post,  he  was  one 
of  35,767  entrants  a  year  ago  for  the 
"Postwar  Employment  Awards"  offered 
by  the  Pabst  Brewing  Co.,  in  celebrating 
its  centennial.  The  judges  were  Clarence 
Dykstra,  Wesley  C.  Mitchell,  Beardsley 
Ruml,  and  A.  F.  Whitney. 

Mr.  Keyserling's  entry  (rated  second 
— $10,000)  called  for  an  American 
Economic  Goal;  for  concerted  policies  to 
lift  not  only  production  and  employ- 
ment, but  also  standards  of  living;  and 
for  a  continuing  inventory  as  both  yard- 
stick and  lever.  These  concepts  he  ap- 
plies in  appraising  "The  Full  Employ- 
ment Bill  of  1945"— S.  380;  H.R.  2,202. 

mal  counterpoint,  if  the  shortcomings  of 
the  past  pervade  the  future.  So  long  as  our 
economic  system  retains  its  brittleness,  the 
impact  of  twenty  million  veterans  and  ex- 
war  workers  looking  for  postwar  jobs 'will 
deal  it  a  shattering  blow.  That  is,  one  which 
ultimately  might  smash  us  down  into  a 
depression  as  much  larger  than  the  de- 
pression of  the  Thirties  as  our  effort  in  this 
war  has  been  larger  than  our  effort  in  the 
last  war. 

4.  Which  of  these  two  roads  we  follow 
will  not  be  left  to  fate.  It  will  be  a  man- 
made  choice,  representing  a  compound  of 
economic  policies  and  programs  put  into 
effect  by  industry,  agriculture,  labor,  and 
government.  Our  future  is  in  their  hands 
rather,  if  we  will,  in  our  own. 

5.  In  order  that  this  compound  of  policies 
and  programs  achieve  optimum  results,  it 
is  essential  that  industry,  agriculture,  labor, 
and  government  work  together. 

This  imposes  a  double  obligation  upon 
the  federal  government.  As  itself  the  largest 
single  conditioner  of  our  economy  as  a 
whole,  its  actions  must  be  reasonably  clear, 
stable,  and  thought  through  to  their  ulti- 
mate implications.  It  must  also  take  the 
leadership  (for  no  other  agency  can)  in 
bringing  its  own  variegated  economic  activ- 
ities into  harmony  (through  conference  and 
agreement)  with  those  of  private  enterprise, 
organized  labor,  and  of  our  state  and  local 

For  each  of  these  performers  to  take  a 
proper  part  in  our  national  symphony  of 
productive  effort,  there  must  be  a  score. 
Clearly  each  of  them  should  play  the  in- 
strument for  which  his  gifts  are  greatest; 
yet,  if  all  of  them  are  to  keep  clear  of 
discord,  someone  must  wield  a  baton.  Such 
is  the  tradition  of  music;  but  dictation  does 
not  fit  into  the  orchestration  of  democracy. 

6.  Hence  we  must  find  equivalents  for 
score  and  director  if  we  are  to  make  the 
music  we  want  to  hear.  We  must  have  a 
unifying  American  Economic  Policy  di- 
rected toward  a  common  American  Eco- 
nomic Goal.  (Of  these,  more  later.) 

The  Gap  Filled  by  the  Bill 

Once  we  found  substantial  agreement  on 
such  points  as  these,  it  would  be  a  far  cry 
from  the  time  when  serious  men  accepted 
literally  that  the  poor  should  always  be  with 
us;  or  shook  their  heads  forlornly  at  the 
natural  and  immutable  laws  of  the  "dismal 

MARCH     1945 
















But  even  with  consensus  about  what  we 
have  and  what  we  need,  there  would  re- 
main one  difficulty  that  has  balked  us  at 
every  turn.  Aside  from  our  war  effort,  we 
have  not  yet  arrived  at  enough  fundamental 
agreements — or  even  the  machinery  for 
achieving  them — with  respect  to  the  content 
or  the  application  of  an  integrated  economic 
policy  to  carry  us  where  we  want  to  go. 

Curiously  indeed,  in  a  pragmatic  and 
practical  people,  we  have  not  developed  any 
device  for  a  continuing  inventory  of  exist- 
ing and  largely  disjointed  public  policies 
even  to  measure  whether  these  are  working 
well  or  badly. 

The  Full  Employment  Bill  is  designed  to 
fill  in  this  gap.  It  would  blend  the  economic 
programs  of  private  enterprise  and  public 
agencies  into  one  American  Economic  Pol- 
icy headed  toward  what  might  be  called  an 
American  Economic  Goal.  No,  the  bill  does 
not  use  these  terms.  The  goal  stated  is 
simply  this: 

".  .  .  the  existence  at  all  times  of  sufficient 
employment  opportunities  to  enable  all 
Americans  who  have  finished  their  school- 
ing and  who  do  not  have  full  time  house- 
keeping responsibilities  freely  to  exercise 
.  .  .  the  right  to  useful,  remunerative,  regu- 
lar and  full  time  employment." 

But  if  we  broaden  this  idea  of  full  em- 
ployment to  include,  also,  the  best  utiliza- 
tion of  our  natural  resources  and  technical 
skills  (this,  the  bill  at  least  implies)  then  it 
may  be  said  that  it  sets  forth  as  our  Amer- 
ican postwar  objective: 

The  achievement  of  the  highest  levels  o/ 
production  and  presumably  the  highest 
standards  of  living  that  are  within  our 

A  goal  of  this  kind,  aside  from  the  means 
of  attaining  it,  would  not  seem  subject  to 
much  debate.  Nor  would  there  seem  much 
room  for  questioning  the  stated  policy  of 
the  bill  that  as  much  of  this  achievement 
as  possible  should  be  through  the  medium 
of  private  enterprise  and  other  non-federal 
















(1944  PRICES) 

$    195*200    BILLION 

$  195-200   BILLION 


undertakings.     This   course   stems   soundly 
from  Lincoln's  statescraft  that 

"It  is  the  function  of  the  government  to 
do  for  the  people  only  what  they  need  to 
have  done  and  cannot  do  for  themselves, 
or  cannot  do  so  well,  in  their  separate  and 
individual  capacities." 

The  Core  of  the  Bill 

'  The  measure,  as  drafted,  rapidly  gets 
down  to  earth  in  the  industrial  civilization 
that  has  sprung  up  in  the  United  States 
since  Lincoln's  time.  It  designs  machinery 
for  formulating  such  an  over-all  economic 
policy,  for  gearing  it  to  such  an  American 
postwar  objective,  and  for  consecutively 
evaluating  the  means  used  in  terms  of  the 
ends  sought. 

Specifically,  the  bill  provides  that  at  the 
beginning  of  each  regular  session  of  Con- 
gress, the  President  shall  transmit  a  Na- 

$    106  BILLION 



1$    76  BILLION 


PRE-WAR                             PRE-WAR 

FULL  WAR     PRO-              ESTIMATED    FOR 

"PROSPERITY"                    'DEPRESSION'                      DUCTION'  EXCESS             REASONABLY 

3-4    MILLION                      15  MILLION                            CIVILIAN   EMPLOY-           FULL  EMPLOYMENT 

UNEMPLOYED  (1929)        UNEMPLOYED  (1932)          ,MENT,  BUT   11                       IN   I960 


FORCES   (1944) 

tional  Production  and  Employment  Budget. 
This  would  set  forth,  in  substance,  an  esti- 
mate of  what  at  the  time  would  constitute 
full  employment  coupled  with  an  estimate 

1.  How  much  employment  is  in  prospect 
as  the  sum  total  of  all  private  and  other 
non-federal  undertakings. 

2.  How  far  these  undertakings  will  fall 
short  of  the  yardstick  of  full  employment. 

3.  What  policies  the  federal  government 
can   and   should   utilize   to   maximize   the 
success    of   these   private    and   other   non- 
federal  undertakings  in  achieving  full  em- 
ployment; and,  as  a  final  supplement, 

4.  What    programs   the    federal   govern- 
ment itself  needs   to   undertake   to  assure 
full    employment.    (Present    estimates    put 
that  at  50  or  60  million  jobs.) 

The  bill  contemplates,  also,  that  the 
President  shall  from  time  to  time  transmit 
to  the  Congress  information  and  legislative 
recommendations  bearing  upon  this  Na- 
tional Production  and  Employment  Budget. 

On  the  congressional  side,  the  bill  would 
establish  a  Joint  Committee  on  the  National 
Production  and  Employment  Budget.  This, 
in  turn,  would  be  composed  of  the  chair- 
man and  ranking  minority  members  of 
the  Senate  committees  on  Appropriations, 
Banking  and  Currency,  Education  and 
Labor,  and  Finance,  and  seven  additional 
members  of  the  Senate  appointed  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  It  would  include, 
also,  the  chairmen  and  ranking  minority 
members  of  the  House  Committees  on  Ap- 
propriations, Banking  and  Currency,  Labor, 
and  Ways  and  Means,  and  seven  additional 
members  of  the  House  appointed  by  the 
Speaker.  Party  representation  on  the  Joint 
Committee  would  reflect  automatically  the 
relative  membership  of  the  majority  and 
minority  parties. 

The  bill  provides  further  that  the  Joint 
Committee  shall  study  this  new  type  of 
budget  transmitted  by  the  President,  and 
by  March  1  shall  report  its  findings  and 
recommendations  to  the  Senate  and  the 
House,  together  with  a  joint  resolution 
setting  forth  for  the  ensuing  fiscal  year  a 

MARCH     1945 


general  policy  to  serve  as  guide  to  the  com- 
mittees on  Capitol  Hill  dealing  with  re- 
lated legislation. 

The  Place  of  the  Bill  in  Our  Thinking 

It  can  safely  be  said  that  no  future  his- 
torian will  be  able  to  date  the  decline  of 
the  Republic  from  the  introduction  of  this 
bill!  It  proposes  no  redistribution  of  func- 
tions between  the  Congress  and  the  Presi- 
dent. It  fastens  upon  no  single  economic 
program  or  panacea  for  producing  full  em- 
ployment, nor  does  it  introduce  specific 
economic  measures  that  have  not  now  been 
tried  out.  It  involves  neither  socialization 
nor  nationalization  of  anything  that  is 
now  privately  owned  or  operated. 

So  far  as  philosophy  goes,  the  bill 
preaches  neither  the  expansion  of  govern- 
mental functions  nor  the  contraction  of 
voluntary  initiative.  To  the  contrary,  it  ex- 
plicitly requires  that  every  effort  be  made 
to  enlarge  our  system  of  private  enterprise 
as  our  first  and  longest  front  against  un- 

As  a  second  line  of  defense,  the  bill  con- 
templates that,  by  some  method,  the  gov- 
ernment shall  provide  jobs  for  those  who 
want  work  when  all  other  methods  have 
failed  to  employ  them.  But  this  residual 
responsibility  of  government  by  the  people, 
for  the  people,  was  itself  put  forward  last 
fall  with  equal  fervor  by  Franklin  D. 
Roosevelt  and  Thomas  E.  Dewey. 

What  is  more — two  considerations  that 
have  not  always  been  uppermost  in  the 
past — the  bill  requires  that  jobs  provided 
through  direct  public  action  shall  be  tested 
in  terms  of  their  effect  upon  stimulating 
private  enterprise  and  in  terms  of  the  value 
of  their  end  products. 

More  difficult  to  allay  may  be  trepidation 
that  a  thorough-going  national  policy  to 
assure  full  employment  would  tend  toward 
the  spread  of  bureaucracy,  toward  public 
control  and  operation  in  an  ever-increasing 
area  of  economic  activity. 

Wise  application  of  the  act  would  pull 
strongly  in  exactly  the  opposite  direction. 
Let  us  suppose,  for  example,  that  a  National 
Production  and  Employment  Budget  had 
been  in  effect  during  a  period  of  reasonably 
high  employment  before  1929.  One  factor 
entering  into  that  fall's  crisis  was  the  failure 
of  mass  purchasing  power  to  keep  pace 
with  productive  capacity.  Other  factors 
were  rampant  speculation  in  securities  and, 
in  reaction  to  this,  the  psychology  of  busi- 
ness fear  and  contraction  which  came  to  a 
head  in  the  stock  market  crash. 

Under  a  National  Production  and  Employ- 
ment Budget,  depressive  tendencies  would 
have  been  registered  through  its  continuing 
annual  inventories — long  before  the  country 
was  thrown  into  the  spiral  of  depression. 

By  1927,  the  economic  brains  and  re- 
sources of  America  could  have  been  mar- 
shaled to  exercise  a  corrective  influence  all 
along  the  line.  As  time  wore  on,  President 
Hoover  sensed  this,  but  his  plea  to  stop 
wage  cutting  went  unheeded. 

Concerted  advance  action  throughout  the 
highly  strategic  areas  of  prices,  taxes  and 
wages,  accompanied  by  moderate  public 
works,  would  have  written  a  different  story 
and  gone  a  long  way  toward  maintaining 


our  economy  in  equilibrium.  Much  of  this 
could  have  been  voluntary;  some  would 
have  required  legislation  or  compulsion. 
Prompt  public  moves  in  a  limited  sphere 
might  have  averted  a  major  economic 
catastrophe.  There  would  have  been  no 
occasion  for  the  infinitely  more  sweeping 
governmental  undertakings  which  the 
actual  catastrophe  provoked. 

This  illustration  suggests  a  variety  of 
reasons  why  such  a  system  for  budgetary 
production  and  employment  should  sim- 
plify and  pare  down  the  governmental  struc- 
ture. The  testing  of  each  separate  admin- 
istrative institution  in  terms  of  a  single 
American  Economic  Policy  would  help 
weed  out  duplication  and  cross-purposes.  A 
constant  inventory  of  economic  trends  in 
general  and  of  the  economic  consequences  of 
policies  already  in  effect,  would  encourage 
the  stitch  in  time  that  saves  nine.  By 
keeping  our  economic  affairs  on  an  even 
keel,  the  proliferation  of  remedial  and 
rescue  ventures  can  be  avoided.  In  short,  to 
compress  these  analogies  into  a  rule  of 

If  the  American  government,  in  concert 
with  industry,  agriculture,  and  labor,  did  a 
few  things  very  well,  it  would  become 
unnecessary  for  it  to  attempt  under  duress 
of  emergency  a  great  variety  of  things  with 
varying  degrees  of  success. 

Of  course,  the  economic  specifics  for  ef- 
fecting a  smooth  transition  from  war  to 
peace  are  very  different  from  those  which 
might  have  averted  or  have  minimized  the 
depression  of  the  Thirties.  But  the  Full 
Employment  Bill  does  not  involve  pre-com- 
mitment  to  details.  As  illustrated  by  the 
accompanying  chart  (page  96),  it  presents 
instead  a  new  method  for  developing  sound 
measures  to  meet  current  problems  in  their 
sequence.  It  has  the  merit  of  being  oppor- 
tune, without  the  demerit  of  resorting 
habitually  to  improvization  to  handle  a 
crisis.  It  leaves  room  for  fresh  experiment 
without  abandoning  the  hard  lessons  of 

When  Things  Are  Left  at  Loose  Ends 

What,  in  truth,  has  our  experience  taught 
us?  By  way  of  illustration,  more  than  half 
a  century  ago  we  initiated  the  anti-trust 
laws.  It  is  not  important,  here,  to  appraise 
whether  these  laws  were  wise  or  not.  The 
point  to  be  made  is  that  even  while  Uncle 
Sam  was  shaking  the  big  stick  at  the 
trusts,  federal  tariff  and  tax  policies  moved 
in  diametrically  the  opposite  direction — to- 
ward encouraging  nothing  less  than  large 
scale  enterprise  and  monopoly.  Not  only 
were  these  two  sets  of  policies  in  conflict — 
responsive  to  different  social  pressures  and 
tuned  to  tickle  different  political  ears — but 
there  was  never  much  meticulous  checking 
as  to  whether  they  were  accomplishing 
clear  objectives,  however  inconsistent  these 
might  be. 

Moreover,  the  failure  to  orientate  the 
anti-trust  laws  themselves  to  goals  for  the 
economy  as  a  whole,  led  inescapably  to 
vagaries  when  we  came  to  apply  them.  We 
commenced  to  promote  recovery  in  1933 
by  a  virtual  suspension  of  these  laws.  We 
sought  to  prevent  business  recession  after 
1937  by  reinvigorating  them.  And  we  have 

gone  about  promoting  the  war  effort  in 
some  quarters  by  enforcing  anti-trust  laws, 
in  other  quarters  by  ignoring  them. 

In  contrast,  the  series  of  economic  mea- 
sures enacted  in  1933  and  after  represented 
a  concerted  effort  to  develop  a  system  of 
interrelated  public  policies.  Nonetheless,  it 
has  been  observed  frequently  that  the  Na- 
tional Industrial  Recovery  Act  and  the 
Agricultural  Adjustment  Act,  the  two  big 
cylinders  of  the  New  Deal  recovery  ma- 
chine, were  in  some  degree  incompatible. 

There  were  three  main  programs  under 
the  Recovery  Act  itself — one  designed  to 
strengthen  labor  through  encouragement  of 
collective  bargaining;  another,  to  strengthen 
trade  associations  and  tending  toward  re- 
stricted production;  and  the  third,  to  ex- 
pand production  and  employment  through 
public  works.  These  programs  soon  became 
conspicuously  strange  bedfellows.  Some  of 
the  conflicts  were  smoothed  over;  none  was 
completely  rationalized. 

Our  need  for  a  unified  American  Eco- 
nomic Policy  is  not  limited  to  times  of 
stress.  Our  social  security  program  sprang 
from  emergency  in  the  mid-Thirties,  but 
in  the  years  since,  the  program  as  it  has 
developed  has  exhibited  the  same  need  for 
wider  unity.  Take  unemployment  compen- 
sation which  was  advocated  along  three 

To  spur  managements  to  concentrate 
upon  stabilizing  employment; 

To  check  the  spread  of  unemployment  by 
maintaining  purchasing  power;  and 

To  provide  compensation  (not  charity) 
for  those  unemployed. 

These  three  purposes  are  not  rriutually 
exclusive;  all  of  them  are  worthwhile,  but 
the  system  should  delineate  paramount  and 
secondary  objectives  and  be  accompanied  by 
some  device  for  measuring  success  ir 
achieving  each  of  them. 

Collateral  effects,  also,  should  be  weighed 
— for  example,  the  influence  of  the  payroll 
taxes,  imposed  by  the  Social  Security  Act, 
upon  capital  investment  and  consequently 
upon  unemployment  itself.  Further,  the  re- 
lation of  the  system  to  other  programs  with 
kindred  purposes  should  be  explored.  For 
example,  to  other  stabilizing  programs, 
such  as  tax  incentives  or  the  guaranteed 
purchase  of  excess  products;  and  to  other 
purchasing  power  programs,  such  as  public 

This  adds  up  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
can  have  an  organic  social  security  policy 
only  as  part  of  an  American  Economic 

The  Art  of  Finding  Unity 

The  foregoing  is  not  critical  of  those  who 
have  been  responsible  for  establishing  or 
administering  separate  programs  of  this 
sort.  In  the  absence  of  an  all-inclusive 
American  Economic  Policy,  it  is  hard  to 
arrive  at  a  satisfying  tax  policy,  or  social 
security  policy,  or  public  works  policy,  or 
labor  policy,  or  banking  policy,  or  foreign 
economic  policy.  One  test  of  subsidiary  ob- 
jectives is  to  fit  them  into  the  over-all 
objective.  We  cannot  excel  in  parts  until  we 
know  what  the  whole  job  is — and  how  we 
are  getting  along  with  it. 

(Continued  on  page  106) 


What  Shall  We  Do  About  Germany? 

The  answer  can  be  found  in  the  universal  ruins  of  universal 
war. — Not  in  misleading  lessons  of  history,  but  in  the  vast 
revolution  in  human  affairs  that  has  been  wrought  by  science. 


in  France — and  I  suppose  elsewhere  in 
continental  Europe — which  crossed  a  stream 
of  any  size,  had  a  hidden  chamber  built 
into  the  arch,  the  location  of  which  was 
known  to  the  engineers  of  Bridges  and 
Highways  (Fonts  et  Chaussees).  This 
chamber  was  so  placed  that  if  and  when  an 
invading  enemy  came  down  the  road,  a 
single  charge  of  explosives  could  blow  up 
the  span. 

Although  nothing  was  said  about  it  prior 
to  the  Nazi  blitz  those  who  lived  in  any 
countryside  were  always  aware  of  this  pro- 
vision for  their  defense,  a  provision  that  is 
altogether  real  where  every  stream  may  be 
a  battlefront,  and  doubly  real  when  neigh- 
boring countries  are  powerful  and  aggres- 

Can  anyone  imagine  such  a  bridge  built 
over  the  Wabash?  Yet,  if  our  frontiers  were 
like  those  of  the  European  states  and  our 
history  had  been  as  full  of  recurring  wars 
with  our  neighbors  as  the  long  history  of 
the  European  peoples,  we  should  want  the 
same  kind  of  protection  which  they  have 
built  into  not  only  their  bridges,  but  the 
structure  of  their  political  and  social  life. 

Now  as  a  result  of  the  greatest  of  all 
invasions  in  the  most  terrible  of  all  wars, 
the  European  peoples  want  something  bet- 
ter than  a  bridge  that  can  be  blown  up 
when  the  enemy  approaches.  They  want 
something  better  than  a  Maginot  Line  of 
defense,  or  even  a  Siegfried  Line  on  the 
frontier.  They  have  learned  by  tragic  ex- 
perience that  there  are  no  such  Lines  in 
the  sky  and  that  all  war  from  now  on  is 
Total  War,  which  means  infinite  disaster 
to  everyone. 

The  bridges  of  the  future  must,  therefore, 
be  unlike  any  of  those  in  the  past;  because 
the  future  to  which  they  lead  has  no  parallel 
in  history.  > 

A  Twice  Told  Tale 

The  Second  World  War  has  shown  still 
more  clearly  than  the  First  that  we  are 
turning  a  great  divide  in  human  history. 

The  countries  of  modern  Europe,  like  the 
city  states  of  ancient  Greece,  have  produced 
a  marvelous  culture  in  the  midst  of  a  con- 
stant threat  of  destruction  by  war.  Like 
the  ancient  Greeks  they  learned  how  to 
turn  war  to  their  advantage  as  nation  after 
nation  rose  for  a  time  to  supremacy  and. 
by  the  might  of  its  arms,  imposed  its  will 
upon  others.  This  story  of  war  has  been  the 
constantly  recurring  theme  in  the  history 
of  the  European  states,  as  it  was  for  Sparta 
and  even  Athens.  And  the  end  may  be  the 
same.  For  it  is  clear  to  all  thoughtful  Euro- 
peans that  the  culture  which  they  have  built 



• — Second  in  a  series  of  articles  by  the 
historian  of  World  War  I,  chairman  of 
the  Commission  to  Study  the  Organiza- 
tion of  Peace. 

up  in  the  long  course  of  centuries  cannot 
survive  another  World  War,  now  that 
modern  science  has  developed  its  potentiali- 
ties for  destruction. 

To  put  the  case  in  the  briefest  terms: 
there  must  either  be  a  new  European  civil- 
ization, free  from  war  and  the  threat  of  it, 
or  there  will  be  no  European  civilization  at 
all.  It  is  no  flight  of  the  fancy,  but  sober 
truth,  that  unless  the  menace  of  war  can  be 
overcome,  the  Dark  Ages  will  close  again 
on  the  most  promising  chapter  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  West. 

Unfortunately,  that  history  throws  no 
clear  light  upon  the  solution  of  this  greatest 
of  all  problems.  Or,  rather,  the  light  it 
throws  is  utterly  misleading,  for  the  climax 
of  militarism  was  apparently  the  climax  of 
culture.  The  only  interval  of  unity  which 
the  West  enjoyed  was  under  the  Roman 
Empire.  Peace  was  secured  by  ruthless  con- 
quest, but  was  finally  lost  to  the  very  sol- 
diery which  won  it.  Although  within  this 
mighty  fabric  of  the  ancient  world,  G"eek 
philosophy  and  Christian  doctrine  fovnd 
their  place  in  the  body  of  the  Roman  Law, 
Roman  citizenship  became  less  a  privilege 
than  a  burden  as  bureaucrats  took  over  the 
management  of  the  State,  at  the  behest  of 
the  Imperator. 

With  Freedom  gone,  the  vitality  of  an- 
tique civilization  perished.  Finally  only  a 
hollow  shell  was  left  and  the  barbarians 
roamed  through  the  ancient  seats  of  culture 
almost  unopposed. 

Throughout  succeeding  centuries,  how- 
ever, the  might  of  Imperial  Rome  and  the 
splendor  of  its  achievements  fastened  them- 
selves upon  the  imagination  of  the  Western 
world.  Popes  and  emperors  drew  upon  the 
prestige  of  Augustus  and  Hadrian.  Poets 
like  Dante  and  historians  like  Gibbon  and 
Mommsen  looked  back  to  the  era  of  the 
Caesars  with  a  nostalgic  sense  of  its  great- 

It  was  not  until  our  own  day  that  this 
greatest  of  all  the  romances  of  history  was 
analyzed  with  the  cold  measurement  of  ob- 
jective science.  Even  Mommsen  failed  to 
appreciate  the  fact  that  the  ultimate  disaster 
was  inherent  in  the  structure  of  the  Roman 
State  from  the  start  because  of  the  war 
system  upon  which  it  was  so  largely  based. 
The  predatory  economics  of  conquest  could 

not,  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  provide 
a  lasting  basis  for  wealth  or  for  healthy 

These  facts  of  history  are  only  now 
emerging  in  the  new  status  of  the  social 
and  political  sciences  and  no  one  has  yet 
re-written  the  history  of  the  West  to  show 
the  effect  of  war  upon  the  processes  of 

It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the  war 
system,  as  the  readiest  and  most  powerful 
solvent  of  all  political  and  social  problems, 
should  maintain  itself  and  continue  to  oper- 
ate in  the  national  state,  especially  since  it 
was  by  war  that  the  nations  of  Europe 
overthrew  the  anarchy  of  feudalism.  The 
fact  that  law  and  order  grew  under  the 
supreme  war  lord,  who  was  the  king,  gave 
an  added  legitimacy  to  sovereignty  itself, 
which  maintained  the  right  to  go  to  war 
whenever  a  nation's  interests  seemed  to 
call  for  it. 

Roots  of  Nazi  Policy 

My  little  excursion  into  Europe's  past  leads 
directly  into  the  supreme  problem  of  today 
— that  of  the  elimination  of  war  as  an  in- 
strument of  policy,  because  the  supreme  use 
of  that  instrument  by  Prussian  militarism 
was  definitely  modeled  upon  the  experience 
of  Rome.  It  was  not  by  chance  that,  in  the 
days  of  the  Prussian  liberation  after  Napo- 
leon, a  galaxy  of  German  historians  rebuilt 
Roman  history  and  they  continued  to  do  so 
through  the  nineteenth  century,  a  move- 
ment which  culminated  in  Mommsen's 
masterly  survey  of  Roman  history  and 
government.  This  not  only  strengthened 
the  trend  towards  militarism  but  also  put 
the  accent  upon  loyalty  to  the  State  as  the 
supreme  civic  virtue.  There  was  no  room 
for  democracy  in  such  a  history  or  Weltan- 
schauung, but  a  justification  for  Bismarck 
and  von  Moltke. 

The  roots  of  Nazi  polity  are  therefore 
deeper  than  even  the  history  of  Prussia  it- 
self. They  go  back  through  history  to  the 
beginning  of  time,  for  the  war  system  goes 
back  that  far.  Therefore,  it  is  not  only  the 
history  of  Nazism  and  of  Prussia  which 
must  be  re-learned,  but  the  history  of  civil- 
ization itself,  with  a  proper  appraisal  of  the 
evils  which  war  has  caused  alongside  its 
use  as  a  defense  against  aggression  and  the 
forces  of  anarchy. 

Such  a  re-appraisal  of  the  past  would 
have  only  an  academic  interest,  if  it  were 
not  for  the  fact  that  in  our  own  day  science 
has  changed  the  nature  of  war  itself.  All 
war  will  be  Total  War  from  now  on,  and 
Total  War  cannot  be  waged  without  mili- 
tarizing the  entire  society  not  only  of  the 
belligerents,  but  of  the  onlooking  and  ap 

MARCH     1945 


prehensive  neutrals,  so  that  it  becomes  a 
contagion  of  disaster  and  not  an  instrument 
under  command.  This  means  that — to  re- 
vive a  great  phrase  which  President  Roose- 
velt first  used  on  October  5,  1937 — we  must 
insure  ourselves  against  war  by  quarantin- 
ing the  nations  which  resort  to  it. 

What  We  Must  Think  Through 

This  brings  us  at  once  from  the  past  of 
Germany  to  its  future.  What  should  we  do 
about  it?  We  cannot  leave  this  question  to 
be  settled  by  the  great  Triumvirate  whose 
shadow  now  falls  across  the  German  Reich, 
although  their  decisions  .  will  settle  many 
aspects  of  it.  In  its  long  reach,  it  is  our 
problem  to  be  thought  through  by  each  of 
us,  not  only  because  of  its  absorbing  inter- 
est, but  because  German  propaganda  will 
be  challenging  our  strength  of  purpose  for 
years  to  come.  They  will  fall  back  upon 
history.  What  have  we  to  fall  back  upon? 

There  can  be  no  doubt  about  the  answer. 
It  is  to  be  found  not  in  the  blundering  and 
tragic  centuries,  but  in  the  present  and  the 
future,  in  the  universal  ruins  of  a  universal 
war  and  in  the  fact  that  science,  which  has 
so  greatly  changed  the  nature  of  warfare,  is 
a  process  which  has  only  just  begun  and 
is  going  on  forever,  increasing  its  capacity 
by  geometric  progression.  Every  invention 
disturbs  the  existing  equilibrium  and  thus 
calls  for  new  inventions,  which  the  intelli- 
gence of  men  will  continually  supply.  It  is 
in  the  light  of  this  incredibly  vast  revolu- 
tion in  human  affairs  that  the  old  argu- 
ments in  support  of  war  become  not  only 
invalid  but  well-nigh  criminal,  because  if 
followed  through,  mankind  will  have  no 
future  at  all. 

Now  how  can  we  educate  Germany, 
which  has  become  the  fanatic  exponent  of 
the  outworn  past,  into  the  new  era  which 
science  has  imposed  upon  us? 

The  first  step  is  one  on  which  all  agree. 
We  must  destroy  the  mock  Caesarism  that 
has  attempted  to  bestride  the  world.  This 
means  not  only  getting  rid  of  Hitler  and 
the  minions  of  his  court,  but  the  legions 
which  have  responded  to  his  command  and 
the  munition  industries  which  have  made 
the  Nazi  conquests  possible. 

The  only  way  to  do  this  is  to  apply  force 
to  the  uttermost.  It  is  primarily  a  military 
problem  and  was  treated  as  such  at  Yalta. 

The  Crimea  Agreement  reaffirmed  the 
three  powers'  "inflexible  purpose  to  destroy 
German  militarism  and  Nazism  and  to 
insure  that  Germany  would  never  again 
be  able  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world. 
...  It  is  not  our  purpose  to  destroy  the 
people  of  Germany.  .  .  ." 

The  destruction  of  German  militarism 
does  not  deny  the  German  people  a  place 
in  the  sun.  They  are  only  to  be  denied 
other  peoples'  places  in  the  sun.  It 
would,  in  my  opinion,  be  a  grave  blunder 
if  the  peace  settlement  were  to  result  in 
placing  great  sections  of  the  German  popu- 
lation under  foreign  rule;  and  it  would  be 
only  a  degree  less  dangerous  for  it  to 
result  in  the  parceling  up  of  Germany  into 
separate  German  states.  German  economic 
life  could  not  be  prosperous  if  these  political 
units  were  barred  from  tree  economic  inter- 
course with  each  other;  and  if  they  were 

free  to  deal  with  each  other  as  they  are 
today,  the  different  sections  of  Germany 
would  then  find  an  easy  pathway  to  a  re- 
covery of  their  unity  by  a  process  which 
would  find  no  little  outside  support. 

But  if  the  parcelization  of  Germany  must 
be  avoided,  how  can  we  make  sure  that 
nation  will  not  turn  all  its  energy  to  secur- 
ing revenge  in  a  Third  World  War?  This 
is  a  question  to  which  no  one  can  have  the 
final  answer.  But  at  least  the  program  in- 
volves one  major  policy  affecting  us. 

Our  Object  Lesson 

International  trade  must  become  as  free 
as  possible  so  that  Germany  cannot  renew 
its  economic  imperialism  over  those  nations 
which  are  least  able  to  defend  themselves 
economically.  Here  we  come  at  once  upon 
a  definite  shaping  of  American  policy.  For 
a  few  years  after  this  war — and  for  a  few 
years  only — we  shall  be  immensely  power- 
ful in  the  economic  sphere.  If  we  use  that 
power  farsightedly  it  can  be  a  major 
weapon  against  the  revival  of  German  mili- 
tarism, or  for  that  matter  against  any  other 
attack  on  the  liberties  of  free  nations. 

We  should  build  upon  Cordell  Hull's  bi- 
lateral agreements  for  the  reduction  of  trade 
barriers  so  as  to  transform  them  into  a 
multi-lateral  plan.  We  should  do  this  any- 
way without  regard  to  what  takes  place  in 
Germany,  for  the  sake  of  our  own  indus- 
tries and  the  vast,  inescapable  problem  of 
postwar  employment.  It  is,  of  course,  pos- 
sible that  we  may  not  be  wise  enough  to  do 
the  right  thing  because  vested  interests  may 
block  our  path  and  distort  our  vision.  But 
it  is  only  in  a  world  of  economic  prosperity 
that  we  can  hope  to  build  the  structure  of 
an  enduring  peace. 

I  have  not  said  anything  about  the  re- 
education of  the  German  mind  through 
schools  and  colleges.  There  are  those  among 
us  who  seem  to  think  that  it  will  be  our 
duty  to  engage  in  an  evangelistic  crusade 
over  a  beaten  people.  Surely  we  know 
enough  about  human  nature  to  realize  how 
utterly  mistaken  it  would  be  for  prophets 
of  freedom  to  preach  their  gospel  to  the 
closed  ears  of  a  generation  bitterly  resentful 
of  defeat. 

Our  way  to  reach  that  generation  is  a 
much  more  practical  one.  Utter  defeat  must 
be  registered  in  provisions  for  war  pre- 
vention, so  that  the  means  for  resort  to  war 
will  no  longer  be  at  hand.  Then  the  bene- 
fits of  peace  must  be  made  apparent  bv 
sound  economic  and  social  measures.  Words 
will  not  suffice,  nor  idle  promises.  We  shall 
have  to  show  that  this  program  is  not 
make-believe,  but  that  nations  reared  under 
freedom  are  more  powerful  in  war  and 
happier  in  peace  than  those  whose  minds 
are  trained  to  slavery.  The  object  lesson 
is  the  one  lesson  which  will  be  effective. 

At  the  Crimea  conference  important  de- 
cisions were  taken  as  to  the  treatment  of 
Germany.  While  rejoicing  that  the  three 
powers  are  in  agreement  on  such  treatment, 
we  must  not  forget  that  the  small  states, 
many  of  which  are  Germany's  immediate 
neighbors,  have  all  equally  vital  interest 
in  such  a  settlement  and  less  of  a  chance  to 
enforce  their  will.  They,  too,  should  be 
consulted,  both  as  to  the  treatment  of 

Germany  and  in  the  planning  of  their  own 
future.  And  this  step  should  be  taken  at 
the  earliest  possible  date. 

It  is  true  that  a  state  of  emergency  will 
exist  for  some  time  to  come  which  will  call 
for  local  action  in  redress  of  grievances  and 
limited  areas  of  international  action.  But 
these  plans  must  be  made  and  carried  out 
with  due  regard  to  the  ultimate  realiza- 
tion of  that  world  organization  to  maintain 
peace  and  security  which  was  agreed  upon 
by  the  four  Great  Powers  of  the  United 
Nations  at  Moscow  and  given  further  form 
and  reality  at  Dumbarton  Oaks. 

The  Big  Three — and  France 

It  is  doubly  important  that  this  planning 
for  the  future  should  now  be  shared  by 
nations  other  than  the  three  Great  Powers 
which  have  led  hitherto. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten,  although  it  is 
easy  for  us  to  do  so,  that  none  of  these 
three  belongs  to  Continental  Europe  in  the 
strict  sense  of  that  term. 

Britain  has  until  now  been  cut  off  from 
Europe  by  more  than  the  Channel;  its  tra- 
ditional policy  of  the  balance  of  power  rest 
upon  a  conception  of  Britain  watching  the 
drama  of  continental  politics,  deeply  inter- 
ested but  still  a  spectator. 

Russia  has  only  recently  come  within  the 
circle  of  continental  politics;  and,  since  it 
undertook  its  great  experiment  of  com- 
munism, it  has  held  off  and  been  held  off 
almost  as  though  it  did  not  belong  in  the 
state  system  of  today. 

As  for  the  United  States,  we  are  suffici- 
ently foreign  to  the  whole  European  scene 
to  be  regarded  only  as  crusaders  in  times  of 
crisis  and  not  permanent  members  of  the 

The  first  step  in  the  rectification  of  this 
situation  is  the  recognition  of  the  role  of 
France,  both  on  its  own  behalf  and  on  be- 
half of  other  continental  countries  which 
still  look  to  it  as  the  outstanding  exponent 
of  freedom  and  democracy.  The  Third 
Republic  may  have  been  weak  and  its  pol- 
itics corrupt,  but  it  at  least  was  a  champion 
of  the  forces  against  the  Nazis.  Belgium, 
The  Netherlands,  Norway  and  other  coun- 
tries have  each  earned  the  right  to  stand 
alongside  the  Great  Powers  in  the  United 
Nations.  They  will  add  strength  to  the 
organization  and  save  it  from  bearing  even 
a  semblance  of  a  Holy  Alliance. 

The  sooner  this  organization  takes  shape, 
the  clearer  will  be  our  policies  with  refer- 
ence to  Germany.  Already  the  need  for 
clarification  is  evident  in  the  immediate 
matter  of  the  punishment  of  war  criminals. 
We  cannot  expect  all  the  countries  to  see 
alike  in  questions  like  this,  nor  will  they 
agree  as  to  the  degree  to  which  they  \\;" 
want  to  have  Germany  undo  some  of  the 
damage  it  has  done.  But  the  way  to  avoid 
misunderstanding  is  to  prevent  it  from  the 
beginning.  That  means  organizing  now. 

A  start  has  already  been  made.  An 
agreement  has  been  reached  for  periodic 
meetings  of  the  foreign  ministers  of  the 
Great  Powers  to  deal  with  current  prob- 
lems. And  the  calling  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco conference  would  indicate  that  the 
United  Nations  Organization  may  be  set 
up  very  quickly. 



Statesmen  Discover  Medical  Care 



tate  of  the  late  Edsel  Ford — four  acres 
sweeping  down  to  the  Detroit  River  two 
and  a  half  miles  from  the  center  of  the 
city — was  overrun  by  auto  workers.  They 
were  not  trespassers.  They  owned  it.  Their 
union  had  bought  it  for  a  health  center. 

In  the  mansion  where  the  grandchildren 
of  Henry  Ford  once  played,  X-ray  appara- 
tus, laboratory  benches,  examining  tables 
and  medical  record  files  stood  ready  for 
work.  At  the  dedication  of  this  Health 
Institute  the  chief  speaker  was  the  Sur- 
geon-General of  the  United  States  Public 
Health  Service.  The  family  of  Henry 
Ford  has  not  "moved  from  shirtsleeves  to 
shirtsleeves  in  three  generations,"  but  in 
much  less  than  that  time  its  employes  have 
taken  long  steps  from  hired  help  towards 
self-determination.  The  Health  Institute 
is  part  of  that  self-expression,  based  upon 
the  understanding  that  the  people's  health 
may  be  achieved  by  the  people  themselves 
by  organized  as  well  as  individual  action. 

This  diagnostic  clinic  has  been  recognized 
as  a  community  service.  The  Detroit  War 
Chest  has  given  $40,000  for  its  educational 
and  psychiatric  work  which  will  reach 
beyond  the  automobile  workers  them- 
selves. The  federal  government  has  recog- 
nized its  significance  through  the  Public 
Health  Service,  three  members  of  whose 
staff  are  on  the  Institute's  medical  council. 

Dr.  Thomas  Parran  took  the  occasion 
of  the  dedication  to  offer  the  most  com- 
prehensive national  health  program  which 
the  U.  S.  Public  Health  Service  has  yet 
presented.  He  stated  objectives,  not  a 
scheme  of  legislation  or  administration,  but 
even  the  brief  quotation  [see  box  on  page 
102]  makes  clear  that  in  scope  and  aims 
his  program  goes  beyond  the  Wagner- 
Murray-Dingell  bill  of  1943  and  may  cor- 
respond more  closely  to  what  rumor  sug- 
gests the  1945  bill  will  contain. 

At  the  time  of  the  National  Health  Con- 
ference in  1938,  the  program  of  the  U.  S. 
Public  Health  Service  covered  hardly  half 
this  ground.  During  the  same  period,  the 
American  Public  Health  Association  has 
made  similar  progress. 

Signs  of  the  Times 

Paralleling  these  advances  of  the  profes- 
sionals are  recent  significant  utterances  of 
public  officials  and  of  candidates  for  elec- 
tive office.  President  Roosevelt,  in  his  list 
of  "basic  freedoms"  put  before  the  nation 
a  year  ago,  included  "adequate  medical  care 
.  .  .  and  the  right  to  achieve  and  enjoy 
good  health."  Early  in  the  1944  campaign, 
Wendell  Willkie  declared:  "Complete  medi- 
cal care  should  be  available  to  all.  ...  In 
any  program  .  .  .  the  value  of  the  prac- 
ticing physician's  relationship  to  his  patient 
must  be  recognized.  Adequate  provision 
must  be  made  for  building  hospital  facili- 
ties .  .  .  [and]  for  research  and  medical 


•^-Second  in  the  series  by  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  on  Research  in  Medical 
Economics,  and  associate  editor  of  Sur- 
vey Graphic. 

education."  Thomas  E.  Dewey  was  even 
more  specific  in  advocating  public  action 
to  extend  medical  care  and  to  forestall 
"socialized  medicine." 

Henry  A.  Wallace  picked  up  the  Presi- 
dent's "Economic  Bill  of  Rights"  and  blue- 
printed each  of  its  eight  planks  in  his 
statement  to  the  Senate  Commerce  Com- 
mittee. He  said  of  medical  care: 

"Your  federal  and  state  governments  have 
just  as  much  responsibility  for  the  health 
of  their  people  as  they  have  for  providing 
them  with  education  and  police  and  fire 
protection.  .  .  .  We  must  see  that  medical 
attention  is  available  to  all  the  people.  But 
this  health  program  must  be  achieved  in 
the  American  way.  Every  person  should 
have  the  right  to  go  to  the  doctor  and 
hospital  of  their  own  choosing.  The  federal 
and  state  governments  should  work  hand 
in  hand  in  making  health  insurance  an 
integral  part  of  our  social  security  program 
just  as  old  age  and  unemployment  benefits 
are  today.  We  need  more  hospitals  and 
doctors.  We  should  make  sure  that  such 
facilities  are  available. . . .  We  must  not  be 
content  to  provide  medical  attention  for 
people  after  they  become  sick.  .  .  .  The 
government  should  appropriate  needed 
funds  to  finance  .  .  .  medical  research  in 
private  and  public  institutions." 

The  recent  "Interim  Report"  of  Senator 
Claude  Pepper's  Subcommittee  on  Wartime 
Health  and  Education  presented  many  of 
the  nation's  unmet  medical  needs  forcibly: 
"The  quality  of  American  medicine  at  its 
best  is  very  high.  Unfortunately,  American 
medicine  at  its  best  reaches  only  a  rela- 
tively small  part  of  the  population."  The 
committee's  program  is  very  similar  to  Dr. 
Parran's,  except  that  national  health  in- 
surance is  balanced  against  voluntary  plans, 
the  committee  not  passing  judgment. 

Conservative's  Progress 

"The  Supreme  Court  follows  the  election 
returns,"  said  Mr.  Dooley  long  ago.  These 
pronouncements  of  men  who  must  watch 
the  trends  of  popular  sentiment  confirm 
the  opinion  polls  to  the  effect  that  a  great 
many  Americans  now  want  ways  of  getting 
good  medical  care  more  readily  and  of  pay- 
ing for  it  more  easily.  It  seems  likely, 
however,  that  a  great  many  Americans 
have  not  yet  decided  just  what  these  new 
ways  of  getting  and  paying  for  medical 
care  should  be. 

How  rapidly  will  public  opinion  crystal- 
lize on  this  point?  The  answer  depends 

on  the  amount  of  attention  that  is  focused 
on  the  subject  during  the  next  year  or  two, 
amid  the  urgent  issues  of  the  war,  the 
peace,  and  postwar  employment. 

In  California,  a  generation  of  experience 
with  voluntary  health  insurance  has 
brought  the  issue  to  a  more  advanced 
front.  Before  the  legislature  had  adjourned 
for  its  regular  February  recess,  three  im- 
portant medical  bills  had  been  introduced: 
Governor  Warren's  bill  for  compulsory 
health  insurance;  organized  labor's  bill 
for  compulsory  health  insurance;  and  the 
California  Medical  Association's  bill  for 
state-aided  voluntary  health  insurance. 

The  medical  conservatives  have  moved 
forward  too.  Not  long  ago,  Time  remarked 
[Dec.  11,  '44,  p.  70]  that  the  AMA's  pro- 
gram of  voluntary  group  health  insurance, 
"according  to  some  critical  observers 
brought  the  organization  up  to  twenty 
years  behind  the  times."  Datelines  are 
invidious.  It  was  truly  an  important  event 
in  the  history  of  medical  care  in  this 
country  when  about  five  years  ago  some 
state  medical  societies  began  to  sponsor  even 
limited  health  insurance  plans.  During  the 
last  two  years  when  statesmen  have  been 
discovering  medical  care  as  a  public  issue, 
even  the  munificently  financed  National 
Physicians  Committee  which  spearheaded 
the  drive  to  kill  the  1943  Wagner-Murray- 
Dingell  bill  has  found  it  necessary  to  say 
more  than  just  "No."  Nowadays  it  says, 
"No,  but—." 

Commercial  Cash  Indemnity  Plans 

Look  at  the  other  box  on  page  102, 
quoted  from  a  letter  sent  last  December 
to  most  doctors  in  the  United  States.  The 
National  Physicians  Committee  describes  it- 
self calmly  as  "a  non-political,  non-profit 
organization  for  maintaining  ethical  and 
scientific  standards  and  extending  medical 
service  to  all  the  people."  It  has  the  of- 
ficial endorsement  of  the  AMA. 

Observe  how  the  committee  shouts  a 
forcible  "No"  to  compulsory  health  insur- 
ance; says  "Yes"  quietly  to  five  kinds  of 
voluntary  health  insurance;  and  plugs 
mightily  for  the  last-named  kind  in  which 
insurance  companies  just  pay  cash  benefits 
for  hospitalization  and  surgery.  The  com- 
mittee is  now  trying  to  enlist  all  general 
practitioners  to  help  persuade  employers  to 
give  insurance  companies  a  good  slice  of  a 
billion-dollar  business  and  thus  assure  part 
of  surgical  and  hospital  fees  while  happily 
leaving  surgeons  still  free  to  charge  pa- 
tients what  the  traffic  will  bear. 

Appreciate,  if  you  please,  where  this 
commercial  cash  indemnity  program  takes 
us.  Insurance  companies  offer  these  poli- 
cies only  to  employed  groups.  Usually 
there  must  be  at  least  fifty  in  a  group. 
Employes  in  small  units,  the  self-employed, 
and  the  farmers  are  out.  A  goal  of  "fifty 
million  workers"  is  therefore  bunk.  De- 

MARCH     1945 


pendents  of  employes  are  not  covered. 
Twenty-five  percent  of  the  premium  dol- 
lar goes  for  administrative  costs. 

These  policies  provide  neither  patient  nor 
doctor  with  incentive  for  the  early,  prompt 
treatment  of  sickness,  nor  for  other  forms 
of  prevention.  "With  the  growth  in  the 
powers  of  medicine  to  prevent  and  control 
disease,"  says  the  Health  Program  Con- 
ference Report  [see  "Health  for  the  Na- 
tion, Survey  Graphic,  December  1944], 
"a  program  dealing  mainly  with  serious 
or  'catastrophic'  illness  is  insufficient  medi- 
cally and  uneconomical  financially." 

Fee-for-Service  Payment 

From  the  standpoint  of  their  designers, 
however,  the  commercial  cash  indemnity 
plans  have  the  great  advantage  of  mov- 
ing the  least  possible  distance  away  from 
the  traditional  mode  of  individual  private 
practice.  The  health  insurance  plans  now 
sponsored  by  medical  societies  go  a  little 
further,  since  some  of  them  assure  service 
instead  of  providing  just  cash  indemnity, 
and  they  are  open  to  families  as  well  as 
to  employes.  The  service,  however,  is  only 
for  surgical  and  obstetrical  cases  in  hos- 
pitals, and  the  doctors  must  be  paid  fees 
according  to  an  established  table.  Senator 
Pepper's  subcommittee  is  quotable  here: 

"Evidence  .  .  .  leads  the  subcommittee  to 
conclude  that  the  'pay-as-you-go'  or  fee- 
for-service  system,  which  is  now  the  pre- 
dominant method  of  payment  for  medical 
services,  is  not  well  suited  to  the  needs 
of  most  people  or  to  the  widest  possible 
distribution  of  high  quality  medical  care. 
It  tends  to  keep  people  away  from  the  doc- 
tor until  illness  has  reached  a  stage  where 
treatment  is  likely  to  be  prolonged  and 
medical  bills  large.  It  deters  patients  from 
seeking  services  which  are  sometimes  es- 
sential, such  as  specialist  care,  laboratory 
and  X-ray  examinations,  and  hospitaliza- 
tion.  Individuals  with  low  incomes,  whose 
need  is  greatest,  are  most  likely  to  postpone 

National  Health  Program  of 
General  of  the  U.  S. 

"Steps  which  should  be  taken  toward  a 
comprehensive  national  health  program: 

1.  We    should    find   the    means    to    finance 
the   costs   of   medical   care   for   every   indi- 
vidual— through     tax-supported     programs, 
health  insurance,  or  a  combination  of  both. 

2.  Tax    funds    should    be    made    available 
through  grants-in-aid  to  the  states  for  the 
construction  of  hospitals  and  health  centers. 

3.  To   insure   adequate   numbers   of  health 
and    medical    personnel,    tax    funds    should 
be    made    available    for    the    expansion    of 
professional  education. 

4.  We  should  provide  for  the  application 
of   all   the   knowledge   we  have  to   prevent 
disease — through    full    time    public    health 
departments    in  every  part   of  the   country 
and  the  addition  of  such  services  as  indus- 
trial   hygiene,    public   health    nursing,   chil- 

Dr.  Thomas  Parran,  Surgeon- 
Public  Health  Service 

dren's  dentistry,  mental  hygiene,  and  nutri- 

5.  The  nation  should  continue  to  support 
and    encourage    both    public    and    private 
research    in    the    medical    sciences    through 
grants-in-aid    to    qualified    institutions. 

6.  We  should  meet  the  present  deficiencies 
in    the    nation's    sanitary    facilities    through 
the   construction  of  public  water  supplies, 
sewerage  systems,  and  the  like. 

We  cannot  attain  these  goals  by  talking 
about  them.  Their  attainment  must  be 
planned  for  and  organized.  .  .  .  Any  nat- 
ional health  plan  in  a  democracy  must 
consider  all  needs;  draw  upon  all  resources; 
weigh  limitations;  accept  risks.  The  vast 
accomplishments  of  this  nation  in  war  have 
taught  us  that  we  possess  the  physical  re- 
sources, the  brains,  and  the  manpower, 
to  attain  the  purposes  of  peace  .  .  .  through 
the  democratic  process." 

or  forego  diagnosis  and  treatment.' 

These  disadvantages  are  increased  when 
fee-for-service  payment  is  carried  over  into 
an  insurance  plan.  When  the  doctor  is 
paid  a  fee  for  each,  service — whether  two 
or  three  dollars  for  an  office  visit  or  sev- 
eral hundred  dollars  for  a  major  operation 
—and  when  the  fee  doesn't  come  directly 
from  the  patient  but  from  an  insurance 
fund,  then  all  economic  barriers  are  re- 
moved to  over-use  or  misuse  of  services  by 
patients  or  doctors.  Careful  record-keeping 
is  necessary  and,  if  abuse  is  to  be  prevented, 
there  must  be  an  amount  of  professional 
and  financial  supervision  which  is  costly 
and  which  is  resented  by  the  doctors — 
so  much  so  in  fact  that  plans  controlled 
by  medical  societies  will  not  maintain  it. 
Furthermore,  the  fee  schedules  have  usu- 
ally been  such  that — modest  calculations 
show — if  the  doctors  were  kept  busy  full 

National  Health  Program  of  the  "National  Physicians 
Committee  for  the  Extension  of  Medical  Service" 

"If  state  medicine  is  to  be  avoided;  if 
the  'political  control'  of  the  distribution  of 
medical  care  is  to  be  prevented;  if  the 
independence  of  the  medical  profession  is 
to  be  preserved,  the  needs  of  the  people 
must  be  met.  .  .  . 

"The  task  is  of  such  size  that  meeting 
the  need  will  tax  to  maximum  capacity  all 
agencies  and  institutions  now  providing  or 
that  can  be  created  to  provide  measures 
of  relief.  These  include: 

a.  Physician-sponsored  prepayment  med- 
ical care  programs; 

b.  Blue  Cross  Hospitalization  Plans; 

c.  Independent    physician    groups    furn- 
ishing medical  service; 

d.  Industrial    or   business   concerns   pro- 
viding medical  care  for  workers; 

e.  Employer-employe    Group    Insurance 

It  is  estimated  that  to  meet  the  actual  needs 
total  premium  payments  in  excess  of  one 
billion  dollars  annually  will  be  entailed.  .  .  . 

"The  report,  'Opportunity  for  Private 
Enterprise'  [a  48-page  brochure  on  'Em- 
ployer-Employe Group  Insurance  Pro- 
grams'), was  not  designed  for  physician 
consumption.  It  is  hoped— expected — -that 
you  will  read  it;  that  you  will  hand  it  to 
— discuss  it  with — an  employer  who  to- 
morrow will  be  confronted  with  the 
necessity  of  finding  a  solution  to  the  prob- 
lem of  the  demand  on  the  part  of  workers 
for  a  greater  degree  of  security. 

"Intelligent  use  of  the  report  by  50,000 
physicians  will  go  far  toward  stimulating 
business  institutions  to  provide  adequate 
protection  for  fifty  million  workers.  .  .  . 
Your  cooperation  is  needed  and  is  solicited 
to  aid  in  this  gigantic  task.  .  .  . 

"For  the  twelve  months  ending  October 
31,  1944:  Income  (all  sources) — #263,- 
644.40.  Expenditures  (current)  —  #223,- 
176.48.  Estimated  essential  minimum  ex- 
penditures for  continuing  the  work  and 
intensifying  efforts  during  the  next  twelve 
months  will  necessitate  revenues  of 

time  treating  patients  at  these  rates,  their 
incomes  would  be  multiplied  two-  to  four- 

The  People's  Choice 

In  California,  this  method  of  payment 
is  now  a  legislative  issue.  Governor  War- 
ren came  out  for  compulsory  health  in- 
surance in  the  face  of  the  State  Medical 
Society's  flat  condemnation,  but  he  threw 
a  sop  to  the  society  by  commending  the 
fee-for-service  method  of  payment  and  his 
bill  requires  it.  Perhaps  he  does  not  ap- 
preciate the  implications  of  his  position  on 
this  point.  Informed  persons  within  the 
state,  including  medical  leaders  in  the  Cal- 
ifornia Physicians  Service,  know  that  the 
abuses  and  the  high  cost  of  fee-for-service 
payment  would  very  likely  make  any  state- 
wide plan  unworkable. 

The  other  bill,  backed  by  the  AFL  and 
the  CIO,  prescribes  the  capitation  method 
of  payment  for  general  practitioners.  Under 
capitation,  the  general  practitioner  would 
be  paid  an  agreed  amount  per  month  or 
year  for  each  person  who  chooses  him  as 
regular  physician.  Specialists  would  be  paid 
on  a  fee  basis.  California  may  thresh  out 
its  answers  soon,  in  public  and  private  hear- 
ings. Capitation  payment  is  only  one  par- 
tial answer — group  practice  with  salaried 
physicians  is  another. 

These  events  go  to  show  that  when  states- 
men take  up  health  insurance  they  ought 
to  know  something  of  the  inside  as  well  as 
of  the  outside  of  the  issue  they  are  grasping. 

And  here  the  professionals  must  come  in 
again,  but  which  professionals?  "Profes- 
sional" here  covers  both  laymen  and  phys- 
icians; and  among  physicians  it  includes 
men  and  agencies  within  and  without  "or- 
ganized medicine."  Scan  again  the  two 
boxes,  and  ask: 

In  which  box  had  the  American  public 
better  be? 

And  toward  which  program  should  the 
medical  profession  itself  head,  consistent 
with  the  ideals  which  it  cherishes  and 
which  the  American  people  respect? 



Education  in  a  Complex  World 



forth  intense  partisan  argument,  especially 
on  the  side  of  the  academicians,  but  we 
have  yet  to  find  a  defender  of  the  pro- 
gressive methods  who  does  not  wish  to 
work  with  some  of  the  tools  the  academi- 
cians use. 

On  the  side  of  the  more  reasonable  com- 
mentators is  Jacques  Barzun,  associate  pro- 
fessor of  history  at  Columbia  University. 
His  interests  also  embrace  social  phe- 
nomena and  his  spirited  essays  and  articles 
permit  the  public  a  glimpse  of  what  agitates 
the  schoolmen.  This  is  especially  true  of  his 
new  book,  "Teacher  in  America"  (Little, 
Brown;  $3),  a  collection  of  papers  on  the 
aims,  ambitions  and  anxieties  of  American 
teachers.  It  demonstrates  how  well  equipped 
Mr.  Barzun  is  to  bridge  the  gap  between 
the  public  and  the  teacher  and  thus  carry 
the  arguments  over  methods  direct  from  the 
board  room  to  the  rest  of  us. 

Scientific  Knowledge  Not  Enough 

The  bitter  debate  over  education  has  been 
intensified  by  the  world  war.  Teachers  con- 
sider themselves  responsible  for  the  training 
of  youth,  and  in  wondering  why  a  reason- 
able world  had  to  resort  to  killing  they 
have  blamed  themselves;  a  large  group  has 
declared  that  the  teaching  of  moral  respon- 
sibility has  lapsed.  It  is  reasonable  to  as- 
sume that  human  beings  were  just  as  mean 
and  intractable,  in  war  and  in  peace,  when 
the  schools  taught  little  or  no  science.  But 
the  attitude  of  teachers  toward  their  own 
responsibility  is  not  to  be  criticized  on  that 

Even  Mr.  Barzun  feels  that  scientific 
knowledge  is  not  enough,  that  "the  creation 
of  a  large,  powerful,  and  complacent  class 
of  college-trained  uneducated  men  at  the 
very  heart  of  our  industrial  and  political 
system"  is  dangerous.  He  thinks  that  "one 
of  the  conditions  that  made  possible  the 
present  folly  in  Germany  was  the  split 
among  three  groups:  the  technicians,  the 
citizens,  and  the  irresponsible  rabble."  And 
by  describing  the  professional  army  caste  as 
unthinking  technicians,  so  deeply  concerned 
with  their  own  work  that  they  will  obey 
any  group  that  hires  them,  he  shows  how 
the  rabble  and  the  technicians  can  over- 
whelm the  citizens.  The  need,  then,  is  in- 
formed citizens. 

But  in  a  democracy  the  technicians  and 
the  citizens  overlap  and  the  only  remedy 
is  to  make  the  men  of  science  as  morally 
responsible  for  what  they  do  as  anvone 
else.  Mr.  Barzun  sees  the  problem  clearly — 
greater  attention  to  the  humanities,  in  spite 
of  our  specialized  technical  training,  and 
some  form  of  schooling  that  will  develop 
not  merely  competent  workers  and  ever"- 

(All  boo\s 

lives  but  leaders  of  men — those  who  look 
beyond  the  aims  of  their  own  profession  to 
the  objectives  of  mankind. 

The  Place  of  the  Humanities 

Discussion  of  these  problems  can  go  on 
for  weeks,  even  if  only  in  general  terms, 
and  when  we  come  to  specific  courses  we 
are  in  danger  of  being  bogged  down  com- 
pletely. Mr.  Barzun  gives  us  an  outline  of 
the  teacher's  dilemma — how  can  the  hu- 
manities be  introduced  in  scientific  curricula 
and  to  what  good  purpose?  He  puts  the 
object  of  college  teaching  into  a  paragraph: 

"What  are  the  broad  divisions  of  thought 
and  action  in  the  world?  There  are  three 
and  only  three:  we  live  in  a  world  saturated 
with  science,  in  a  world  beset  by  political 
and  economic  problems,  in  a  world  that 
mirrors  its  life  in  literature,  philosophy,  re- 
ligion, and  the  fine  arts.  In  all  reason,  a 
college  can  but  follow  this  threefold  pattern. 
To  this  extent  the  problem  of  'What  shall 
we  teach?'  is  non-existent.  This  is  what  we 
must  teach." 

Mr.  Barzun's  discussion  of  the  place  of 
the  "great  books"  in  education  is  welcome, 
for  he  is  himself  a  bookman  of  fine  dis- 
crimination and  judgment,  familiar  with 
the  old  and  the  new.  The  great  books  have 
become  footballs  in  the  academic  debate; 
they  have  been  overemphasized  as  guides  to 
life  and  learning,  and  social  scientists  have 
become  bewildered  by  the  contention  that 
they  hold  all  we  need  to  know. 

Great  books  in  education  stem  from  the 
original  course  called  General  Honors  Read- 
ings begun  by  John  Erskine  at  Columbia  in 
1919  with  a  list  of  fifty-three  great  classics. 
It  drew  on  the  help  of  eight  instructors, 
among  whom  were  Mark  Van  Doren  and 
Mortimer  Adler,  today  among  the  chief 
spokesmen  for  the  great  books  curriculum. 
The  Erskine  course  is  now  called  Colloqui- 
um on  Great  Books  and  is  still  taught  most 
successfully,  with  engineers  and  mathemati- 
cians eager  to  join  in  the  discussions;  and, 
as  Mr.  Barzun  expresses  it  in  his  lighter 
vein:  "Future  doctors  seem  to  favor  it 
especially,  thinking  perhaps  that  bedside 
books  go  with  the  bedside  manner." 

The  use  of  the  books  at  Chicago  and  St. 
John's  is  a  variation,  "an  overreach,  an  ex- 
cessive stretching  of  Erskine's  excellent 
scheme,"  Mr.  Barzun  says.  He  adds:  "It  is 
a  return  to  the  practice  used  when  the 
ancient  classics  served  to  introduce  men  to 
their  own  culture.  This  is  no  longer  possible 
because  modern  culture  has  become  special- 
ized and  each  specialty,  even  when  broadly 
conceived,  requires  the  direct  study  of  its 
current  output."  To  put  it  concretely,  St. 
John's  offers  six  historians — Herodotus, 
Thucydides,  Plutarch,  Tacitus,  Vico,  and 
ordered  through  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  will  be 

Gibbon.  Mr.  Barzun  knows  their  value  but 
can  hardly  agree  that  they  will  give  the 
student  "a  coherent  idea  of  modern  his- 

When  Mr.  Barzun  turns  from  teachers 
to  the  public  he  is  puzzled.  He  sees  a 
nation  stuffing  itself  with  facts  and,  while 
our  zeal  for  acquiring  and  storing  facts 
seems  to  him  praiseworthy,  he  fears  that  it 
is  not  used  intelligently.  The  public  envies 
men  who  can  cite  a  lot  of  facts,  but  suspects 
men  who  deal  in  ideas.  He  makes  a  point 
when  he  says  that  even  our  best-selling  non- 
fiction  books  are  sometimes  little  more  than 
compilations  of  newspaper  clippings  sea- 
soned with  backstairs  gossip— and  of  that 
it  is  easy  to  find  evidence. 

Our  Passion  for  Facts 

He  says:  "Summaries  there  may  be,  but 
no  principles.  For  publishing  experience 
does  show  that  faced  with  an  idea,  no  mat- 
ter how  simply  expressed  or  illustrated,  the 
layman  is  shocked  into  resistance.  .  .  . 
Whereas  the  brain  trust  was  a  joke  before 
anyone  knew  the  men  who  belonged  to  it, 
the  country  has  again  and  again  given  itself 
over  to  factual  pedantry  with  great  enthusi- 
asm and  no  sense  of  ridicule." 

This  leads  Mr.  Barzun  to  deal  ironically 
with  "fact-finding."  He  criticizes  "hundreds 
of  study  groups  and  fact-finding  commit 
sions,  public  or  private  |that]  give  their 
members  in  this  way  the  pleasant  illusion 
of  being  practical  scholars  and  social  scien- 
tists." Possibly  many  of  these  labors  do  little 
more  than  place  "another  layer  of  paper 
wadding  between  us  and  the  horrors  of 
life."  They  are  fair  game  for  the  teacher's 
comment,  yet  their  mutiplication  is  evidence 
of  a  serious  mood  and  an  earnest  intention. 

No  doubt  there  is  dead  timber  in  many 
a  commission,  but  the  number  of  partici- 
pants who  do  this  hard  work  to  amuse 
themselves  must  be  few.  Perhaps  they  are 
pseudo-scientific;  not  all  of  their  members 
are  trained  investigators.  But  as  the  public 
is  drawn  in,  interest  in  something  more 
than  mere  facts  spreads  incontestably. 

My  father's  generation  often  spoke  of  the 
well-informed  man,  meaning  a  man  fam- 
iliar with  matters  outside  his  professional 
or  business  interests.  This  term  has  fallen 
into  disuse  in  company  with  that  of  the 
self-made  man.  There  are  no  longer  anv 
self-made  men  because  no  one  is  supposed 
to  make  his  way  without  the  benefit  of 
schooling.  The  well-informed  man  died  of 
competition;  when  all  men  know  every- 
thing no  man  is  wiser  than  another. 

Thousands  now  know  facts  and  thous- 
ands of  others  are  deluged  by  them  when- 
ever they  turn  a  dial.  It  is  true  that  some 
of  these  relate  to  war  activities,  to  the  ton- 

nage  of  ships  sunk,  shells  fired  and  iu 
names  of  localities  that  none  but  a  cross- 
word puzzle  addict  would  ever  dig  out  of 
the  gazetteer  but  for  the  march  of  armies. 

A  great  many  citizens  are  so  filled  with 
facts  that  they  are  like  those  Oliver  Wen- 
dell Holmes,  the  Autocrat,  was  talking 
about  when  Mr.  Barzun  overheard  him: 
"The  men  of  facts  wait  their  turn  in  grim 
silence,  with  that  slight  tension  about  the 
nostrils  which  the  consciousness  of  carrying 
a  settler  in  the  form  of  a  fact  or  a  revolver 
gives  the  individual  thus  armed."  That 
must  have  been  written  nearly  a  century 
ago,  when  the  habit  of  absorbing  facts  was 
by  no  means  as  widely  spread  as  now.  But 
even  then  some  Americans — New  Eng- 
landers  no  doubt — enjoyed  bragging  about 
ship  tonnage,  distances  between  cities,  and 
population  growth. 

Shall  we  despise  this  interest  in  informa- 
tion? It  offers  more  promise  of  a  response 
than  the  empty  mind.  It  is  true  that  the 
masses  do  not  embrace  books  of  ideas  with 
the  fervor  with  which  they  welcome  new 
movies,  yet  publishers  have  been  known  to 
make  a  fair  profit  out  of  such  books.  If 
ideas  are  unwelcome,  then  why  do  so  many 
Americans  cling  to  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  this  republic,  many  of  them  diffi- 
cult to  apply  in  modern  life;  why  are  so 
many  familiar  with  the  theories  of  Karl 

Mr.  Barzun,  however,  is  not  against  in- 
formation or  its  accumulation;  he  is  inter- 
ested in  its  proper  use  and  in  that,  he 
thinks,  we  fail.  We  do  not  think  deeply 
about  the  things  we  know  as  facts.  We  do 
not  go  behind  the  stereotypes  we  accept. 

I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  as  much 
"mental  cowardice"  as  Mr.  Barzun  suspects. 
Thinking  does  require  an  effort,  and  most 
of  mankind  would  rather  act  than  think — 
the  war,  after  all,  is  an  attempt  to  settle  by 
action  what  could  not  be  settled  by  think- 
ing. But  the  proportion  of  people  stirred 
into  thinking  by  the  world's  ills  must  have 
increased  tremendously  in  the  dark  days 
since  1939.  We  cannot  expect  the  whole 
public  to  become  expert  in  this  any  more 
than  Mr.  Barzun  can  expect  all  students  to 
graduate  with  the  highest  honors.  Let  us 
agree  with  him  that  our  need  is  leadership, 
and  there  we  come  back  to  the  problem 
that  he  also  recognizes  in  the  schools. 

wig  von  Mises.  Yale  University  Press.  #3.75. 

lishment  and  preservation  of  the  system  of 
market  economy  based  on  private  owner- 
ship of  the  means  of  production  and  free 
enterprise.  It  aims  at  free  competition  and 
at  the  sovereignty  of  the  consumer.  .  .  . 
True  liberals  are  opposed  to  all  endeavors 
to  institute  government  control  for  the 
operation  of  an  unhampered  market  econ- 

Thus  Professor  von  Mises  in  his  preface. 

"All  the  oratory  of  the  advocates  of  gov- 
ernment omnipotence  cannot  annul  the 
fact  that  there  is  but  one  system  that  makes 
for  durable  peace:  a  free  market  economy. 
Government  control  leads  to  economic  na- 
tionalism and  thus  results  in  conflict." 

Thus  Professor  von  Mises  in  his  con- 

In  all  the  pages  between,  the  changes 
are  rung  on  this  theme  and  on  its  ramifi- 
cations in  respect  to  ideas  of  nationalism, 
the  rise  of  Nazism,  the  role  of  Russia,  and 
the  future  of  planning  in  Western  civiliza- 
tion. One  gathers  that  the  world  is  going 
inexorably  to  the  dogs. 

The  influences  which  are  rampant  are 
all  in  the  wrong  direction — namely  toward 
a  more  conscious  social  control  of  economic 
forces.  Something  called  a  "perfect  capital- 
ism," albeit  "hitherto  never  and  nowhere 
completely  tried  or  achieved,"  is  the  only 
assurance  of  durable  peace. 

The  publisher  says  on  the  jacket  of  the 
book:  "It  is  probably  the  most  momentous 
and  challenging  criticism  that  has  been 
made  of  the  current  social  and  economic 
doctrines  that  threaten  democracy  every- 
where." Such  a  judgment  seems  to  me 
somewhat  too  fulsome,  to  put  it  mildly. 

Essentially  the  book  is  the  product  of  a 
mind  that  turns  with  nostalgia  to  the  for- 
mulas of  the  past,  that  puts  a  low  value 
on  the  capacities  of  the  human  self,  that 
sees  the  complexities  of  the  future  with 
foreboding  and  with  panic  at  the  challenge 
presented  to  men's  constructive  imagination 
by  the.  creative  tasks  ahead. 

It  is  the  book  of  a  mind  that  says:  Be- 
cause these  problems  have  not  been  solved 
by  any  methods  thus  far  brought  forward, 
it  is  better  to  approach  their  solutions  in 
terms  of  old  approaches  than  even  to  admit 
the  possibility  that  men  may  be  able  to 
create  better  for  themselves.  It  is  in  this 
sense  that  the  study  is  at  bottom  the 
product  of  a  mind  tainted  with  futilitar- 
ianism  under  the  guise  of  being  economic- 
ally realistic. 

Editor  of  economic  booths      ORDWAY  TEAD 
Harper  &•  Brothers 


by  George  B.  deHuszar.  University  of 
Chicago  Press.  #2.50. 

THE  SINEWS  OF  PEACE,  by  Herbert  Feis. 
Harper.  #2.50. 

which  complement  one  another,  reach  be- 
yond the  traditional  and  narrow  conception 
of  the  problem  of  peace.  Together  they 
show  how  many-sided  must  be  the  ap- 
proach to  the  solution  of  this,  the  world's 
most  urgent  and  most  difficult  task. 

"New  Perspectives  on  Peace"  is  made  up 
of  eleven  chapters — each  chapter  on  a 
specific  problem — by  distinguished  authori- 
ties in  various  fields,  with  an  introductory 
summary  by  the  editor  entitled  "The  Prob- 
lems in  Perspective."  The  writers  are 
members  of  the  faculty  of  the  University 
of  Chicago  where  their  analyses  were 
originally  delivered  as  lectures.  The  geo- 
graphical problem  is  discussed  by  Professor 
Colby,  the  historical  by  Professor  Craven, 
the  ethnological  by  Professor  Redfield,  the 
economic  by  Professor  Viner,  the  socio- 
logical by  Professor  Ogburn,  the  legal  by 
Professor  Wright,  the  educational  by  Pro- 
fessor Havighurst,  the  psychological  by 

Professor  Slight,  the  philosophic  by  Pro- 
fessor McKeon,  and  the  religious  by  Pro- 
fessor Adams. 

The  general  tone  of  the  book,  searchingly 
unconventional,  is  illustrated  by  the  follow- 
ing sentences  from  the  editor's  introduction: 
"The  sterility  of  thinking  about  peace  is 
deplorable.  One  of  the  reasons  why  ade- 
quate methods  have  not  been  devised  is 
that  many  of  the  people  who  concern  them- 
selves with  peace  lack  the  necessary  back- 
ground for  realistic  thinking  on  the  subject. 
.  .  .  Even  the  most  effective  peace  organiza- 
tions do  not  have  a  membership  sufficiently 
varied  in  training  to  cover  the  problem  of 
peace  completely.  ...  In  the  peace  move- 
ment as  a  whole,  there  appear  very  few 
persons  with  a  background  in  sociology, 
psychology  or  anthropology.  .  .  .  The  sec- 
ond reason  for  the  sterility  of  thinking 
about  peace  is  that  it  reflects  the  rudimen- 
tary stage  of  the  study  of  international 
relations  .  .  .  which  today  resembles  politi- 
cal science  half  a  century  ago.  ...  It  is 
mostly  juristic  and  historical.  ...  In  order 
to  put  international  relations  on  a  scientific 
basis  it  is  necessary  to  liberate  it  from 
juristic  influence.  .  .  .  We  need  a  systematic 
approach  considering  the  problem  of  peace 
in  its  entirety  and  integrating  the  various 
aspects  of  the  problem." 

The  book  is  a  helpful  introduction  to 
those  who  are  willing  to  go  beyond  their 
habitual  thinking  about  peace  and  war. 


ity  and  grace,  has  given  in  "The  Sinews 
of  Peace"  a  layman's  guide  through  the 
maze  of  issues  which  are  pressing  for  de- 
cisions in  the  field  of  international  economic 
affairs.  He  enables  readers  to  understand 
better  those  involved  transactions  in  which 
our  citizens  and  government  carry  on  with 
other  peoples  and  governments — financial, 
investment,  trade,  and  the  exchange  of 
foodstuffs  and  other  raw  materials.  His 
brief  chapters  make  clearer  than  I  have  se 
stated  elsewhere  the  Bretton  Woods  plar 
for  an  International  Monetary  Fund  and 
the  proposal  for  an  International  Inves 
ment  Bank. 

Mr.  Feis  does  not  write  of  our  economl 
relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world  as 
propagandist  for  any  particular  view.  Oi 
of  a  lifetime  of  study  and  experience — unt 
a  few  months  ago  he  had  been  for  severa 
years  adviser  on  economic  affairs  in  th 
State  Department — he  analyzes  and  ba 
ances  the  pros  and  cons  on  controversia 
questions.  His  own  conclusions,  though 
clearly  put,  are  never  dogmatic;  rather  the 
are  invitations  to  the  reader  to  make  up 
his  own  mind. 

It  would  be  helpful  if  our  public  men 
and  all  of  us  interested  in  international 
affairs  pondered  on  Mr.  Feis's  basic  con- 

"The  war  has  demonstrated  the  great 
strength,  vitality,  capability,  and  powers  of 
organization  of  the  American  people.  Great- 
ness in  the  annals  of  history  and  the  ranks 
of  our  fellow  nations  has  come  upon  us. 
We  cannot  repudiate  it.  Proudly  or  reluc- 
tantly it  will  be  our  responsibility  hereafter 
to  lead,  to  aid  and  strengthen  the  good 
and  industrious,  admonish  the  trouble- 


I  some,  cause  the  quarrelsome  to  desist,  and 
I  build  firm  friendships  with  all  who  share 
I  our  spirit  and  our  hopes  for  a  better  world. 
1  Our  economic  strength  must  be  at  the 
I  service  of  this  leadership." 
I  New  Yori(  JAMES  G.  MCDONALD 

Joanna  Carver  Colcord.  Cornell  Maritime 
Press.  #2.25. 

I      IF    YOU    HAVE    THE    LEAST    INTEREST    IN    HOW 

I  your  everyday  language  got  the  way  it  is, 
|i  you'll  have  a  wonderful  time  with  Miss 
r  Colcord's  collection  of  sea-born  words  and 

phrases,  the  salty  origin  of  which  has  been 
I  all  but  lost  in  years  of  land  usage.  And 
r  you'll  make  some  surprising  discoveries. 

You'll  learn,  for  example,  that  when  you 
I  speak  of  "the  bitter  end,"  meaning  the  last 
f]  extremity,  you  are  using  a  phrase  that 

".  .  .  relates  to  the  end  of  the  ship's  cable 

I  attached  to  the  windlass-bits.      When  the 

<   anchor  had  been  let  out  to  the  bitter  end 

I  there    was   nothing   more   to   be   done;    if 

worse  came  the  cable  would  part  and  the 

8  ship  drive  ashore." 

Miss   Colcord's   list   begins   with   "A    1," 
a    common    shore    expression    that    comes 
I   from  the  rating  formerly  given  to  British 
I  naval  vessels  and  to  merchant  vessels  for 
I   insurance    purposes.    It    ends    with    "Yeo- 
heave-ho,  the  standard  literary  spelling  of 
those    'unnameable    and    unearthly    howls' 
which  sailors  emit  when  singing  out  on  a 
i   rope."   In   between   are   those   "borrowings 
I    from   sea   language"   which   have   currency 
I    upon  the  land,  sometimes  with  sense  differ- 
ing completely  from  their  original  meaning. 
I   But  this  is   not  a  dictionary  of  sea  terms. 
i    It  is  exactly  what  its  title  indicates,  a  reach- 
ing   back    to   the   ancestry   of   words   and 
i    phrases  that  enrich  our  language. 

Miss  Colcord,  the  daughter  of  five  gen- 
I  erations  of  Maine  seafarers,  was  a  "natural" 
i  for  such  a  book  as  this,  for  to  her  congenital 
I  interest  in  salt  spray  is  added  a  gift  for 
I  the  use  of  words  to  express  clear  thought. 
1  She  is  quick  to  deny  any  claim  to  being 
I  a  philologist,  but  she  knows  words  and  the 
I  color  and  flavor  that  time  and  usage  have 
I  given  them. 

The  preparation  of  "Sea  Language  .  .  ." 

was  a  sort  of  busman's  holiday  from  Miss 

I  Colcord's  professional  writings  which  are  a 

must  in  every  social  work  library.  She  did 

it,  she  says,  as  a  labor  of  love,  "strictly  for 

9  fun."      It   is  fun   too  for   anyone   with   a 
jj  feeling   for  the  color  and   romance  of  the 

English  language. 
1    Osterville,  Mass.  GERTRUDE  SPRINGER 


(Continued  jrom  page  94) 

war,    Britain    will    have   no   choice   but    to 
adopt  some  restrictive  policies  of  its  own. 

Sir  William  expresses  a  strong  preference 
for  a  wide  system  of  multilateral  trading 
based  on  low  tariffs,  reasonable  balance  be- 
tween imports  and  exports,  along  with  do- 
mestic programs  for  stimulating  full  em- 
ployment. But  if  such  a  system  of  world 
trade  is  not  immediately  practical,  he  sug- 
gests that  Britain  enter  into  a  regional 

THE     MILE     Lyond    BJln 

AFTER  our  soldiers  have  covered  that  long  mile  to  Berlin,  and 
then  to  Tokyo,  we — all  of  us — shall  need  to  press  forward  on 
that  important  mile  beyond — that  mile  toward  full  employment,  re- 
construction, and  a  higher  standard  of  living  for  all  the  people. 
Here  are  some  guideposts  for  that  forward  mile. 

Social  Work  Year  Book-1945 

Edited  by  Russell  H.  Kurtz.  Reports  the  current  status  of  organized  ac- 
tivities in  social  work  and  related  fields.  "Of  great  value  not  only  to  those 
specially  interested  in  its  field  but  also  to  those  engaged  in  many  other  pro- 
fessions and  occupations." — New  York  Times.  $3.25 

Relief  and   Rehabilitation   Abroad 

A  Series  of  Eight  Pamphlets 

Edited  by  Donald  S.  Howard.  "Brings  together  a  fund  of  factual,  detailed 
information  about  the  problems  of  relief  administration.  It  will  be  sorely 
needed  in  the  years  just  ahead."  — Public  Welfare. 

20c  each.  Set  of  eight,  $1.50 

Technology  and  Livelihood 

By  Mary  L.  Fledderus  and  Mary  van  Kleeck.  "This  excellent  book  brings 
together  in  one  volume  some  of  the  most  pertinent  facts  about  our  industrial 
economy." — Political  Science  Quarterly.  $1.25 

Your  Community 

By  Joanna  C.  Colcord.  "A  guide  for  community  study,  a  sound  compre- 
hensive framework  on  which  to  erect  essential  social  data,  and  an  invaluable 
reference  for  day-to-day  problems." — Survey.  $1.00 

Institutions  Serving  Children 

By  Howard  W.  Hopkirk.    "An  extremely  practical  book  written  out  of 
twenty  years'  experience  as  a  leader  in  the  field  of  child  welfare.    Education, 
health,  recreation,  work,  religion,  and  social  service  are  all  discussed." 
—Public  Welfare.  $2.00 

From  your  bookseller,  or  from 


130  East  22nd  Street      •      New  York  10      •      N.  Y. 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 


system  of  trade  relations  with  such  coun- 
tries as  are  willing  to  encourage  trade  on 
this  basis. 

A  third,  but  much  less  satisfactory,  pos- 
sibility would  be  a  system  of  bilateral  agree- 
ments with  the  countries  that  wanted  to 
trade  with  Britain.  This  plan  to  his  mind 
would  result  in  much  less  trade  and  would 
necessarily  hold  British  living  standards  to 
a  relatively  low  level. 

Beveridge's  feeling  of  concern  as  to  the 
United  States  is,  of  course,  well  grounded. 
His  program  for  full  employment  stands 
in  direct  contradiction  to  the  postwar  pro- 
gram outlined  for  this  country  by  the  Sen- 
ate postwar  committee  and  the  similar  pro- 
posals advanced  by  numerous  business 
groups  in  this  country.  Instead  of  expand- 
ing "outlay,"  these  proposals  invariably  call 
for  a  sharp  cut  in  government  spending,  a 
balanced  budget,  debt  reduction,  and  a  re- 
duction in  the  taxes  on  the  well-to-do,  so 
as  to  encourage  private  enterprise.  Sir  Wil- 
liam shows  that  these  orthodox  measures 
have  never  provided  even  an  approximation 
of  full  employment  in  peacetime,  and  if 
persisted  in  can  only  lead  to  profound  so- 
cial and  economic  dislocation  involving,  in 
all  likelihood,  a  loss  of  essential  democratic 

"Better  than  the  Dictators  ..." 

On  the  other  hand,  Sir  William's  own 
full  employment  "policy"  is  based  on  un- 
assailable economic  principles.  The  theor- 
etical groundwork  for  these  principles  was 
laid  in  1936  by  J.  M.  Keynes  in  "The  Gen- 
eral Theory  of  Employment,  Interest  and 
Money."  This  analysis  is  now  accepted  by 
practically  all  competent  economists.  Bev- 
eridge's own  contribution  is,  however,  fully 
as  important  as  that  of  Keynes;  for  he  has 
shown  in  detail  how  the  Keynes  principles 
may  be  applied  to  solve  our  most  perplex- 
ing and  costly  economic  problem.  It  is  a 
program  which,  though  details  will  differ, 
could  be  adapted  to  the  United  States  with- 
out fundamental  changes.  In  fact,  Bever- 
idge's constant  use  of  American  illustrations 
indicates  that  he  was  constantly  thinking  of 
their  possible  application  in  this  country. 

In  several  ways,  however,  it  would  be 
more  difficult  to  carry  out  a  full  employ- 
ment program  in  this  country  than  in  Eng- 
land. Beveridge  implies  as  much  when 
he  says  that  Britain  has  a  chance  of  show- 
ing, sooner  and  more  easily  than  any  other 
large  nation,  that  democracy  can  order  peace 
as  well  as  war  better  than  the  dictators  do. 
But  although  the  difficulties  are  greater 
here,  the  stakes  are  immeasurably  higher. 
Indeed,  as  Sir  William  sees  it,  the  good  of 
the  whole  world,  no  less  than  our  own  well 
being  and  that  of  Britain,  depends  very 
largely  on  the  policies  adopted  by  the 
United  States. 

"Depression,"  he  declares,  "is  contagious 
in  proportion  to  the  size  and  strength  of 
the  national  economic  system  from  which 
it  comes.  Today  the  strongest  and  most 
productive  national  economy  in  the  world 
— :that  of  the  United  States — is  also  the  least 
stable.  The  adoption  of  a  policy  of  full 
employment  by  the  United  States  would 
be  the  most  important  economic  advance 
that  could  happen  in  the  whole  world  and 

to  the  benefit  of  the  whole  world.  In  solv- 
ing, as  they  only  and  only  in  their  own 
way  can  solve,  the  'baffling  problems'  of 
their  home  economy,  more  than  by  the  most 
generous  outpouring  of  gifts  and  loans,  the 
American  people  can  confer  immeasurable 
benefits  on  all  mankind." 

The  President's  recent  budget  message 
indicated  that  the  Administration,  at  least, 
is  alive  to  our  own  situation.  But  con- 
structive action  will  depend  on  informed 
support  from  every  forward-looking  citi- 
zen in  the  country.  A  wide  reading  of 
this  remarkable  book  should  help  im- 
mensely in  girding  American  public  opin- 
ion to  act — and  that  soon — on  the  great 
choices  he  sets  before  us.  For  on  those 
choices  hangs  much  of  our  own  future, 
and  the  fortunes  of  everyday  people  every- 


(Continued  from  page  92) 

do  is  to  distinguish  10,000.  The  guess- 
work in  matching  colors  is  swept  away.  If 
you  want  to  catch  a  thief  in  the  act  of 
cracking  a  safe  the  photoelectric  cell  will 
do  it.  In  fact,  it  will  detect  anything  that 
involves  the  reflection  or  the  interception 
of  a  beam  of  light. 

It  is  not  too  romantic  to  imagine  the 
photoelectric  cell  imparting  a  new  safety 
to  automobile  driving.  The  cell  has  only 
to  follow  a  white  line  on  the  road.  Take 
your  hands  off  the  wheel  and  if  the  car 
swerves  ever  so  little  from  the  line  the  cell 
will  start  a  correcting  motor  and  bring 
you  back.  Other  cells  along  the  road  will 
report  the  speed  of  passing  cars  to  the 
police  or  to  the  drivers  themselves. 

Electrons  Displace  Men 

How  many  man-hours  have  been  saved 
in  war  production  by  the  2,000  different 
types  of  electron  tubes  so  far  devised? 
There  are  no  statistics.  It  has  been  estimat- 
ed that  before  the  war,  when  the  tubes 
were  few,  the  saving  amounted  to  at  least 
1,750,000  man-hours  annually — a  mere 
guess.  Since  then,  electron  tubes  have 
multiplied,  and  hundreds  of  factories  have 
installed  whole  batteries  of  them.  This 
matter  of  man-hours  saved  is  of  consider- 
-able  importance  because  of  the  Administra- 
tion's announced  intention  of  making  the 
most  of  our  huge  industrial  capacity  after 
the  war  and  of  thus  solving  a  problem 
of  unemployment  which  must  be  faced. 
Jobs  for  sixty  million  men  and  women — 
"57,000,000  is  Henry  Wallace's  rockbottom 
figure — must  be  found.  Yet  here  is  this 
Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp,  this  electron 
tube  which  does  the  work  of  analytical 
chemists  and  bookkeepers,  which  does 
away  with  hands,  eyes  and  ears,  which,  in 
a  factory,  watches  over  anything  that 
moves.  It  is  true  that  the  electron  tubes 
must  be  made  by  men  and  women  and 
made  by  the  million,  true  that  we  shall 
need  more  radio  and  television  sets  than  we 
did,  true  that  there  will  be  a  demand  for 
new  skills.  But  it  is  also  true  that  in  some 
industries  there  will  be  a  displacement  of 
workers  because  of  the  electron  tube's  ex- 

traordinary virtuosity  and  versatility. 

Probably  the  history  of  every  revolution- 
ary invention  will  be  repeated.  What  that 
history  is  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of  the 
automobile.  The  carriage  maker  had  to  be- 
come an  automobile  body  maker.  Wayside 
filling  stations  and  tourist  camps  sprang  up. 
Windshield  wipers  and  headlights  had  to 
be  designed  and  produced.  Around  the 
automobile  industry  cluster  a  hundred 
satellite  vocations.  All  this  is  the  conse 
quence  of  what  Ravenshear,  an  English 
economist  of  the  last  century,  called  "origi- 
native invention."  But  originative  invention 
is  inevitably  followed  by  intensive  inven- 
tion, meaning  the  kind  of  invention  that 
reduces  man-hours.  Thus  the  telephone  long 
gave  employment  to  thousands  of  switch- 
board girls.  When  the  dial  system  of  call- 
ing a  telephone  number  was  introduced  (an 
intensive  invention),  the  girls  disappeared 
The  electron  tube  is  such  an  intensive  in- 
vention. To  produce  it,  thousands  of  ne 
jobs  will  be  created.  But  introduce  it  in 
the  factory  and  there  will  be  less  need  of 
much  highly  paid  skilled  labor.  No  one  can 
predict  the  outcome,  but  it  is  certain  that 
the  effect  cannot  be  ignored  in  solving  the 
problem  of  keeping  60,000,000  employed. 

Engineers  are  aware  of  the  issue.  They 
are  actually  alarmed  at  the  electron  tube's 
potentialities.  When  they  are  asked  to  de- 
sign a  new  tube  to  perform  a  seemingly 
impossible  task,  they  shake  their  heads,  say 
"It  can't  be  done"  and  then  proceed  to  do 
it.  Electronics  has  become  a  synonym  of 
industrial  magic.  The  steam-engine,  auto- 
matic machinery,  trench-diggers,  ore-un- 
loaders,  machines  that  cut,  wrap,  fold, 
brought  about  technological  changes  with 
which  we  have  not  yet  learned  to  cope. 
And  now  comes  the  electron  tube  which 
totally  eclipses  any  invention  that  leaped 
from  the  brain  of  the  inventor.  It  seems  as 
if  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp  can  be  almost 
too  wonderful. 


(Continued  from  page  98) 

This  lack  of  a  unifying  thesis  in  economic 
matters  explains  much  bickering  on  "the 
home  front."  It  sheds  light  on  seemingly 
contradictory  public  action,  on  over-lapping 
in  governmental  agencies;  and  on  the 
blurred  line  between  what  we  need  for  a 
period  of  crisis  and  what  we  need  for  "all 
time."  Moreover,  current  discussion  as  to 
"streamlining"  Congress  overlooks  too  often 
that  "reorganization"  can  be  approached 
fruitfully  only  through  prior  clarification. 
An  articulation  of  policies  and  goals  would 
open  the  way  for  improved  functioning  by 
the  Congress  as  a  policy-making  body  and 
for  the  most  satisfactory  division  of  labor 
with  the  Chief  Executive. 

Thus  the  Full  Employment  Bill,  as  now 
drawn,  provides  for  the  initial  development 
of  the   National   Production   and   Employ- 
ment Budget  by  the  President  and  its  sub- 
mission to  a  Congressional  Joint  Committee 
for  subsequent  review  and  action.  In  view  I 
of   the   scope   of  the   undertaking   and   the  I 
prime  desirability  of  evoking  maximum  ac- 


cord  in  testing  it  out,  thought  might  be 
given  to  placing  the  initial  development  of 
the  budget  in  the  hands  of  an  American 
Economic  Committee,  constituted  by  law 
and  containing  representation  from  both 
Cabinet  and  Congress,  with  a  permanent 
staff  supplemented  by  a  rotating  staff  drawn 
from  the  departments  concerned. 

Such  a  plan  would  offer  interesting  pos- 
sibilities for  adjusting  the  principle  of  sep- 
arating legislative,  judicial,  and  executive 
powers,  as  written  into  the  Constitution, 
to  the  increasing  interplay  and  overlapping 
of  congressional  and  Presidential  functions 
in  matters  of  high  policy.  Partial  support 
for  this  idea  can  be  found  in  a  recent  rec- 
ommendation by  the  "Committee  on  Con- 
gress" of  the  American  Political  Science 
Association  that  the  Congress  establish  a 
permanent  and  formal  liaison  with  the 
White  House. 

If  an  American  Economic  Committee  of 
this  type  were  established,  it  might  well  in- 
clude, also,  members  appointed  by  the 
President  to  represent  industry,  agriculture, 
labor,  and  consumers.  The  preparation  of 
a  National  Production  and  Employment 
Budget  necessarily  involves  what  free  enter- 
prise is  going  to  do  no  less  than  what  the 
government  is  going  to  do.  Its  very  essence 
is  an  appraisal  of  inter-action  between  the 
two.  Its  very  spirit  is  accord.  It  needs  to  be 
initiated  in  an  atmosphere  of  maximum 
cooperation  and  "give  and  take."  For  this 
reason,  to  bring  non-governmental  repre- 
sentatives more  explicitly  into  such  a  flex- 
ible process  seems  more  important  than  to 
preserve  rigid  concepts  as  to  the  govern- 
mental structure. 

It  can  be  argued  that  part  of  the  rea- 
son why  pressure  groups  have  been  so  un- 
conscionably at  one  another's  throats,  why 
their  specialized  objectives  often  seem  so 
far  abstracted  from  the  common  good,  is 
that  they  so  seldom  sense  that  good  as  a 
common  goal,  or  have  had  any  chance  to 
participate  in  a  general  drive  to  attain  it. 

The  Challenge  of  60  Million  Jobs 

More  unity  arising  from  more  common 
knowledge  is  the  essence  of  the  Full  Em- 
ployment Bill.  The  measure  is  founded  up- 
on the  proposition  that  nothing  is  worse 
than  to  contribute  to  the  confusion  of  the 
people  at  large — or  to  make  more  difficult 
their  lines  of  communication  when  major 
decisions  in  national  policy  are  under  way. 

A  National  Production  and  Employment 
Budget  would  set  objectives  each  year  based 
on  realities,  in  terms  understandable  to 
everybody,  and  related  to  our  common 
undertakings  as  a  nation.  If  it  did  no  more 
than  that,  it  would  bring  into  our  public 
affairs  a  clarity,  a  wholesomeness  and  a  dig- 
nity that  would  strengthen  immeasurably 
our  free  institutions  in  the  years  ahead. 

But  the  Full  Employment  Bill  is  founded, 
also,  on  another  proposition — that  our 
American  way  of  life  and  livelihood,  with 
all  its  admitted  imperfections,  is  a  good  one. 
We  are  committed  to  it  by  our  history  and 
our  ideas — and  committed  by  the  same 
token  to  remedy  our  imperfections  as  we 
go  along.  Such  a  course  is  consistent  with 
our  essential  practicality  and  inventiveness 
as  a  people,  with  our  emphasis  on  individ- 


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ual     enterprise     and     our     adventuresome 

The  human  materials  with  which  we 
have  to  deal  are  mostly  men  of  good  will, 
who  know  the  dangers  we  all  face  unless 
we  devise  more  rational  ways  to  get  rid  of 
mass  unemployment,  and  who  know 
equally  well  the  benefits  we  can  all  look 
for  if  we  do.  The  task  before  us  is  to 
gather  up  tools  in  our  American  kit  which 
have  stood  us  in  good  stead  in  other  great 
tasks  and  emergencies,  check  them  against 
accomplishment,  and  improve  and  align 
them  systematically  for  use  in  meeting  the 
great  test  of  the  postwar  era. 


(Continued  from  page  88) 

an  American.  This  committee  was  formed 
at  the  conference  on  political  refugees  held 
at  Evian  (France)  in  July  of  1938.  It  now 
has  a  membership  of  thirty-six  governments 
— Britain,  Soviet  Russia,  and  the  U.S.A. 
among  them.  It  includes  both  countries  of 
immigration  and  of  emigration.  It  has 
recognized  its  function  to  care  for  the 
needs  of  refugees  and  to  do  what  it  can  to 
better  their  legal  status  in  transit.  Its  officers 
have  wide  experience  in  this  phase  of  its 
duties;  but  it  will  require  greatly  expanded 
resources  and  staff,  and  enhanced  powers, 
if  it  is  to  shoulder  such  a  long-run  task. 

Meanwhile,  the  United  Nations  Relief 
and  Rehabilitation  Administration  has  a 
great  part  to  play  in  giving  relief  to  refu- 
gees in  the  countries  in  which  it  operates. 
The  agreement  creating  UNRRA  calls  for 
fair  treatment  without  regard  to  race,  re- 
ligion, or  political  belief  of  those  it  finds 
there.  The  limitation  of  its  franchise  is  that 
UNRRA  can  do  only  special  work  in  enemy 
countries  and  that  it  cannot  help  enemy  citi- 
zens other  than  those  who  have  been  per- 
secuted for  race  or  religion,  or  because  of 
their  activities  on  behalf  of  the  United 
Nations.  In  Poland,  for  example,  UNRRA 
is  permitted  to  succor  persons  from  enemy 
or  ex-enemy  countries  and  to  repatriate 
those  who  wish  to  return  home.  In  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  it  is  authorized  to  care  for 
and  repatriate  United  Nations  nationals, 
stateless  persons  and  those  enemy  nationals 
who  qualify  as  above.  Western  European 
countries  are  reported  to  intend  to  carry  on 
their  own  relief  activities  without  the  aid 
of  UNRRA,  and  in  them  the  IGC  will  be 
the  appropriate  authority  to  urge  the  cause 
of  the  refugees. 

This  looks  like  a  promising  structure  of 
governmental  relief,  but  the  international 
agencies  concerned  have  declared  that  they 
by  no  means  supplant  the  need  for  volun- 
tary effort.  The  sums  UNRRA  has  been 


granted  will  be  far  short  of  the  need  for 
relief,  and  there  are  many  special  services 
which  the  flexible  private  agencies  can  per- 
form more  deftly  and  quickly  than  public 
international  authorities.  Especially  is  this 
true  in  the  care  of  refugees,  a  field  in  which 
private  agencies  have  specialized.  Their  ex- 
perienced counsel  and  help  is  counted  on 
and  they  are  now  cooperating  actively  with 
both  IGC  and  UNRRA. 
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Driven  and  pushed  about  Europe  as  they 
have  been,  many  refugees  have  been  sep- 
arated from  their  families.  This  is  true  of 
other  "displaced  persons"  and  often  their 
whereabouts  are  unknown  to  their  relatives 
and  friends  throughout  the  world.  Plans  are 
on  foot  to  install  machinery  to  help  them 
make  fresh  contacts.  Among  the  partici- 
pating agencies  are  UNRRA,  the  Inter- 
Governmental  Committee,  the  International 
Red  Cross  and  here,  in  the  United  States, 
a  group  of  organizations  actively  concerned 
with  the  problems  of  refugees. 

There  is  a  special  committee  on  refugees, 
also,  set  up  by  the  American  Council  of 
Voluntary  Agencies  for  Foreign  Relief. 
Some  fifty  in  number,  the  council  was  or- 
ganized two  years  ago  to  coordinate  their 
own  activities  and  cooperate  with  public 
international  bodies. 

Here,  in  America,  the  President  had  set 
up  two  such  bodies.  An  Advisory  Commit- 
tee on  Political  Refugees,  James  G.  McDon- 
ald, chairman,  has  been  helpful  in  assisting 
fugitives  in  getting  out  of  Europe.,  The 
War  Refugee  Board  is  made  up  of  four 
members  of  the  Cabinet  (State,  War, 
Treasury,  and  the  Attorney  General).  Un- 
der John  W.  Pehle  as  executive  director, 
great  energy  and  devotion  were  thrown  into 
tasks  of  rescue  and  relief  among  refugees 
in  Hitler-held  territory. 

Why  Not  Naturalization? 

In  each  country  in  which  they  are  found, 
there  is  an  effective  alternative  to  passin 
along  unsettled  refugees  and  stateless  per- 
sons. That  is  to  accept  them  as  citizens  and 
give  them  permanent  status.  Their  num- 
bers in  a  given  country  may  not  be  great 
and  to  accord  them  this  privilege  would  at 
once  add  to  the  forces  for  domestic  revival 
and  lessen  the  difficulties  in  solving  a  wide- 
spread and  prickly  problem. 

The  refugee  entering  Palestine,  is  in- 
corporated into  Palestinian  society. 

Here,  in  the  United  States,  the  refugee 
who  has  come  with  quota  visa  for  per- 
manent residence  is  better  off  than  he 
would  be  in  most  other  countries.  Under 
our  law,  he  has  the  right  to  live  here, 
travel,  and  to  work  at  most  occupation 
(certain  professions  excepted).  He  can  b 
deported  only  for  causes  set  forth  in  th 
statute.  After  the  prescribed  period,  in  most 
cases  five  years,  he  can  become  a  citizen  if 
the  authorities  are  convinced  that  he  is 
loyal  to  the  Constitution  and  of  good  re- 

Refugees  who  enter  the  USA  on  tem- 
porary visas  do  not  have  such  security. 
They  are  entitled  to  remain  only  during 
the  time  fixed  in  their  visas  plus  any  ex- 
tension granted  by  the  authorities.  The 
privilege  of  working  is  not  automatic  but  is 
granted  by  a  general  or  special  order.  And 
the  temporary  visitor  may  not  become  a 

Naturalization  is  not  a  right  in  other 
countries  but  is  a  matter  of  favor  and,  in 
fact,  is  not  frequently  accorded.  Save  for 
the  few  who  do  become  naturalized,  refu- 
gees resident  in  European  countries  have 
no  rights  to  remain  or  to  work  except  under 
special  legislation  or  regulation.  Many  refu- 
gees from  Russia  and  Turkey  in  Worl  * 





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War  I  have  lived  for  twenty  years  and  more 
in  western  Europe  but  are  still  stateless. 
Many  have  children,  citizens  by  virtue  of 
birth  in  the  new  country,  who  are  soldiers 
in  its  army.  Others,  without  so  strong  a 
claim  for  friendly  acceptance,  have  never- 
theless taken  part  for  many  years  in  the 
social  and  economic  life  about  them.  It 
would  seem  reasonable  for  their  countries 
of  residence  to  grant  them  the  opportunity 
for  citizenship  now  and  thus,  in  this  time 
of  revived  hopes  and  plans,  establish  them 
in  a  legally  permanent  home. 

Refugees  from  Germany  before  and  dur- 
ing World  War  II  are  new  claimants  on  the 
consideration  of  countries  with  whom  they 
have  thrown  in  their  lot.  They  were  the 
first  victims  of  the  Hitler  machine  which 
has  pressed  so  hard  on  the  life  of  all  the 
peoples  of  Europe.  They  have  been  through 
the  war  and  have  contributed  to  the  war 
effort  and  should  have  the  same  privilege  of 
citizenship  granted  them. 

Such  a  creative  solution  when  the  war 
ends  would  be  a  boon  for  refugees  living 
in  western  Europe,  in  the  United  States, 
or  other  overseas  countries. 

Many  German  and  Austrian  refugees, 
who  had  come  to  France  and  other  parts 
of  the  continent  before  the  war,  were  up- 
rooted a  second  time  by  the  Nazi  blitz,  and 
they  were  shipped  to  Germany  for  forced 
labor  or  to  Polish  concentration  camps.  It 
may  be  hoped  that  western  European  gov- 
ernments will  permit  those  who  have  sur- 
vived to  return  to  their  adopted  homes  in 
which  many  of  them  lived  and  worked  for 
years.  Their  desirability  could  readily  be 
gauged  by  testimony  from  the  community 
which  had  harbored  them. 

Postwar  Migration 

World  conditions  will,  of  course,  affect 
the  possibilities  for  settlement  of  refugees 
in  new  countries  where  they  can  hope  to 
make  a  fresh  start  in  life.  They  will  be  part 
— and  not  the  largest  part — of  the  people 
who  will  be  seeking  such  opportunities 
away  from  their  homelands.  If  employ- 
ment is  good  in  their  countries  of  destina- 
tion, if  there  is  a  demand  for  workers  in 
industry  or  on  the  land,  the  tendency  to 
restrict  immigration,  so  strong  in  the  pre- 
war years,  may  lessen.  The  problem  then 
will  become  not  one  of  refusing  entry  but 
of  choosing  which  immigrants  a  country 
wants.  The  principle  of  selective  immigra- 
tion can  be  applied. 

In  this  field  the  Intergovernmental  Com- 
mittee is  charged  to  facilitate  the  migra- 
tion of  refugees,  to  find  opportunities  for 
them,  and  to  establish  them  in  a  country 
where  they  can  make  permanent  homes. 
This,  again,  is  a  task  requiring  forceful 
energy  and  great  tact,  for  success  depends 
on  the  good  will  and  active  support  of 
governments  concerned. 

In  Europe,  there  will  be  a  great  demand 
for  workers  to  rebuild  homes  and  industries 
and  to  take  part  in  agricultural  production. 
Aside  from  demanding  German  work  bat- 
talions, the  Soviets  want  to  get  all  citizens 
home,  including  potential  ones  from  the 
lands  united  to  the  Union  since  World  War 
TI  began.  France  will  probably  want  to 

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bring  in  laborers  to  help  rebuild  the  country 
and  may  need  them  to  expand  its  industries. 

Furthermore,  the  loss  of  population  in 
battle  and  bombardment,  by  illness  and  pri- 
vation, has  been  heavy  in  all  the  countries 
of  the  continent.  There  is  less  likelihood 
of  emigration  from  them  by  those  who  can- 
not find  work  at  home  than  by  those  who 
want  to  go  abroad  to  mend  their  fortunes 
or  to  find  better  opportunities  or  a  freer 

If  the  much  discussed  industrial  develop- 
ment materializes  in  the  Western  Hem- 
isphere and  the  British  Dominions,  there 
will  be  a  wide  call  for  hands,  especially  for 
skilled  workers  and  good  industrial  man- 
agers. If  among  the  refugees  there  prove 
to  be  peasants  or  workmen  from  parts  of 
the  Soviet  Union,  or  their  kind  from  the 
Baltic  countries,  or  Poles  or  Yugoslavs  of 
the  same  type,  they  will  doubtless  be  drawn 
into  this  migration. 

But '  the  chances  will  be  different  for 
tradespeople  and  intellectuals.  For  a  decade 
past,  meager  foreign  opportunities  have 
been  open  to  such.  The  case  of  older  people 
is  similar.  They  will  not  be  welcomed  by 
countries  in  the  market  for  immigrants  who 
can  work  in  industry  or  on  farms.  There 
are  many  groups  with  these  handicaps 
among  the  refugees.  Some  of  them  have 
relatives  or  friends  in  foreign  countries 
who  will  be  glad  to  care  for  them;  others 
can  be  provided  for  by  private  organizations 
so  that  they  will  not  become  a  burden  on 
the  public  welfare  funds. 

Doors    should    be    kept    open    for    such 

fugitives  from  war  and  fascism.  Countries 
which  have  not  been  invaded  by  land  or  sea 
or  air,  can  and  should  share  in  helping  to 
make  their  postwar  settlement  easier,  the 
fate  of  sufferers  from  the  devastation  over 
Europe  less  hard. 

Perhaps  the  worst  hit  of  all  Europeans, 
especially  in  the  East,  are  the  Jewish  refu- 
gees. Palestine  should  be  enabled  to  offer 
opportunity  for  them — for  those  broken  by 
suffering  and  illness  and  for  the  old,  as  well 
as  for  the  workers  with  hand  and  brain 
who  can  give  so  much  to  the  development 
of  the  expanding  economic  and  cultural 
life  of  the  Jewish  "Homeland." 

Palestine  can  play  a  new  role  if  it  is 
permitted  to  help  give  an  adequate  answer 
to  the  problem  of  the  Jewish  refugee.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  with  improved  economic 
and  political  conditions  in  eastern  Europe 
there  will  be  fewer  refugees  from  there. 
But  if  this  betterment  does  not  materialize, 
Palestine  will  be  important  not  only  as  a 
haven  for  individuals  seeking  refuge  but 
as  a  help  in  restoring  order  and  peace  to 

The  Internally  Displaced 

Wartime  displacement  is  not  limited  to 
those  who  cross  national  boundaries.  There 
has  been  a  great  churning  inside  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe — among  people  dislodged 
from  old  localities.  Their  numbers,  too,  have 
been  estimated  at  ten  million;  but  they  do 
not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  article.  They 
are  of  international  concern,  nevertheless, 
because  they  constitute  a  great  humanitari- 

an problem  and  because  the  nations  united 
in  fighting  the  Axis  decided  and  declared 
in  the  UNRRA  Agreement  that  they  would 
aid  one  another  in  repairing  the  wounds  of 

Those  who  are  thus  internally  displaced 
remain  under  the  control  and  protection  of 
their  own  national  government.  It  has  the 
responsibility  for  relieving  their  needs  and 
returning  them  to  their  homes  or  resettling 
them  elsewhere  within  its  borders.  But  it 
is  open  to  any  government  to  request  help 
from  UNRRA  in  meeting  these  responsi- 
bilities and  the  Director  General  may  ap- 
portion part  of  his  supplies  to  that  end. 

The  Nazi  invasion  of  Russia  and  transfer 
of  industry  to  the  East  by  the  USSR 
shifted  vast  populations  across  two  conti- 
nents. On  a  lesser  scale  but  for  similar 
reasons,  millions  of  people  have  been  going 
from  place  to  place  within  the  boundaries 
of  their  own  countries. 

This  is  notably  true  in  China.  It  is  said 
that  30,000,000  Chinese  have  fled  to  the 
West  from  the  thickly  settled  eastern  prov- 
inces. Many  will  settle  there  for  keeps, 
American  fashion.  Nonetheless,  the  cost  of 
providing  for  the  return  of  others,  for  food 
during  the  process,  for  restoring  farms  and 
rebuilding  wrecked  communities  will 
mount  into  enormous  figures.  UNRRA  can 
do  no  more  than  help  from  its  limited  funds 
and  give  the  Chinese  authorities  the  counsel 
of  its  personnel  to  be  considered  in  the 
light  of  Chinese  conditions.  • 

A  specific  refugee  problem  is  presented, 
however,  by  some  20,000  fugitives  from 


In  The   March   Issue 

Bertram  D.  Wolfe 


Aaron    Levenstein 


Owen    Lattimore 


I.   Raymond   Walsh 


Don   Wharton 


Leila  Sussmann — 


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mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 

Germany  and  eastern  Europe,  mostly  Jew- 
ish, who  were  caught  in  China  by  the  war. 
They  had  expected  to  go  on  to  other  coun- 
tries; very  few  of  them  can  establish  them- 
selves in  China;  and  they  will  seek  settle- 
ment elsewhere. 

Collective  Concern 

No  canvass  of  the  refugee  situation  can 
give  an  adequate  picture  of  the  human 
wretchedness  and  despair  which  forms  its 
background.  Among  the  multitudes  who 
have  suffered  in  this  war,  the  refugee 
stands  out  because,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
has  no  national  home  to  which  he  can 
go,  no  government  whose  duty  it  is  to 
concern  itself  with  his  fate.  What  be- 
comes of  him,  then,  is  a  matter  for  all 
the  nations  and,  as  the  adage  has  it, 
what  is  the  concern  of  all  always  runs 
the  risk  of  being  the  concern  of  none. 

Plans  with  joint  government  backing 
have  been  prepared.  Earnest  and  vigor- 
ous efforts  have  been  put  forth  by  those 
charged  with  carrying  them  out.  But  up 
to  now,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  United  Nations  have  felt 
strongly  enough  their  duty  to  throw  pro- 
tection over  the  stateless  and  the  refugee, 
or  that  they  as  yet  recognize  that  this 
is  a  genuinely  international  question  which 
requires  each  government  to  do  its  part 
at  home  to  bring  about  the  realization  of 
plans  made  in  common. 

A  silver  lining  to  this  situation  has 
been  the  spirit  and  efficiency  of  volun- 
tary organizations  which  have  given  free- 
ly of  effort  and  money  to  succor  the  refu- 
gees. From  the  end  of  the  last  war  to 
the  present,  they  have  gathered  funds,  or- 
ganized relief,  urged  public  action. 

Such  work  has  been  most  effective  when 
those  who  espouse  it  have  united  in 
agencies  with  experienced  personnel  and 
definite  programs.  Among  them  can  be 
cited  the  American  Friends  Service  Com- 
mittee, the  American  Jewish  Joint  Dis- 
tribution Committee,  the  American  Red 
Cross,  committees  of  the  Christian  churches, 
Hadassah,  the  Hebrew  Immigrant  Aid  So- 
ciety, the  International  Migration  Service, 
the  Zionist  Organization  of  America,  and 
war  relief  bodies.  Their  funds  have  often 
been  inadequate  for  the  job  to  be  done,  but 
many  of  them  have  had  the  permanence 
which  permits  better  use  of  resources 
through  long  term  planning.  They  have 
shown  prowess  in  breaking  fresh  ground 
and  they  have  demonstrated  standards  in 
their  treatment  of  the  refugees  that  prove 
the  value  of  strong  private  agencies  as 
implements  of  our  international  society. 

Nothing  will  so  enhance  the  success  of 
their  activity  as  an  aroused  public  concern 
for  these  victims  of  war  and  fascism  who 
have  become  men,  women,  and  children 
without  a  country. 

On  the  other  hand,  without  government 
aid  and  government  action,  both  in  Europe 
and  overseas,  the  situation  cannot  be  met. 
And  again  that  outcome  hangs  on  an  ar- 
ticulate popular  demand.  American  and 
British  leadership — by  citizens  and  gov- 
ernments alike — can  set  the  pace  in  this 
new  epoch  of  transcendent  need. 




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By  Michael  de  la  Bedoyere 

A  fundamental  diagnosis  of  the  reason  why  Christianity  is  apparently 
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Don't  you  believe  it  when  they  gesture  weakly  and  resignedly 
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We  CAN   Do    Something    About  It! 

Nobody  but  ourselves  can  be  rightfully  blamed  if  peace  brings  panic,  and  the  war's  end 

only  marks  a  new  depression's  beginning. 
Words  alone  will  accomplish  nothing.    Action  must  be  taken.     But  what  action?    When 

and  how?     These  are  questions  we  must  answer  first.     Prepare  yourself  now  to 

answer  them  wisely.     Let  us  all  study  them  together. 

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Six  wonderful  issues,  containing  the  entire  series,  which  ended  in  the  February  number, 
on  "The  Obsolete  Profit  System,"  and  sixty  other  inspiring  articles. 

Truly  a  wealth  of  reading;  entertaining,  informative,  some  of  it  startling,  most  of  it 
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two  sample  copies,  mentioning  SURVEY  GRAPHIC. 

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Waste  paper  is  our  No.  1  war  short- 
age. Every  scrap  of  paper  you  throw 
away  is  a  victory  for  the  enemy. 

Save  your  waste  paper.     Turn  it  in! 


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1944  Yearbook   and   Proceedings  of  the  A.A.S.C.W. 
Edited  by  Saul   Bernstein 

Deals  with  major  postwar  responsibilities  and  opportuni- 
ties that  Kroup  workers  fare.  Several  articles  define  the 
training  and  duties  of  leaders;  others  describe  the  youth 
situation  In  Canada  and  Great  Britain.  Contributors  in- 
clude Harleish  Trecher,  Lucy  Camer  L.  K.  Hall,  Dorothea 
Sullivan.  R.  B.  G.  Davis,  et  al.  75c 

347  Madison  Ava.     ASSOCIATION  PRESS     New  York  I7.N.Y. 


shows  the  part  which  professional  nurses  take  in 
the  betterment  of  the  world.  Put  it  in  your 
library.  $3.00  a  year.  1790  Broadway  at  58  St., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 


for  free  circular  giving  terms.  Haldeman-Julius 
Company,  Box  P-1003,  Girard,  Kansas. 


SPECIAL  articles,  theses,  speeches,  papers.  Re- 
search, revision,  bibliographies,  etc.  Over  twenty 
years'  experience  serving  busy  professional  per- 
sons. Prompt  service  extended.  AUTHORS 
RESEARCH  BUREAU,  516  Fifth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

TURES, Club  Papers,  professionally  prepared. 
Criticism,  rewriting,  plotting,  ghostwriting  of 
book-length  manuscripts,  short-stories,  feature  ar- 
ticles. Testimonials  galore.  Printed  Lectures. 
Sermons  and  Outlines  also  furnished.  FT*EE 
Circular.  Dept.  "S,"  Continental  Writers'  & 
Speakers'  Bureau,  210  Fifth  Ave.,  New  York. 

HELEN  GUILES,  Literary  Agent.  Short  stories, 
current  articles,  book  manuscripts  and  poetry  ex- 
pertly criticised  and  marketed.  131  West  69th 
Street,  New  York  City. 

MANUSCRIPT  TYPING,  also  Stenotype  Report- 
ing, Mimeographing.  Prompt,  efficient  service; 
reasonable  rates.  ROLEN  REPORTERS.  351 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  Dickens 

RESEARCH:  Congressional  Library,  Government 
Bureaus^,  etc.  Questions,  literary  or  scientific  in- 
vestigations, genealogy,  business  errands,  attended 
by  experts.  Valuable  circular,  lOc.  Crehore,  Box 
2329-G,  Washington  13.  D.  C. 

offered  by  the  University  of  Oklahoma  (under  the 
supervision  of  Prof.  W.  S.  Campbell,  'Stanley 
Vestal')  sounds  so  efficient  and  intelligent, 
whether  taken  in  person  or  by  correspondence, 
that  we  are  tempted  to  refer  to  it  many  appli- 
cants who  wish  that  kind  of  information  and 
training." — The  Saturday  Review  of  Literature 
(May  13.  1939 — page  21).  For  particulars  write 
STANLEY  VESTAL,  University  of  Oklahoma, 
Nnrman.  Oklahoma. 


PHOTOGRAPHS,  SNAPSHOTS  skillfully  copied, 
restored.  Preserve  precious  family  photographs 
and  valuable  papers.  Inexpensive.  Estimate  and 
detailed  information  on  request.  Joseph  Bolger, 
282  Maples  Avenue,  Oradell,  New  Jersey. 


PHONOGRAPH  COURSES.  Mail  Orders.  All 
Makes.  Booklet  G.  LANGUAGE  SERVICE,  18 
East  41st  St.,  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

Spanish,  Portuguese  —  Direct  conversational 
method  for  mastering  any  language  quickly, 
easily,  correctly  at  home.  Send  for  FREE  book. 
New  York  20.  CI  7-0830. 

RUSSIAN,  PORTUGUESE,  Other  Phonograph 
Courses.  New,  Used.  French  new  $15;  Spanish. 
52  lessons  new  $25.  A.  Alin,  475  Fifth  Avenue. 
New  York  17. 



For    1112   Languages.    Catalan   Free 

Schaenhof's,    Box    6.    Harvard    Square, 

Cambridge.    Massachusetts 



SERVED   FOR  OVER  50  YEARS  in  New  York's 
finest    restaurants.      Send    $1    for    trial    2    Ibs.    ol 
this    superb    coffee.      Specify    grind.      Richard    H. 
Toeplitz,    Suite    205,    342    Madison    Avenue,    New 
York  17,  N.  Y. 

SPECIAL    WORKER—  in    Jewish    multiple    service 
case  work  agency  to  carry  selected  case  load  and 
assume  special  responsibilities  involving  community 
organization     and     interpretation.       Salary     range 
$2400  to  $3500.      7986  Survey. 


CASE   WORK   SUPERVISOR  trained  and   experi- 
enced to  work  in  private  child  placing  agency   in 
Ohio.     Salary  $3000.     8119  Survey. 

FREE   CATALOG,   showing  several  hundred   beau- 
tiful designs. 
ANTIOCH    BOOKPLATES,    Box  218,   Yellow   Springs,   Ohio 

PROFESSIONALLY    trained    and    experienced    so- 
cial worker  for  director  of  expanding  agency  pro- 
viding  foster   home   care  for    150    children    in   key 
southern  city.     State  qualifications.     8116  Survey. 


CASE  WORKER—  In  Midwest  Metropolitan  Jewish 
Family     Service    Agency  —  to    specialize    in    work 
with   male  delinquents  including  service  in  correc- 
tional   institutions.     Opportunity    for    participation 
in   agency   and  community  planning   in   this   field. 
8117    Survey. 

SEND  a  dollar  bill  for  genuine  "Powhatan"  hand- 
made Indian  clay  smoking  pipe,  replica  famous 
original  Virginia  antique,  two  long  stems,  his- 
toric booklet,  directions,  enjoyment,  and  care. 
Rustic  container,  postage  prepaid.  PAMPLIN 
PIPE  CO.,  Richmond,  Virginia. 

CASE  WORKERS—  2  -professionally  qualified  who 
would    be    interested    in    working    in    Midwestern 
Jewish     Family     Agency.      Excellent     supervision, 
salary   and  working  conditions.     8118    Survey. 


AGENCY,  64  West  48th  Street,  New 
York.  Wise.  7-4961.  A  professional 
bureau  specializing  in  fund-raising,  group 
work,  institutional,  casework  and  med- 
ical social  work  positions. 

WANTED:    A    couple    for    resident    position  —  Boys 
Dormitory.       Must    be    able    to    supervise    school 
work,    recreational    activities,    direct    the    conduct 
of   the  boys.      There  are   housekeeping  duties   en- 
tailed.     For   full   details   write   to    Superintendent, 
Friendship    House,    2080    Adams    Avenue,    Scran- 
ton  9,   Pa. 

COUNSELORS:  Men  and  women  for  Pennsylvania 
camp   run    by    Settlement    House.      Boys   camp    in 
July,     girls    camp    in    August.       Counselors    may 
work   in    summer  town   program   and   live   at    Set- 
tlement during  other  month.     Opportunity  for  stu- 
dents interested  in  social  work.     8113   Survey. 


IMMEDIATELY  AVAILABLE  for  position  ot 
case  work  supervisor.  Professional  training  se- 
cured at  University  of  Denver  and  University  ol 
Chicago.  Experienced  in  Child  and  Family  Wel- 
fare in  fourteen  States.  Now  Director  of  Social 
Service  in  a  Washington  State  Institution.  Ad- 
dress Box  184,  Buckley,  Washington. 

CAMP    DIRECTOR:    Experienced   man   or   woman 
to  direct   camp   in    Pennsylvania   run  by   a   Settle- 
ment   House.       Important    coordination    of    group 
work  principles   effected   through   winter  program. 
Prefer    trained    group    worker    with    administrative 
ability.      8114    Survey. 

YOUNG    WOMAN    desires    group    work    with    chil 
dren    in    community    center,    settlement    house    or 
other  progressive  agency.     8120   Survey. 

CASE  WORKER  with  training  and  experience   for 
position  with  child  placing  agency  in  mid-west  to 
be    responsible    for    foster    day    care    program    and 
general  foster  home  finding.     Salary  $2,220.     8115 

EX-SOCIAL  WORKER,  trained  and  experienced 
in  children's  work  and  with  a  semester  in  insti- 

work.  Small  well-integrated  agency  preferred. 
8112  Survey. 

EXECUTIVE    DIRECTOR    for  community    center 
in  suburb  of  Detroit.     Generously  supported  by  all 
civic  units  in  area  of  15,000  population.    Physical 
facilities   represent   $125,000  investment   with  wide 
range  of  service.     Permanent  position  with  excep- 
tional  opportunities.      A   very   minimum   of   family 
case    work    involved.      Salary    to    start    $3,500    or 
more,  if  qualified.     8110   Survey. 

MATURE  WOMAN,  skilled  in  case  work  treat- 
ment, background  supervision  and  executive  work 
(psychiatric),  seeks  right  job  —  probably  new  ven- 
ture —  with  strong  board.  Perhaps  specialized 
case  load  and  some  supervision.  With  jobs  plen- 
tiful, will  look  to  pleasing  climate.  East  of 
Mississippi  preferred.  8102  Survey. 

MATRON    WANTED:    Institutional   experience    in 
a  Home  for  aged  Jewish  men  and  women.    Please 
respond    with    details    of   past    experience.      Jewish 
Home    for   the    Aged,    325    South    Boyle    Avenue, 
Los  Angeles  33,   Calif. 

WOMAN,  PH.D.  Political  Science  and  Economics, 
experienced  research  worker  is  interested  in  po- 
sition in  college  or  private  social  agency.  8109 

CASEWORKERS,  Family  Agency  under  Protestant 
auspices.      Middle    West.      Small    specialized    case 
load.      Salary  range  $1700  to  $2400.      State  quali- 
fications.     8108    Survey. 

CAMP  SEASON,  Jewish  Woman,  12  years.  House- 
keeper, Dietitian,  Assistant  Superintendent  Chil- 
dren's Institutions,  desires  camp  privileges  for 
daughter  10,  son  8,  for  services  plus  reasonable 
monetary  remuneration.  8107  Survey. 

CATHOLIC     CHARITIES    an    integrated     Family 
and    Child    Care    Case    Work    Agency    in    need    of 
a    trainee    and    experienced    case    worker.      Good 
salary.     Challenging   opportunity.     Apply    Catholic 
Charities,     418     North     25th     Street,     Omaha     2, 


wishes  position  Jewish  Institution.  8111  Survey. 

WANTED:  Position  in  welfare  institution  ot 
agency  by  experienced  woman  executive  with 
Master's  Degree  in  Personnel  and  Social  Sciences. 
Seventeen  years  experience  with  group  work 
agency  in  large  city.  8103  Survey. 

COUPLE,      Dutchess      County      Boarding      School, 
woman    supervise    cottage    30    boys,    no    cooking, 
cleaning,    washing;    man    help    with    cottage    and 
supervise  athletics.     Good  salary,   furnished  apart- 
ment,   meals,    garage.     4    weeks'    vacation.     8106 

DIRECTOR  Children's  Institution,  Male,  unmar- 
ried, experienced.  B.A.  Degree.  Post  graduate 
work.  Boys'  institution  or  co-educational.  Free 
to  go  anywhere.  8105  Survey. 

TWO  CASE  WORKERS  for  child  and  family  work 
in  rapidly  expanding  Lutheran  agency  in  Eastern 
city.     Requirements  :  Master's  Degree  or  one  year 
training    plus    experience.       Salary    range:    $1800- 
$2400.     8083   Survey. 

MAN,  35,  master's  degree,  13  years'  experience  in 
case  work  and  administration  seeks  executive  po- 
sition —  juvenile  court,  institution  or  social  agency. 

Approximate  salary  $4000.  8101  Survey. 

PAROLE  OFFICER—  Male,  New  York  State  resi- 
dents.     Vacancies   principally   in   New    York   City. 
Beginning  salary  $2400  plus  7*/$%  war  emergency 
compensation.      Give    age,    education,    experience. 
David    Dressier,    Executive    Director,    Box    1679, 
Albany,    New    York. 


WANTED:  To  work  in  the  Pennsylvania  Dutch 
Country,  Trained  Child  Placements  Workers. 
Agency  small  but  developing.  Five  professional 
staff  positions  now.  Area  interesting  with  its 
steel  mills,  cement  works,  slate  industry,  farm 
country,  Bethlehem  Bach  Choir.  Beauty  of  Dela- 
ware and  Lehigh  rivers  and  valleys  nearby.  New 
Hope,  Poconos  New  York,  Philadelphia  close  at 
hand.  Apply  Northampton  County  Children's  Aid 
Society,  324  Drake  Building,  Easton,  Pennsylvania. 
Phone  Easton  4263.  Incorporated  with  Children's 
Aid  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

WE     SERVE     as     a     confidential     clearing     house 
through     which     social     workert,     executives     and 
agencies  everywhere  can  get  in   direct  touch   with 
one    another    quickly    and     at     surprisingly     small 
cost.     A   $3.00   registration    fee   to   both   employers 
and    applicants    is    our    only    charge.       No    com- 
missions !     Just  tell  us  what  kind  of  situation  you 
are    qualified    for,    location    you    would    consider,  • 
etc.,    or   give   us   complete   details   about    the   posi- 
tion you  have  open.     After  careful  crossmatching, 
employers  descriptions  are  mailed  to  all  potential 
candidates.       Those    interested    then    apply    direct 
to  employers  on  special  forms   we  furnish.      Don't 
run   the   risk   of  overlooking   the   very   position   or 
applicant   you   might   be  most   interested   in  !   Take 
advantage  of  the   increased  selection  our  low   fees 
and  streamlined  service  creates.     Central   Registry 
Service,    109   South   Stanwood,   Columbus   9,    Ohio. 

ERS, as  Counselors  in  a  co-educational  so-called 
"progressive"  camp.  Single  or  married,  with  or 
without  children,  if  one  and  all  are  capable  of, 
and  interested  in,  sharing  the  responsibilities  for 
the  continued  development  of  a  sound  guidance 
program  in  a  truly  cooperative,  democratic  camp 
community,  for  the  summer  of  1945.  8056  Survey. 

(In  answering  advertisements  please  mention  SURVEY  GRAPHIC,) 



(Affiliated  with  the  University  of  Pennsylvania) 

Professional  Education  For 

Social  Administration 
Social  Case  Work 
Social  Group  Work 
Social  Research 

Fall  Semester,  1945-46,  opens  October  2,  1945. 
Applications    received    after    February    1,    1945. 

Summer  Institute,  June  11 — June  23. 
Announcement  available  February  15. 

Address,  Secretary  for  Admissions 
2410  Pine  Street 
Philadelphia  3,  Penna. 


Professional  Education  Leading  to  the  degree  of  M.S. 

Medical  Social  Work 
Psychiatric  Social  Work 
Community  Work 

Family  and  Child  Welfare 
Public  Assistance 
Social  Research 

Catalog  will  be  sent  on  request. 
18  Somerset  Street  Beacon  Hill,  Boston 


are  invited  to  make  use  of  our  Book  Order  Department  to 
order  books  of  any  and  all  publishers.  They  will  be  sent 
postage  free  anywhere  in  the  United  States.  Send  list  to 

Book  Order  Department 


112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 


Columbia  University 


Twelve  institutes,  open  to  practicing  social  workers 
will  be  offered  in  three,  two-week  periods: 

July  9-20,  July  23-August  3,  August  6-17. 

These  institutes  deal  with  very  current  problems  in 
all  fields  of  social  work,  for  example  the  experi- 
ence of  the  New  York  City  Veterans'  Service  Cen- 
ter, and  problems  which  face  communities  with  the 
return  of  their  veterans.  Two  institutes  empha- 
size psychiatric  work  with  children  and  problems 
in  the  child  welfare  field. 

For  details  and  for  a  list  of  all  the  institutes  write 
the  registrar  of  the  School. 

122  East  22nd  Street 
New  York  10     N.  Y. 


A  Graduate  Professional  School  Offering  a  Program 
of  Social  Work  Education  Leading  to  the  Degree  of 
Master  of  Social  Science. 

Academic  Year  Opent  June,  1943 

The  Accelerated  Course  provides  two  years  of 
academic  credits,  covering  two  quarters  of  theory, 
three  quarters  of  field  practice  in  selected  social 
agencies,  and  the  writing  of  a  thesis. 

The  demand  is  urgent  for  qualified  social  workers  to 
meet  the  complex  problems  of  postwar  rehabilitation. 

Content!  for  December  1944 

Medical     Social     Work     in    the     Vocational     Rehabilitation 
Program  Eleanor  Cockerill 

A    Task    for    Social    Work    in    Connection    with    Psychiatric 
Rehabilitation  Helen  W'ttmer  and  Phebe  Rich 

Abstracts  of  Theses:  Smith  College  School  for  Social  Work, 

For  further  information  write  to 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 

Coming  in  the  Months  Ahead 

Special  numbers  .aa  the  \       ;me 

service  of  Survey  Gra^  In  May  comes 
the  10th  of  our  CALLIM5  AMERICA 
series — which,  since  Munich,  have  reached 
a  combined  distribution  of  half  a  million : 

— An  adventure  in  common  understand- 
ing in  what  may  be  our  last  great  chance 
to  shape  the  future  of  the  world. 

Written  by  Americans  for  Americans, 
this  May  special  will  deal  with  a  new 
England  tempered  by  war  years — with 
the  British  system  from  London  to  Mont- 
real, Sydney  to  Cape  Town.  It  will  trace 
wartime  team  plays  from  joint  boards  to 
the  fighting  fronts — coming  to  grips  with 
issues  and  things  in  common.  Here  are 
ten  of  the  contributors: 
John  G.  Winant,  U.  S.  Ambassador  to  London 
Herbert  Agar,  founder,  Freedom  House,  editor, 

Louisville  Courier-Journal 
Joseph  Barnei,  foreign  editor,  N.  Y.   Herald 


I      7/1  H.  Bennett,  chief,  U.  S.  Soil  Conserva- 
';on    Service,   back    from    mission   to    South 
Henry  Steele  Commager,  Columbia;   lecturer, 

University  of  Cambridge 
David    Cushman    Coyle,   engineer,    author   of 


Vera  Mickeies  Dean,   research  director,   For- 
eign Policy  Association. 
Lewis  S.  Gannett,  N.  Y.  Herald  Tribune;  back 

from  Western  front. 

John  MacCormac,  author  of  "America:  Can- 
ada's Problem" 

William   L.   Batt,   Combined   Production    and 
Resources  Board 




Home  last  fall   from  overseas  service 
(OWI-London),   this  project  was  out- 
lined by  Victor  Weybright  who,  as  our 
managing  editor,  had  handled  earlier  spe- 
cials. He  nas  since  gathered  a  symposium 
by  representative  Britishers.     Nine — 
Sir  William  Beveridge,  Liberal  M.P. 
Sir  Kenneth  Clark,  director,  National  Gallery 
W.  Manning  Dacey,  editor,  The  Banker 
Captain  Quentin  Hogg,  Tory  Reform  Group 
Harold    J.    Laski,    chairman,    Labour    Pari-J 

Conference  £*  S 

Dowager    Lady    Reading,     chmn.,     Womtr-  S' 

Voluntary  Service  '  ^  o 

James  J.  Mallon,  warden  of  Toynbee  Ha  £  X 
Lord     Vansittart,     formerly    British     Fore?*  2, 

Office  .>£• 

Prof.  George  Trevelyan,  historian 


— a  series  of  mind-stretching  articles  on 
scientific  discovery  speeded  up  by  the  war 
— examining  how  synthetics,  television, 
penicillin,  helicopters  will  bring  swift 
changes  in  our  ways  of  life.  Transpor- 
tation in  the  Air  Age  by  William  F. 
Ogburn  (February),  will  be  followed  by 
Electronics:  the  Mind  of  the  Machine  by 
Waldemar  Kaempffert; —  Drugs  and 
Plasma:  the  new  Life  Savers  by  lago 
Galdston  of  the  New  York  Academy  of 
Medicine; — Public  Health:  new  Levels 
of  Prevention  and  Care  by  C.  E.  A. 
Winslow,  Yale  Medical  School ;  —  and 
Television :  and  the  new  Communciations 
by  Robert  W.  King,  Bell  Laboratories. 

ginning now,  our  readers  will  see  the 
tough  process  of  liquidating  the  war  and 
fabricating  security  through  the  eyes  of 
James  T.  Shotwell,  historian  of  World 
War  I;  chairman,  Commission  to  Study 
the  Organization  of  Peace. 

ning now,  also,  Survey  Graphic  readers 
are  alive  to  extension  of  medical  care  as  a 
prime  focus  of  wartime  and  postwar  con- 
cern— through  the  eyes  of  Michael  M. 

n  of  Committee  on   Re- 

cal  Economics. 



VIVAL— Watersheds  are  coigns  of  van- 
*f"°.  through  "multiple  purpose  develop- 
ment." Earlier  instalment  !  >rris  L. 
Cooke,  consultant)  dealc  with  TVA 
and  Muscle  Shoals  in  wartime;  with  the 
campaign  of  newspaper  editors  up  and 
down  "The  Big  Muddy";  the  dramatic 
story  of  the  Niger  in  French  West  Africa. 
Later  articles  range  from  California's 
Central  Valley  to  the  "Blue"  Danube. 

LETTERS  AND  LIFE— Hurry  Han- 
sen,  long  distinguished  in  the  goodly  com- 
pany of  the  master  reviewers,  writes  of 
their  social  implications. 


"Peace  and  Bread" — John  Dewey,  American 
philosopher,  underwrites  Jane  Addams'  in- 
sight that  democracy  rather  than  coercion 
should  be  the  basis  of  any  international  or- 
ganization that  will  last. 

Fugitives  from  Fascism  by  Joseph  P.  Cham- 
berlain. An  international  authority  deals  not 
with  displaced  Europeans,  but  with  genuine 
refugees,  their  challenge  to  all  of  us. 

Rehabilitation  of  Psychiatric  War  Casualties 
— portrayed  by  Dr.  Thomas  A.  Rennie,  at- 
tending psychiatrist,  New  York  Hospital. 

Mississippi's  "Ordinary  American"  by  Kath- 
ryn  Close,  associate  editor.  A  portrait  of  Earl 
Finch,  living  symbol  of  Uncle  Sam  to  Jap- 

From  Patch  Work  to  Purpose  by  Leon  H. 
Keyserling,  counsel  for  the  Federal  Housing 
Agency.  The  significance  of  the  "Full  Em- 
ployment Bill  of  1945"  proposing  a  national 
production  and  employment  budget. 

"Full  Employment  in  a  Free  Society" — Max- 
well S.  Stewart,  editor,  Public  Affairs  Pamph- 
lets, will  bring  home  the  meaning  to  us  of 
Sir  William  Beveridge's  new  thesis  that  citi- 
zens can  outdo  dictators. 

Posttaar  Taxes  and  Full  Employment  by 
Mabel  Newcomer.  A  Vassar  economist  as- 
sesses fiscal  proposals  now  to  the  fore. 

On  the  Calendar  of  Our  Conscience  by  Justine 
and  Shad  Polier.  Promise  and  pitfalls  we  face 
in  legislation  to  outlaw  discrimination  by  both 
employers  and  unions. 

Northern  City—vnth  a  Southern  Exposure. 
One  community's  adventure — by  Roger  Wil- 
liam Riis,  roving  editor,  Reader's  Digest. 

Roads  to  Alcoholism  by  Dr.  Abraham  Myer- 
son.  A  Harvard  psychiatrist  portrays  wh»t 
social  pressures  cause  excessive  drinking. 

Joe  Doakes,  Patriot,  by  Miriam  Allen  deFord. 
What  men  behind  the  bars  at  San  Quentin 
are  putting  into  the  war. 



3O  CE  NTS  fl  COPY 


7   1945 


China's  Pursuit  of  Light 

By  Li  Hwa 

Harry  Honsen— Books  on  Eastern  Asia— Bruno  Lasker 
From  Yalta  to  San  Francisco'— James  T.  Shotwell 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World— C.-E.  A.  Winslow 

Coercion  vs.  Democracy 
The  Realism  of  Jane  Addams  interpreted  by  John  Dewey 



re  helped  television  get  born  and  we've 
helped  it  grow. 

"We  made  television  sending  and  receiv- 
ing apparatus  back  in  1927  and  worked  it 
by  wire  between  Washington  and  New  York 
City  and  by  radio  between  Whippany,  New 
Jersey,  and  New  York. 

"We  can  transmit  television  over  wire 
lines  and  by  radio.  We  produced  the  coaxial 
cable,  which  is  particularly  adapted  to  tele- 
vision. We  have  some  coaxial  installed  now 

and  are  installing  more.   We  are  also  setting 
up  a  micro-wave  radio-relay  circuit. 

"Whatever  television  needs  from  us  for 
transmission,  we'll  be  prepared.  It  might  be 
a  network  of  cables  or  radio  beams  or  both. 

"We  explore  the  field  in  order  to  do  our 
part  —  which  is  the  transmission  of  television 
from  place  to  place,  just  as  we  furnish  trans- 
mission for  the  radio  networks  now. 

"We're  going  to  keep  on  studying  all 
methods— and  use  the  best." 


Listen  to  "THE  TELEPHONE  HOUR" 
every  Monday   evening  over  NBC 

Among  Ourselves 

signed  the  Ives-Quinn  bill  at  Albany,  New 
York  became  the  first  state  to  define  the  right 
to  employment  free  trom  racial  or  religious 
discrimination  as  a  "civil  right."  The  new  legis- 
lation has  been  widely  commended  as  a  sig- 
nificant victory  in  the  fight  for  democracy 
at  home.  Anti-discrimination  legislation  is  now 
pending  in  seven  other  states — Ohio,  Cali- 
fornia, Illinois,  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey, 
Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut.  New  York's 
action  is  also  reported  to  have  strengthened 
the  hands  of  congressional  supporters  of  fed- 
eral legislation  to  set  up  a  permanent  Fair 
Employment  Practice  Commission. 

Meanwhile  at  Albany  a  companion  bill, 
needed  for  successful  enforcement  of  the  Ives- 
Quinn  measure,  has  been  adopted  and  signed. 
This  proposal,  which  was  included  in  the 
recommendations  of  the  Temporary  Commis- 
sion Against  Discrimination,  gives  the  state 
attorney  general  power  to  assist  and,  if  neces- 
sary, to  supersede  local  prosecutors  in  enforc- 
ing all  state  laws  against  racial  or  religious 
discrimination.  (See  "On  the  Calendar  of  Our 
Consciences"  by  Justine  and  Shad  Polier,  Feb- 
ruary Survey  Graphic.) 

time  managing  editor  of  Survey  Graphic,  is 
the  March  selection  of  the  Scientific  Book 
Club.  Mr.  Lasker  is  now  research  secretary  of 
the  American  Council  of  the  Institute  of  Pa- 
cific Relations.  "Asia  on  the  Move"  is  reviewed 
on  page  135  of  this  issue. 

Election  Returns 


came  the  results  of  the  nationwide  election  to 
select  a  collective  bargaining  agent  for  Western 
Union  employes  under  the  National  Labor 
Relations  Act.  Some  of  the  issues  at  stake  were 
defined  and  discussed  in  Survey  Graphic  for 
January  ("Labor  Problem  With  a  Future"  by 
Diana  Lewars).  In  the  voting,  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  won  over  the  CIO 
in  virtually  every  area  except  New  York  City. 
The  three  AFL  unions,  the  Commercial  Tele- 
graphers' Union,  International  Brotherhood  of 
Electrical  Workers,  and  the  Federal  Labor 
Union,  had  previously  made  a  jurisdictional 
agreement,  and  were  designated  as  the  collec- 
tive bargaining  agents  on  that  basis.  The  elec- 
tion was  the  outgrowth  of  the  merger  of 
Western  Union  and  Postal  Telegraph,  ordered 
by  the  Federal  Communications  Commission. 
Some  60,000  workers  were  involved. 

In  March  Survey  Midmonthly 
Babies  on  the  Market     by  Maud  Morloc\ 
Figures,  Fantasies,  and  Facts 

by  Elbert  L.  Hooker 

Training  for  Practice   by  John  A.  Reimers 
Birth  of  a  Council  by  Nell  Whaley 

A  Welfare  Staff  Plays  'Truth" 

by  G.  J.  Klupar 
Instead  of  Jail  by   William   J.  Ellis 

Coming  in  April 
What  Is  UNRRA  Doing? 

by  Fred  K.  Hoehler 

Vol.  XXXIV 


No.  4 

Survey  Graphic  for  April   1945 

Cover:  Pursuit  of  Light  by  Li  Htva.  From  "China  in  Elac\  and  White" 

John  Dewey:  Photographic  Study  by  Joseph   Breitenbach 116 

Peace  and  Bread:  An  appreciation  of  Jane  Addams  insight JOHN  DEWEY  117 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World  C.-E.  A.  WINSLOW  1 19 

From  Yalta  to  the  Golden  Gate   JAMES  T.  SHOTWELL  123 

Farmers  Must  Go  Fishing   MICHAEL  M.  DAVIS  125 

They  Can  Be  Made  Over  ELSIE  McCoRMicK  127 

China  in   Wartime:   Woodcuts    130 

Letters  and  Life:  Special  Section  featuring  bool(s  on  Eastern  Asia 131 

The  West  and  the  Far  East   HARRY  HANSEN  131 

China  from  the  Bottom  Up    BRUNO  LASKER  132 

Reviews  by:  JOE  j.  MICKLE  •  KINGSLEY  DAVIS  •  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  JR.  • 

M.    L.    WILSON    *    WILLIAM    A.    NEILSON    *    HAROLD   W.   DODDS    •    1ST   LT.    RICHARD 

Copyright,  194S,  by  Survey  Associates,  Inc.    All  rights  reserved. 


Publication  Office:  34  North  Crystal  Street,  East  Stroudsburg,  Pa. 
Editorial  and  Business  Office,  112  East  19  Street,  New  York  3,  N.  Y. 

Chairman  of  the  Board,  JOSEPH  P.  CHAMBERLAIN;  president,  RICHARD  B.  SCANDRETT,  Ji.;  vice- 
presidents,  JOHN  PALMER  GAVIT,  AGNES  BROWN  LEACH;  tecrttary,  ANN  REED  BRENNIR. 


Editor:  PAUL  KELLOGG. 


Business  manager,  WALTER  F.  GRUENINCER;  Circulation  manager,  MOLLIE  CONDON;  Advertising 
manager,  MARY  R.  ANDERSON;  Field  representatives,  ANNE  ROLLER  ISSLER,  DOROTHY  PUTNEY. 

Survey  Graphic  published  on  the  1st  of  the  month.  Price  of  single  copies  of  this  issue,  20c  a 
copy.  By  subscription — Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c; 
Canadian  75c.  Indexed  in  Reader's  Guide,  Book  Review  Digest,  Index  to  Labor  Articles,  Public 
Affairs  Information  Service,  Quarterly  Cumulative  Index  Medicus. 

Survey  Midmonthly  published  on  the  15th  of  the  month.  Single  copies  30c.  By  subscription — 
Domestic:  year  $3;  2  years  $5.  Additional  postage  per  year — Foreign  50c;  Canadian  75c. 

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Cooperative  Membership  in  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  including  a  joint  subscription:  Year,  $10. 

words  written  to  our  Book  Review  editor  by 
Major  Irving  Dilliard,  in  his  civilian  days  an 
editorial  writer  for  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch, 
and  an  occasional  contributor  of  articles 
and  book  reviews  to  Survey  Graphic:  "My 
thanks  for  the  two  books  for  review.  They 
have  just  come  and  you  haven't  any  idea  how 
good  it  is  to  open  a  package  of  American 
books  over  here  in  snowbound  France  and 
to  speculate  a  bit  on  them  and  to  turn  through 
the  pages.  .  .  .  Rufus  Terral  recently  sent  me 
a  copy  of  Survey  Graphic  with  his  Missouri 
Valley  article.  ["Big  Magic  for  the  Big  Muddy" 
in  the  September  number.]  It  was  a  good  job 
and  so  was  the  whole  issue.  How  do  you 
maintain  such  a  high  level  over  the  years?" 

Human  Test  Tubes 

search  in  the  control  of  epidemics  and  the 
furtherance  of  public  health  is  told  on  page 
119  by  Dr.  C.-E.  A.  Winslow  of  the  Yale 
Medical  School.  It  is  a  swiftly  moving  story, 
the  chapters  of  which  often  are  front  page 

news.  Thus  as  Dr.  Winslow's  article  went  to 
the  printer,  The  New  Yor%  Times  carried  a 
stirring  account  of  how  nearly  800  prisoners 
in  three  of  the  country's  leading  penal  insti- 
tutions have  since  March  1944  been  volunteer- 
ing as  "living  test  tubes." 

With  the  certainty  of  disease  and  discom- 
fort, the  risk  of  permanent  impairment,  and 
even  death,  the  prisoners  have  permitted  them- 
selves to  be  infected,  then  given  experimental 
doses  of  little  understood  drugs.  The  drugs 
are  being  developed  by  American  chemists, 
enlisted  in  the  fight  against  the  worldwide 
scourge  of  malaria.  As  Dr.  Winslow  points 
out,  quinine  and  atabrine  are  effective  in 
suppressing  the  symptoms  of  the  disease;  the 
quest  is  for  a  drug  capable  of  actually  curing 
or  preventing  malaria.  The  nature  of  the 
new  drug  or  drugs  is  still  a  closely  guarded 
secret  of  the  division  of  medical  sciences  of 
the  National  Research  Council.  But  as  the 
Times  writer  points  out,  "the  stage  of  large 
scale  human  testing  is  regarded  in  itself  as 
indicating  diat  the  long  sought  goal  is  close 
to  realization." 


Photographic  Study  by  Joseph  Breitenbach 



Peace  and  Bread 

The  realism  of     JANE  ADDAMS     interpreted  by 

American  philosopher  and  long  time  friend  and  associate  at  Hull  House, 
a  great  contemporary  of  its  founder  hails  a  re-edition  of  her  book  of 
a  quarter  century  ago.*  Writing  on  international  organization  for  the 
first  time  in  World  War  II,  he  subscribes  to  her  living  conception  of 

Democracy  vs.  Coercion 

THE  REPUBLICATION  OF  "Peace  and  Bread" 
is  peculiarly  timely.  Jane  Addams'  book  is 
a  record,  searching  and  vivid,  of  human 
aspects  of  the  First  World  War.  It  gives 
a  picture  of  the  development  of  American 
sentiment  from  1914  to  1922,  the  year  of 
its  first  publication.  It  is  a  forceful  re- 
minder of  things  that  would  be  unfor- 
gettable, did  we  not  live  on  the  surface 
of  the  current  of  the  day's  events. 

Her  book  takes  us  through  the  earliest 
period  when  that  war  seemed  remote  and 
unreal,  and  the  American  public  reacted 
with  incredulity  and  exasperation;  through 
the  phase  of  gradual  hardening  into  sullen 
acceptance  of  war  as  a  fact;  to  the  time 
when,  after  a  delay  of  two  and  a  half 
years,  we  responded  to  the  declaration  of 
war  with  enthusiastic  participation  in 
which  the  earlier  all  but  universal  pacifism 
was  treated  as  cowardly  retreat  or  as 
actively  treasonable;  and  then  through  the 
postwar  years  of  disillusionment  and  reac- 

These  facts  the  older  ones  among  us  have 
largely  forgotten  and  the  younger  ones 
never  knew.  The  picture  the  book  gives 
would  be  of  great  present  value  if  it  merely 
communicated  the  warning  and  gave  the 
instruction  provided  by  traits  common  to 
the  First  World  War  and  to  the  present 
war  which  now  afflicts  the  world  on  an 
even  greater  scale. 

But  the  warning  and  the  instruction  are 
increased  rather  than  diminished,  when  we 
include  in  the  reckoning  certain  matters 
which  make  the  American  attitude  and 
response  during  the  present  war  very  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  thirty  years  ago,  and 
.  that  of  the  eight  or  ten  years  immediately 
following.  A  brief  statement  of  some  of 
these  differences  will,  I  think,  disclose  the 
nature  of  the  increased  timeliness. 

Conditions  at  home  as  well  as  abroad 
produced  a  reaction  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
European  war  in  1939  very  different  from 
that  which  greeted  the  events  of  1914.  Even 
only  eight  years  after  that  date  Miss 
Addams  could  write, 

"It  is  impossible  now  to  reproduce  that 
basic  sense  of  desolation,  of  suicide,  of 
anachronism,  which  the  first  news  of  war 
brought  to  thousands  of  men  and  women 
who  had  come  to  consider  war  as  a  throw- 
back in  the  scientific  sense." 

And  she  could  also  write,  "It  is  very 
difficult  after  five  years  of  war  to  recall 
the  attitude  of  most  normal  people  during 
those  first  years" — years  when  the  reaction 
against  war  "was  almost  instantaneous 
throughout  the  country." 

Characteristics  of  the  Change 

What  was  difficult  then  is  practically 
impossible  now.  Instead,  we  have  an  ac- 
centuation of  that  later  development  when, 
as  Miss  Addams  wrote  in  1922,  "We  have 
perforce  become  accustomed  to  a  world  of 
widespread  war  with  its  inevitable  conse- 
quences of  divisions  and  animosities." 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  change  that, 
while  some  thirty  years  ago  the  idea  of  a 
war  to  end  wars  could  be  taken  seriously, 
we  now  indulge  only  in  the  modest  hope 
of  being  able  to  establish  a  peace  that 
will  last  a  generation  or  two.  Even  more 
significant  is  the  change  in  the  attitude  of 

*From  an  anniversary  edit  inn  of  "Peace  and 
Bread  in  Time  of  War"  by  Jane  Addams;  with  a 
new  introductory  essay  by  John  Dewey  on  "Demo- 
cratic Versus  Coercive  International  Organization: 
the  Realism  of  Jane  Addams." 

The  anniversary  is  tlie  thirtieth  of  the  Women's 
International  League  for  Peace  and  Freedom,  which 
MUs  Addams  helped  to  found  in  April  1915,  and 
did  so  much  to  make  significant  in  the  succeeding 
twenty  years  as  international  president. 

To  be  published  this  month  by  King's  Crown  Press 
— a  division  of  Columbia  University  Press.  Price  $2. 

those  who  have  opposed  our  taking  part  in 
the  two  wars. 

In  the  case  of  the  first  war,  it  was  the 
sense  of  the  stupidity  and  immorality  of 
war  as  war  that  animated  the  opposition. 

In  the  case  of  the  present  war,  vocal 
opposition  came  most  conspicuously  from 
the  nationalistic  isolationism  that  wanted 
to  keep  us  out  of  the  devastation  of  war, 
while  those  who  favored  participation  for 
the  most  part  took  the  ground  of  moral 

There  is,  I  believe,  nothing  paradoxical 
in  saying  that  such  differences  as  these, 
great  as  they  are,  increase,  instead  of  lessen, 
the  warning  and  instruction,  the  timeliness, 
of  the  book  Miss  Addams  wrote  almost  a 
quarter  of  a  century  ago. 

The  warning  is  against  adoption  and  use 
of  methods  which  are  so  traditional  that  we 
are  only  too  likely  to  adopt  them — methods 
which  are  called  "Terms  of  Peace,"  but 
which  in  fact  are  but  terms  of  a  precarious 
interim  between  wars. 

The  instruction  concerns  the  need  for 
adoption  of  methods  which  break  with 
political  tradition,  which  courageously  ad- 
venture in  lines  that  are  new  in  diplomacy 
and  in  the  political  relations  of  govern- 
ments, and  which  are  consonant  with  the 
vast  social  changes  going  on  everywhere 

The  term  "pacifist"  has  unfortunately 
assumed  a  more  restricted  meaning  during 
recent  years.  It  used  to  apply  to  all  per- 
sons who  hoped  and  worked  for  a  world 
free  from  the  curse  of  war.  It  has  now 
come  to  stand  almost  exclusively  for  those 
who  are  opposed  to  war  under  any  and  all 

On  the  other  hand,  the  significance  of 
the  phrase  "Peace  Movement"  has  deep- 
ened. It  used  to  stand  for  something 


which  upon  the  whole  was  negative,  for  an 
attitude  that  made  it  easy  to  identify  paci- 
fism with  passivism.  A  large  measure  of 
credit  for  producing  this  latter  change  must 
go  to  Jane  Addams. 

Dynamics  of  Peace 

In  her  book  "The  Newer  Ideals  of 
Peace,"  published  some  years  before  the  out- 
break of  World  War  I,  she  set  forth  aims 
and  methods  that  are  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  "Peace  and  Bread"  that  the 
two  books  form  a  whole.  The  aims  and 
methods  set  forth  in  both  are  of  a  kind 
that  more  than  justify  her  in  referring  to 
them  as  "vital  and  dynamic." 

Their  nature  may  be  gathered  from  the 
vigor  with  which  she  repudiated  accusa- 
tions that  were  freely  and  ungenerously 
brought  against  her  and  her  fellow-workers. 
Speaking  of  the  state  of  affairs  before  the 
First  World  War,  she  wrote, 

"The  world  was  bent  on  change,  for  it 
knew  that  the  real  denial  and  surrender  of 
life  is  not  physical  death  but  acquiescence 
in  hampered  conditions  and  unsolved  prob- 
lems. .  .  . 

"We  pacifists,  so  far  from  passively 
wishing  nothing  to  be  done,  contended  on 
the  contrary  that  this  world  crisis  should 
be  utilized  for  the  creation  of  an  inter- 
national government  able  to  make  the  neces- 
sary political  and  economic  changes  which 
were  due;  ...  it  was  unspeakably  stupid 
that  the  nations  should  fail  to  create  an 
international  government  through  which 
each  one,  without  danger  to  itself,  might 
recognize  and  even  encourage  the  impulses 
toward  growth  in  other  nations." 

And  again  she  wrote, 

"We  were  constantly  accused  of  wishing 
to  isolate  the  United  States  and  to  keep  our 
country  out  of  world  politics.  We  were 
of  course  urging  a  policy  exactly  the  reverse, 
that  this  country  should  lead  the  nations 
of  the  world  into  a  wider  life  of  coordi- 
nated political  activity." 

Miss  Addams  repeatedly  called  attention 
to  the  fact  that  all  social  movements  outside 
of  traditional  diplomacy  and  "international 
law"  had  been  drawing  the  peoples  of 
different  countries  together  in  ever  closer 
bonds,  while  war,  under  modern  condi- 
tions, was  affecting  civilian  populations  as 
it  had  never  done  before. 

Both  of  these  factors  have  immensely  in- 
creased since  she  wrote.  The  futility  of 
dependence  upon  old  methods,  which  is 
referred  to  in  the  passage  just  quoted,  has 
correspondingly  increased.  Many  persons, 
among  whom  the  present  writer  enrolls 
himself,  who  are  not  pacifists  in  the  abso- 
lute sense  in  which  Miss  Addams  was  one, 
believe  that  she  has  clearly  indicated  the 
directions  which  all  peace  efforts  must  take 
if  they  are  not  to  be  doomed  in  advance 
to  futility. 

Miss  Addams  remarks  in  "Peace  and 
Bread"  that  "Social  advance  depends  as 
much  upon  the  process  through  which  it 
is  secured  as  upon  the  result  itself."  When 
one  considers  the  intimately  human  quality 
of  her  writings,  it  sounds  pedantic  to  say 
that  this  sentence  conveys  a  philosophy,  one 
which  underlies  what  she  has  to  say  about 
war  and  the  conditions  of  enduring  peace. 

But  the  human  quality  of  her  position  and 
proposals  in  this  case  is  a  philosophy  that 
gives  the  key  to  understanding  her. 

Peace — A  Democratic  Process 

Her  dynamic  and  vital  contribution  to 
the  Peace  Movement  is  her  insistence  upon 
the  necessity  of  international  organization. 
Today  the  idea  has  become  commonplace. 
The  Wilsonian  League  of  Nations  at  least 
accomplished  that  much.  We  are  assured 
from  all  quarters  that  the  Second  World 
War  is  being  fought  in  order  to  achieve 
an  organization  of  nations  that  will  main- 
tain peace.  But  when  we  ask  about  the 
process  that  is  depended  upon,  we  find  the 
word  "organization"  covers  very  different 

The  process  that  looms  largest  in  current 
discussions  is  "political"  action,  by  which 
we  usually  mean  governmental  and  legal 
action,  together  with  coercive  economic 
measures.  Miss  Addams  does  employ  the 
word  "political."  But  the  context  invariably 
shows  that  she  uses  it  in  a  wide  human 
sense.  And  while  this  usage  of  hers  confers 
upon  the  word  a  moral,  and  in  so  far  an 
idealistic,  significance,  her  attitude  is  in  fact 
much  more  realistic  than  is  the  attitude  that 
puts  its  trust  in  "organization"  of  the  tra- 
ditional political  type. 

For  one  can  say,  with  as  much  justice 
as  is  consonant  with  brevity,  that  to  trust 
to  traditional  political  "organization"  to 
create  peaceful  relations  between  nations 
involves  reliance  upon  just  that  exaggerated 
nationalistic  and  power  politics  that  has 
brought  the  world  to  its  present  pass. 

In  contrast,  the  process  of  organization 
upon  which  Miss  Addams  would  have  us 
depend  is  one  which  cuts  across  national- 
istic lines.  Moreover,  instead  of  setting  up 
a  super-state,  it  also  cuts  under  those  lines. 
Its  nature  is  indicated  in  a  passage  which 
follows  the  one  already  quoted,  in  which 
she  expressed  the  desire  that  the  United 
States  take  the  lead  in  guiding  the  world 
"into  a  wider  life  of  coordinated  political 

What  fits  the  United  States,  Miss 
Addams  holds,  for  assuming  this  leadership 
is  precisely  the  fact  that  democratic  develop- 
ment in  this  country  has  in  fact  increasingly 
cut  under  and  cut  across  barriers  of  race 
and  class.  In  nothing  is  Miss  Addams' 
book  more  timely  than  in  its  sense  of  the 
positive  values  contributed  by  our  immi- 
grant populations.  The  pattern  of  Amer- 
ican life,  composed  of  multiple  and  diversi- 
fied peoples,  hostile  in  the  countries  from 
which  they  came  but  living  in  reasonable 
amity  here,  can  and  should  be  used  to  pro- 
vide the  pattern  of  international  organiza- 

One  of  the  ironies  of  the  present  situation 
is  that  a  war  caused  in  large  measure  by 
deliberate  Nazi  provocation  of  racial  and 
class  animosity  has  had  the  effect  in  this 
country  of  stimulating  the  growth  of  racial 
fear  and  dislike,  instead  of  leading  to  intel- 
ligent repudiation  of  Nazi  doctrines  of  hate. 

The  heart  of  the  democratic  movement, 
as  Miss  Addams  saw  and  felt  it,  is  "to 
replace  coercion  by  the  full  consent  of  the 
governed,  to  educate  and  strengthen  the 
free  will  of  the  people  through  the  use  of 

democratic  institutions"  in  which  "the  cos- 
mopolitan inhabitants  of  this  great  nation 
might  at  last  become  united  in  a  vast 
common  endeavor  for  social  ends."  Since 
the  United  States  had  demonstrated  on  a 
fairly  large  scale  the  practicability  of  this 
method,  Miss  Addams  put  her  faith  in 
extension  of  the  democratic  process  to  the 
still  wider  world  of  peoples. 

Old  Welding  and  New 

Its  exact  opposite  she  found  in  the  use  of 
"opposition  to  a  common  enemy,  which  is 
an  old  method  of  welding  peoples  to- 
gether," a  method  "better  fitted  to  military 
than  to  social  use,  adapted  to  a  government 
resulting  from  coercion  rather  than  one 
founded  by  free  men." 

There  are  today  many  persons,  not  paci- 
fists in  the  present  technical  sense,  who  will 
believe  that  Miss  Addams'  book  is  timely 
because  it  points  directly  to  the  source  of 
the  failure  of  the  hopes  so  ardently  enter- 
tained a  generation  ago.  Men  then  thought 
they  could  attain  peace  through  an  inter- 
national organization  of  the  traditional 
political  kind,  which  relies  more  upon  coer- 
cive force  than  upon  constructive  meeting 
of  human  needs. 

When  I  try  to  formulate  what  Miss 
Addams  wrote  informally  yet  clearly,  I 
come  out  with  a  sense  of  the  difference 
between  two  methods  and  attitudes: 

On  one  hand,  we  can  trust  to  an  inter- 
national political  organization  of  an  over- 
all type  to  create  the  organs  it  requires. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  can  rely  upon 
organs  that  have  been  formed  to  take  care 
of  human  needs  (including  the  need  for 
change)  to  develop  in  the  course  of  their 
own  use  an  organization  which  can  be 
depended  upon,  because  it  has  become  in- 
grained in  practice. 

If  history  has  proved  anything,  it  is,  I 
believe,  that  only  the  latter  kind  of  organ- 
ization is  so  "vital  and  dynamic"  as  to 
endure,  while  the  former  kind  is  likely 
to  yield  a  mechanical  structure  of  forces 
so  uncertainly  "balanced"  as  to  be  sure  to 
collapse  when  old  stresses  and  strains  recur 
in  new  shapes. 

It  has  become  customary  to  give  the 
name  "realistic"  to  the  kind  of  organiza- 
tion that  is  based  upon  opposition  to  an 
enemy  and  that  relies  upon  armed  force  to 
maintain  itself.  In  contrast,  the  road  indi- 
cated by  Miss  Addams  is,  I  submit,  infi- 
nitely more  "realistic." 

There  are  chapters  in  "Peace  and  Bread," 
notably  the  fourth  and  the  tenth,  which 
supply  material  that  makes  concrete  and 
definite  the  difference  between  processes  or 
organizations  of  the  traditional  political- 
legal  type,  with  their  emphasis  upon  force 
— already  war  in  posse — and  the  human 
and  socially  humane  processes  to  which 
Miss  Addams  appealed  for  help. 

Her  Faith— and  Its  Pole 

The  formation  of  UNRRA,  even  while 
this  war  is  being  waged,  is,  as  far  as  it 
goes,  a  recognition  of  the  "Food  Chal- 
lenge" for  world  organization.  The  energy 
with  which  we  use  and  extend  this  kind 
of  process  as  the  working  model  for  other 
(Continued  on  page  138) 



Signal   Corp* 
In  Pacific  jungles  today,  in  the  American  homeland  tomorrow,  we  have  a  decisive  new  weapon,  DDT,  for  the  fight  against  malaria 

Public  Health  in  the  Postwar  World 

With  sanitary  isolationism  ended  forever  by  the  airplane — science  and  technol- 
ogy now  put  within  man's  reach  new  levels  of  cooperation  and  global  health. 

public  health  problems  of  major  impor- 
tance— problems  which  as  a  nation  we  have 
never  been  forced  to  meet  before. 

In  1898  we  had  only  to  deal  with  the 
menace  of  flies  and  the  improper  disposal 
of  excreta  in  Florida  and  Cuba  and  we  did 
not  pass  even  this  simple  test  satisfactorily, 
since  one  out  of  five  of  our  soldiers  con- 
tracted typhoid  fever. 

In  1918,  the  world  pandemic  of  influ- 
enza struck  military  and  civilian  popula- 
tions alike;  and  public  health  science  had 
no  effective  answer  to  that  problem. 

In  the  present  conflict  we  face  infinitely 
greater  difficulties  in  protecting  the  health 
of  our  armies.  We  have  been  operating  in 
Central  Africa  and  the  South  Pacific — the 
most  fever-ridden  jungles  of  the  earth.  We 
have  had  to  face  malaria  at  its  worst,  amebic 
and  bacillary  dysentery,  dengue  fever  and 
scrub  typhus,  the  newly  highlighted  infec- 
tious jaundice,  and  many  another  disease 
which  most  American  scientists  have 
known  only  from  their  textbooks. 


From  this  ordeal,  the  army  and  the  navy 
have  emerged  with  a  success  which  forms  a 
truly  glorious  chapter  in  the  history  of 
public  health.  The  deathrate  from  disease 
in  our  army  had  reached  an  all-time  low 
of  3.1  per  1,000  in  1939  and  fell  still  fur- 
ther in  the  next  three  years. 

— By  the  Anna  M.  R.  Lauder  Professor 
of  Public  Health  in  the  Yale  Medical 
School,  and  director  of  the  John  B. 
Pierce  Laboratory  of  Hygiene.  An  out- 
standing American  authority  in  the  pub- 
lic health  field,  Dr.  Winslow  has  dealt 
with  international  health  problems  as 
general  medical  director  of  the  League 
of  Red  Cross  Societies,  expert  assessor 
of  the  Health  Committee  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  member  of  the  board  of 
scientific  directors  of  the  International 
Health  Division  of  the  Rockefeller 

This  article  is  the  third  in  our  series, 
"The  Future  is  Already  Here." 

In  spite  of — and  because  of — this  bril- 
liant record  of  military  medicine,  the  ex- 
perience of  the  armed  forces  has  real  signifi- 
cance from  the  standpoint  of  the  health  of 
our  civilian  population  in  the  postwar 
period.  In  many  of  the  Pacific  Islands,  our 
troops  have  been  effectively  protected 
against  the  development  of  malaria  only 
by  continuous  treatment  with  quinine  or 
atabrine.  Many  of  them  will,  however,  have 
received  infection  and — when  the  suppres- 
sive  drug  treatment  ceases — they  will  come 
down  with  the  disease.  Statistics  already 
show  a  five-fold  increase  in  malaria  re- 
ported from  our  northern  states  during  the 
winter  months.  It  is  probable  that  tens, 
perhaps  hundreds,  of  thousands  of  such 
relapses  will  occur  when  all  our  troops 
return.  They  will  serve  as  sources  of  epi- 
demics wherever  our  own  malaria-bearing 
mosquitoes  are  not  effectively  controlled. 

Conquest  of  Insect  Enemies 

At  this  point,  however,  some  of  the  most 
dramatic  new  advances  of  public  health 

APRIL     1945 



Dusting  clothing  with  DDT  in  Naples  last  year.  Deadly  typhus  was  "licked  in  a  week" 

I".    S.    Public    Health    Service 
PHS  doctors  examine  incoming  air  travelers  at  Miami  for  symptoms  of  tropical  disease 

science  have  come  to  our  aid.  The  Pre- 
ventive Medicine  Service  of  the  Office  of 
the  Surgeon-General  of  the  Army  (under 
the  direction  of  Brigadier-General  J.  S. 
Simmons)  was,  even  before  Pearl  Harbor, 
making  an  intensive  study  of  materials 
which  would  destroy  insect  pests  and  of 
others  which  would  serve  as  repellents  to 
keep  such  pests  away  from  the  soldier. 
Early  in  1933,  when  the  situation  was  ren- 
dered critical  by  the  cutting  off  of  sources 
of  insecticidal  substances  from  the  Dutch 
East  Indies  and  the  failure  of  crops  yielding 
similar  substances  in  East  Africa,  a  mate- 
rial now  known  as  "DDT"  was  sent  to  the 
government  laboratories  for  test.  This  mir- 
acle substance,  it  was  found,  kills  flies, 
mosquitoes,  lice,  fleas,  bedbugs.  It  can  be 
used  in  the  form  of  a  powder  dusted  into 
the  clothing  for  the  destruction  of  lice; 

or  the  clothing  itself  may  be  impregnated 
with  the  substance.  It  can  be  dusted  onto 
water  from  an  airplane  to  kill  larval 
mosquitoes;  or  sprayed  in  liquid  solution 
into  the  air  to  destroy  adult  mosquitoes.  It 
can  be  painted  on  to  the  wall  of  a  house 
or  stable  and  will  kill  any  insect  which 
lights  upon  it.  It  may  persist  on  clothing 
or  on  a  wall  in  toxic  strength  for  months. 

In  the  past,  deadly  epidemics  of  typhus 
fever  have  always  followed  in  the  wake  of 
armies.  Typhus  decimated  the  troops  of 
Napoleon  in  the  retreat  from  Moscow. 
Typhus  caused  millions  of  deaths  in  the 
Soviet  Union  after  1918.  But  when  it  broke 
out  in  Naples  a  year  ago,  DDT  licked  it  in 
a  week.  General  Simmons  has  said  that 
this  substance  "is  the  war's  greatest  con- 
tribution to  the  future  health  of  the  world." 

Long   before   the   beginning  of   recorded 

history,  there  began  a  world  war  between 
the  human  race  and  its  insect  enemies.  In 
this  age-long  conflict  it  appears  science  has 
at  last  given  our  side  a  weapon  which 
ensures  decisive  victory. 

It  will  be  our  responsibility  after  the 
war  to  see  that  these  new  discoveries  are 
applied  for  the  protection  of  the  civilian 
population.  Particularly  in  the  case  of  ma- 
laria, will  this  be  essential.  It  is  out  of  the 
question  to  quarantine  all  the  malaria  car- 
riers returning  from  the  Far  East.  Our  only 
effective  safeguard  is  to  render  our  home- 
land non-infectible.  There  are  serious  foci 
of  malarial  mosquitoes  in  68  counties  of 
the  United  States;  and  the  U.  S.  Public 
Health  Service  has  outlined  a  program 
costing  $15,000,000  a  year  for  at  least  five 
years  and  $1,000,000  a  year  thereafter  for 
their  control.  It  will  be  well  worth  the 

New  Weapons  in  an  Old  Fight 

In  the  first  World  War,  the  most  serious 
causes  of  disability  in  the  armed  forces 
were  the  venereal  diseases.  After  the  close 
of  hostilities,  syphilis  and  gonorrhea  as- 
sumed almost  epidemic  proportions  in 
civilian  populations  all  over  the  world. 
During  recent  months  the  incidence  rate 
of  these  diseases  has  risen,  both  in  the 
services  and  at  home.  The  condition  is, 
however,  by  no  means  so  serious  as  one 
might  assume  from  reports  of  a  25  percent 
or  50  percent  increase,  here  or  there,  since 
these  percentage  increases  are  estimated  on 
initially  low  rates.  The  combined  incidence 
rate  of  the  venereal  diseases  in  the  army 
in  1942  (under  40  per  1,000  per  year)  was 
less  than  half  the  lowest  annual  rate  for 
our  army  in  World  War  I. 

Furthermore,  we  have,  in  this  case  also, 
new  and  effective  weapons  in  the  war 
against  disease.  Dr.  George  Baehr  of  New 
York  has  said:  "The  recent  introduction 
of  rapid  treatment  methods  for  early 
syphilis  has  made  it  possible  for  the  first 
time  to  eliminate  the  disease.  The  five-day 
drip  technique  for  massive  arsenotherapy, 
and  subsequent  modifications,  with  and 
without  the  artificial  induction  of  fever, 
can  cure  80  to  90  percent  of  patients  with 
early  syphilis.  .  .  .  The  results  of  penicillin 
treatment  are  at  least  as  good  as  massive 
arsenotherapy,  and  there  are  no  toxic  effects 
whatever.  Eighty  to  90  percent  of  all  pa- 
tients with  early  syphilis  can  be  rendered 
non-infectious  and  perhaps  cured  within  a 

These  are  new  procedures  and  there  will 
certainly  be  limitations  to  their  usefulness; 
but  they  promise  to  reduce  the  treatment 
period  for  syphilis  to  days  or  weeks  instead 
of  months  or  years.  As  to  gonorrhea,  heat 
treatment  and  the  use  of  sulfa  drugs  and 
penicillin  have  now  given  us  prompt  and 
effective  methods  of  treatment  for  a  disease 
which  presented  an  almost  hopeless  prob- 
lem in  the  past. 

New  drugs,  however  powerful,  will  not, 
unfortunately,  apply  themselves.  If  we  are 
to  avoid  epidemics  of  syphilis  and  gon- 
orrhea after  the  war,  we  must  more  full) 
activate  our  local  community  machinery 
for  the  control  of  commercialized  vice  on 
the  one  hand  and  our  public  health  ma- 



chinery  for  the  eradication  of  syphilis  and 
gonorrhea  on  the  other.  The  crowding  of 
lonely  male  and  female  workers  into  mush- 
room munition  towns  and  the  return  of 
soldiers  and  sailors  starved  for  sex  satis- 
faction cannot  fail  to  create  grave  problems. 

We  shall  need  far  more  extensive  and 
adequate  free  treatment  facilities  than  we 
now  possess;  and  we  shall  need  vigorous 
and  continued  epidemiological  work  for 
the  discovery  of  sources  of  infection  and 
the  prompt  treatment  of  carriers.  Even 
with  the  older  methods  of  control,  syphilis 
in  1940  was  as  rare  a  disease  in  Stockholm 
as  typhoid  fever  was  in  New  York. 

What  Sweden  did,  we — with  our  new 
weapons — can  accomplish. 

Tuberculosis — Unfinished  Business